Pontificia Universitas Lateranensis

Institutum Theologiae Vitae consacratae

“Claretianum”

 

 

 Tony Sciberras mssp

 
 

The Incarnational Aspect

of

the Spirituality of Joseph De Piro

 

 

Moderator: Prof. S. Gonzalez Silva cmf

 

 

Dissertatio

Ad Doctoratum Theologiae Vitae Religiosae assequendum

In Institutum Theologiae Vitae Consacratae “Claretianum”, Universitatis Lateranensis

 

Romae 2005

 

 

 

To

my dear parents, sisters and brothers,

superiors and members of  the Missionary Society of St Paul

and beloved friends

 


 

Contents

 

List of tables ................................................................................................................   PAGEREF tables \h xiv

 

List of abbreviations......................................................................................................  PAGEREF abb \h xv

 

Acknowledgements.......................................................................................................  PAGEREF ack \h xvi

 

Introduction ..................................................................................................................   PAGEREF intro \h xvi

 

 

PART ONE ­– Joseph De Piro: His Life and Activity..................................................... PAGEREF p4 \h 4

 

Chapter One – The private and public phases of the life of Joseph De Piro................ PAGEREF life \h 6

 

Section I - The private phase of his life (1877-1904): From birth to the first two years of priesthood                 PAGEREF part1 \h 6

De Piro’s birth , childhood and early youth…6; Member of the Royal Malta Militia…9; Member of the Congregazione degli Onorati… PAGEREF onor \h 9; Drawing and painting…10; De Piro’s call to the priesthood…11; Death of Joseph’s father…12; Studies of philosphy and theology in Rome…13; Worries, prayers … but even projects…14; Minor Orders…16; Subdiaconate, diaconate and presbyterate…213; The “Accademia Ecclesiastica” issue put aside…20; Poor health…20; At Davos, Switzerland…21.

 

Section II - The public phase of his life (1904-1933): From the first years of

priesthood up to his death.............................................................................................. PAGEREF pa \h 22

 

(i) - A priest dedicated to the local Church.................................................................... PAGEREF pr \h 22

Assistant parishpriest at the Qrendi Parish, Malta…22; Procurator of the Confraternity of Our Lady of Consolation, Qrendi, Malta…24; Sindaco Apostolico of the Franciscan Minors Convent, Rabat, Malta…24; Canon of the Metropolitan Chapter…25; Effective Member of the General Committee of the XXIV International Eucharistic Congress (1913)…29; Co-rector of the Manresa Retreat House, Floriana, Malta…30; Director of the Associazione Sacerdoti Adoratori…30; Secretary of Archbishop Mauro Caruana…30; Member of the Commission for the formation of young priests…31; Deputy of the Commission for the temporary administration of the Major Semianry, Mdina, Malta…32; Rector of the Major Seminary, Mdina, Malta…33; Member of the Camera Pontificia Maltese…35; Dean of the Metropolitan Chapter, Malta…35; Acting Parishpriest of the Gudia Parish, Malta…36; Cooperator in the foundation and growth of Maltese religious congregations…37 - the Daughters of the Sacred Heart...37, the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus...38, the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth...40 President of the Special Consultative Committee for the restoration of St Paul’s Church, Rabat, Malta…41; Minister of the Word…42.

 

 

 

(ii) - A citizen who always contributed towards his country.......................................... PAGEREF sect \h 43

Archbishop’s Delegate in the Committee for the Peace Feasts…43; Member of the National Assembly (1919-1921)…43; The Sette Giugno Riots (1919)…44; Cashier of the Committee Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919…45; Member of the Committee for the Visit of H.R.H., the Prince of Wales (1921)…46; Member of the Unione Leoniana…46;  Member of the governing board of the Malta War Memorial Hospital for Children…48; Member of the Special Committee of the British Empire Exhibition…48; Archbishop’s representative on the Committee of the Zammit Clapp Hospital…48; Archbishop’s representative on the Organising Committee for the Visit of the Duke and Duckess of York…49; Member of the Tourism Committee…49; Mediator between the Church and Lord Gerard Strickland…50; Senator in the Third Maltese Parliament…50.

 

(iii) - A father to the orphans and the poor.................................................................... PAGEREF fath \h 51

 

(iiia)  Institutionalised charity........................................................................................ PAGEREF instit \h 51

Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun, Malta…51; Secretary of the Committee of the Bishop’s Foundation for the bread to the poor during the War…52; Director of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun, Malta…53; Director of St Joseph’s Institute, Santa Venera, Malta…54; Director of St Joseph’s Institute, Ghajnsielem, Gozo…54; Director of the Home for babies and young children, Santa Venera, Malta…56; Director of St Francis de Paul Institute, B’Kara, Malta…56; His testamentary will and the Institutes…57; Director of the Workshop or Laboratory for unemplyed young women, Valletta…57; Director of the Birkirkara Oratory…58.

 

(iiib)  A non-institutionalised charity.............................................................................. PAGEREF le \h 60

 

(iiic)  Working for justice............................................................................................... PAGEREF wor \h 60

 

(iv) - De Piro’s Missionary Spirit.................................................................................. PAGEREF sp \h 61

The “Idea”…61; A lot of work in Malta and for the Maltese migrants, but priority to the missions ad gentes…67; The “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”…67.

 

(v) - His sudden death.................................................................................................... PAGEREF sud \h 68

 

 

PART TWO - De Piro’s love for the underprivileged and for evangelisation............ PAGEREF two \h 75

 

Chapter Two - De Piro’s love for the underprivileged: His institutionalised charity, his non-institutionalised charity, and his work for justice..................................................................................... PAGEREF und \h 75

Introduction - Malta in the 19 and early years of the 20 centuries…75 - The population...75, The socio-economic conditions...75, Nutrition...80, The housing conditions...80, Clothing...82, Hygiene... PAGEREF hygi \h 82, Education...83; Begging...85The government’s share in charity...85, The local Church’s share in charity...86, De Piro’s share in charity...89.

 

Section I - De Piro’s love for the underprivileged through an institutionalised charity PAGEREF sec \h 89

 

 

 

(i)      Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun, Malta................................................. PAGEREF di \h 89

De Piro’s dedication to Fra Diegu Institute...89; A very humble Director…91; A balanced formator – loving but firm…91; Financial guarantor for the Institute…92; Grateful towards the benefactors…92; A holistic formation - The learning of crafts…93, Care of the spiritual aspect of the girls’ life…93, Recreation, an important element in the girls’ upbringing…94; The Director’s love for the families of the girls of Fra Diegu…95; De Piro’s love even for the old girls…95; De Piro, the orderly Director and a one who trusted God’s Providence…97.

 

(ii)     Director of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun, Malta................................ PAGEREF je \h 99

De Piro, the Director of the Orphanage…100; His charity, the virtue that showed most…103; His visits to the Jesus of Nazareth Institute… PAGEREF visits \h 104; Did not talk frequently to the girls…105; But he was gentle and kind with the girls … and enjoyed their company…104; Non talkative but sociable…105; The poor and  humble Director…105; Holistic care of the girls… PAGEREF ho1 \h 105 - The physical health…106, Food…106, Hygiene…106, Clothing…106, Schooling…106, Crafts…107, Recreation…107, He did encourage feasting…107, The spiritual aspect…107, Preparation for their future… PAGEREF pre1 \h 108, Discipline and corrections…108.

 

(iii)    Director of St Joseph Home, Santa Venera, Malta.......................................... PAGEREF jo \h 109

Introduction…109; De Piro’s initial involvement at St Joseph’s, Malta…110; De Piro, the fourth Director of the Institute…112; At St Joseph’s with the members of his Society…112; What had been the situation of St Joseph’s before De Piro took over…112; Who were the boys at the Institute…113; How many boys at the Institute…113; De Piro was already quite busy when he took over St Joseph’s…113; Because of the above, St Joseph’s not an easy job  at all…114; In fact all this and many other duties made De Piro very busy and often tired…114; De Piro could not be all the time present at the Institute…115; Yet De Piro was synonymous with St Joseph’s…115; De Piro’s relationship with the boys…115; But he was never a one to be afraid of…116; Because he was very  humble…117; When correcting the boys he still showed them his love and kindness…117; In this environment De Piro helped the holistic growth of the boys…118 - The spiritual care…118, Food…120, Clothing…122, In sickness…122, The academic aspect…122, The trades… PAGEREF t \h 124, The music band…125, Money saving…126, Recreation…126, The boys’ relationship with their families…128, Reinsertion of the boys in the normal life after leaving the Institute…128, The end result…129; De Piro was not alone…129 - To these De Piro delegated responsibilities…130, … but he demanded accountability…130, … and dignity…130; Together with an organised good staff, De Piro had other sources of support - His own family…130, Especially his own mother…131, The benefactors…131, Himself a benefactor of the Institute…131, But more than anything else he believed in Providence…132; With all these De Piro worked miracles…132 - De Piro planned to send the St Joseph’s boys to the USA…133, He enlarged the building of the Institute…133, He provided a house for babies…134; No limits for his generosity…134 - De Piro was always in solidarity with the boys…134, The Director was in contact even with the families of the boys…135, De Piro helped the employees of the Institute…135, De Piro prepared the boys for life…136; “An internal feeling tells me that God, from this Institute, wants to form in Malta a Congregation of priests under the patronage of St Paul…” PAGEREF internal \h 136.

 

(iv)    Director of St Joseph’s Home, Ghajnsielem, Gozo........................................... PAGEREF jo1 \h 137

Gozo - an introduction…137 - The population…138, Standard of living…138, The public health system…139; The Institute at Ghajnsielem, Gozo …139, - The attempts by the bishops of Gozo…140, The Gozo parishpriests sought the help of De Piro…140, A branch of St Joseph’s, Malta, to be led by the Society of De Piro …141, De Piro did not want any interference from the side of the local hierarchy in the administration of the Institute…142; Inauguration of St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo…148; The admission of the boys at St Joseph’s, Gozo…152; The Director, a very busy man…152; De Piro’s visits to St Joseph’s…153; In his visits De Piro mostly talked to the Fathers…153; No small talk from the side of the Director…154; At the same time the Director was very affable…154; Because he was humble…155; The Director’s contact with the boys…156; A holistic care of the boys…156 - The spiritual aspect…156, The physical health…257, Food…158, Clothing…158, Cleanliness…159, Academic formation…159, A trades school…161, The music band at St Joseph’s: background…162, De Piro started the music band at St Joseph’s…163, Recreation…164, Preparation for life…164; De Piro, the man who always had new projects in mind…165; The means with which De Piro directed the Institute - De Piro’s administration…165, His determination, courage and orderliness …165, The members of his Society…165, On his part the Servant of God respected the role of those responsible for the House…167, De Piro’s relationship with the employees at the Institute…167, Fundraising…167, The benefactors…168, But his faith in Providence over and above anything else…168; De Piro was therefore loved by the boys and all…169; Vocation recruitment at St Joseph’s, Gozo…170; But he never used any pressure on the boys…171.

 

(v)     Director of the Home for little boys, Sta Venera.............................................. PAGEREF new \h 171

 

(vi)    Director of St Francis de Paul Home, Birkirkara (B’Kara), Malta................. PAGEREF fra \h 171

 

(vii)   A beggar for the children of the Institutes......................................................... PAGEREF bega \h 172

 

(viii)  De Piro’s testamentary will and the Institutes.................................................. PAGEREF testa \h 172

 

(ix)    De Piro’s care for the old boys and old girls of the Institutes.......................... PAGEREF old6 \h 173

Director of the Sacred Heart Laboratory, a workshop for unemplyed girls, Valletta, Malta…173; De Piro’s second intervention in the Third Maltese Parliament in favour of the old boys and old girls of the institutes…176; The old girls of the institutes in his testamentary will…179.

 

(x)     The Birkirkara (B’Kara) Oratory...................................................................... PAGEREF birk \h 180

A Centre for boys…180; an Oratory for the sons of the people…183; The formation imparted at the Oratory…186.

 

Section II - De Piro’s love for the underprivileged through a non-institutionalised charity          PAGEREF cont1 \h 188

 

(i)      Financial aid........................................................................................................ PAGEREF fi \h 188

 

(ia)    From his own money........................................................................................... PAGEREF aid \h 188

 

(ib)    From the money of Fra Diegu Institute and St Joseph’s Home, Malta........... PAGEREF money \h 190

 

 (ii)    Non-financial help............................................................................................... PAGEREF non \h 194

 

(iia)   Caring for the physical health............................................................................ PAGEREF ca \h 194

 

(iib)   A listening ear..................................................................................................... PAGEREF li \h 195

 

(iic)   Academic formation of youth.............................................................................. PAGEREF ac1 \h 195

 

Section III - De Piro’s love for the underprivileged through his promotion of justice PAGEREF sec2 \h 197

 

 (i)     Stole-fees to confessors and conference masters............................................. PAGEREF stole \h 197 

 

(ii)     Justice with the employees depending on him................................................... PAGEREF jus1 \h 197

The employees of the Major Seminary, Mdina, Malta…197;  The employees at St Joseph’s, Malta…197.

 

(iii)    Justice during the riots of the Sette Giugno 1919............................................. PAGEREF ju \h 199

The socio-economic history of Malta before the Sette Giugno…199;The National Assembly - justice with all the Maltese…200; Saturday, 7 June 1919 - justice with the unemployed and the othpoor Maltese…201; Sunday, 8 June 1919 - justice with the unemployed and the other poor Maltese (continued)…204; Monday, 9 June 1919 - justice with the Archbishop…208.

 

Chapter Three - De Piro’s love for evangelisation: De Piro’s “evangelisation to the faithful”, his “second evangelisation” and his “first evangelisation”........................................................... PAGEREF ev \h 210

 

Section I - De Piro’s “evangelisation to the faithful” or his evangelisation

to the Maltese in Malta............................................................................................... PAGEREF ev1 \h 211

 

(i)      De Piro’s drawn evangelisation in Malta.......................................................... PAGEREF dr4 \h 211 

Introduction: the devotion of the face of the suffering Jesus…211; De Piro’s drawing of the face of the suffering Jesus…212; A study of the drawing…212.

 

(ii)     De Piro’s preached evangelisation in Malta..................................................... PAGEREF pr2 \h 214

The Word of God as the basic source…214; Hagiography and the writings of spiritual masters as another source…215; The themes of De Piro’s preaching in Malta…215 - The Word of God…215, The incarnation of Jesus Christ…216, Jesus’ crucifixion…216, The Eucharist…217, The Sacred Heart of Jesus…219, God the Father…220, The Holy Spirit…220, Our Lady…221, Mary’s Immaculate Conception…221, Mary  our hope all along our life…221, Mary hope for peace at the time of the First World War…223, Salve Regina - Mater Misericordiae…225, Our duties towards Mary…226, As far as being consecrated to her…226, Saint Paul…227, Other saints…228, The other topics preached by De Piro…229.

 

(iii)    De Piro’s printed evangelisation in Malta or the “Saint Paul:

          Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”......................................................... PAGEREF pr25 \h 229

The contents in general…229; a more central topic - the Maltese migrants…230; the most central topic - the missionary animation…232.

 

(iv)    De Piro’s catechised evangelisation in Malta................................................... PAGEREF ca1 \h 235

 

Introduction - the teaching of catechism in Malta...................................................... PAGEREF ca2 \h 235

 

(iva)  De Piro’s personal catechetical evangelisation to the Maltese children......... PAGEREF ca4 \h 239

In Mtarfa, a Rabat suburb…240; in the Church’s charitable institutes…240.

 

(ivb)  De Piro’s catechetical evangelisation to the Maltese children and

          youths through his Society.................................................................................. PAGEREF ca7 \h 241

The teaching of catechism in the first houses of the Society…241; He organised catechism classes since the very first years of the Society’s existence…241; He catered for boys…and all of them…242; He paid from his own money for the lodging of the catechism classes…242; He even made available the first house of the Society for the teaching of catechism… and in fact several parts of the building…242; His continuous attention for development of the catechetical evangelisation…243; De Piro involved the members of his Society…243; The Founder involved especially the lay brothers…244; De Piro gave his support with his own physical presence…244; The catechetical service of De Piro and his Society did not have geographical limits…244; He and the members of his Society prepared the boys for the first holy communion and confirmation…244; … and even furthur than these two stages…245; The catechism teaching imparted in the house of De Piro’s Society was more organised than in some other places…245; De Piro and the members of his Society did more than memory catechetical teaching…246; He and the Society gave the catechetical formation within a holistic context…246.

 

(ivc)  The catechetical formation of children and youths: two main

          apostolates in De Piro’s Constitutions for his Missionary Society and in

          his correspondence with the ecclesiastical hierarchy........................................ PAGEREF ca24 \h 247

For all the members of his Society…247 - For the children…247, For youths…248, More than memory work…248, The basis for the teaching of catechism: a holistic formation…248, Youths helped by youths…248, The young helpers must be themselves helped…249, Love, crucial for youth catechesis…249, And this on an individual basis…249; Especially for the lay brothers…250 - In his correspondence with the local and Vatican hierarchy… PAGEREF vatican1 \h 250, In the Society’s Original Constitutions…252, In St Joseph’s Institute, Malta…253.

 

(ivd)  At the Oratory, B’Kara...................................................................................... PAGEREF ca38 \h 254

Introduction - The teaching of catechism in B’Kara…254; De Piro, the members of the Society and the teaching of catechism at the Oratory, B’Kara…256; The Oratory and the Society of Christian Doctrine (MUSEUM)…258.

 

Section II - De Piro’s “second evangelisation” or his evangelisation to

the Maltese migrants................................................................................................... PAGEREF mi1 \h 259

 

Introduction - Migration during the 19 and early years of the 20 centuries............. PAGEREF mi2 \h 259

 

(i)      De Piro’s contribution......................................................................................... PAGEREF kont \h 260

 

(ia)    Publication of information about the living of the christian life by

the Maltese communities abroad - the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the

......... Institute of the Missions”................................................................................... PAGEREF mi3 \h 260

 

(ib) .. He helped the Maltese migrants by finding for them diocesan or religious priests and nuns who could evangelise them.................................................................................................. PAGEREF mi4 \h 260

 

(ic)... He himself went to evangelise the Maltese in Tunis and Carthage................. PAGEREF mi5 \h 262

 

(id)    De Piro founded a Society whose secondary aim was the evangelisation

          of the Maltese migrants..................................................................................... PAGEREF mi6 \h 264

Before the foundation of his Society…265, after the foundation of his Society…267, De Piro continued mentioning the migrants even when facing misunderstanding regarding the principal aim of his Society…268, in the Original Constitutions…275, in the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”…275.

 

(ie)    Why was De Piro so determined to evangelise the Maltese

          migrants............................................................................................................... PAGEREF mi12 \h 276

 

Section III - De Piro’s first evangelisation or his evangelisation

ad gentes....................................................................................................................... PAGEREF g \h 277

 

Introduction - The missionary movement.................................................................... PAGEREF intro1 \h 277

Worldwide…278; In Italy…281; Several of the popes and the Vatican…284; The missionary movement in Malta…287 - The Opera della Propagazione della Fede…287, The Opera della Santa Infanzia…289, The Casolani Project…289The Crociata Missionaria San Paolo…291.

 

(i)      De Piro, a promotor of the first evangelisation or his evangelisation

          ad gentes.............................................................................................................. PAGEREF g11 \h 292

 

(ia)    The publication of the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the

          Missions”............................................................................................................ PAGEREF g12 \h 293

The missionary work is for all…293; The truths contained in it - First evangelisation, a special evangelisation…294, It is God who calls the evangelisers and sends them to the ad gentes countries…294, The missions ad gentes are set up in the name of God…295, Missionaries are working for God…295In fact Jesus is the master of the missions…295, For De Piro the missionaries are those who…295, What is faith according to the Servant of God?…296, The tools of the missionaries…296, The importance of contemplative religious commmunities in the missions…297, The necessity of the indigenous clergy…297 : On the example of the first christian communities…299, Three reasons why the indigenous missionaries are necessary…299, The result of the work of the indigenous missionaries…299, Saint Paul, model of every missionary…299.

 

(ib)    The sending of missionaries.....................................................................................   PAGEREF g28 \h 300

The foundation of a Society for the evangelisation ad gentes…300 - Seemed to be primarily for Maltese migrants…300 : De Piro’s own writings…300The impression of others…301, The Maltese migrants, only a chronological priority - the missions ad gentes, the primary aim …302; De Piro sent the first member of his Society to the missions ad gentes…303 - Br Joseph Caruana in Abyssinia…304; More correspondence between De Piro and Fr Angelo Mizzi; De Piro himself wanted to go to Somalia…306; De Piro provided continuous support to his first missionary…307 - The Somalia museum…308, The Laboratory for the Abyssinia mission…308; Further plans for Ethiopia…309.

 

(ic)    De Piro himself for Abyssinia............................................................................. PAGEREF g41 \h 312

 

(id)    De Piro’s missionary convictions in the Constitutions of his Society............... PAGEREF g42 \h 313

First among the apostolates of the Society…313; With no geographical limits…314; Within the context of a parish…314; Always subject to the local hierarchy…314; Accountable to the immediate superior of the Society…314; The prayerful life of the evangeliser - A support for his evangelisation…315, Prayer for the evangelisation itself…315; And by an exemplary life…315; What De Piro meant by evangelisation…316 - Evagelisation of the whole person…316, A non-possessive evangelisation or plantatio ecclesiae…316.

 

 

PART Three – De Piro’s Charity............................................................................. PAGEREF c4 \h 318

 

Chapter Four - De Piro’s charity: aspects.................................................................. PAGEREF ch2 \h 319

 

(i)      An option for the materially poor....................................................................... PAGEREF ch4 \h 320

 

What helped De Piro opt for the materially poor........................................................ PAGEREF ch5 \h 327

Gratis apostolate…327; His humility…327.

 

(ii)     An option for the poor lacking the Good News................................................. PAGEREF ch8 \h 328

The choice between remaining in Rome in order to go to the “Accademia”, or returning to Malta where he could start the Society which was expected to help “… quelli che difettanto di operai evangelici”… PAGEREF operai \h 328; A choice between continuing the option of the apostolate with migrants and the more immediate approval of the Society…329.

 

What helped De Piro opt for the poor lacking the Good News.................................. PAGEREF ch9 \h 330

The love of the Father shown through the Incarnate, Suffering and Eucharistic Son, the one with a  Heart full of love for all…330.

 

(iii)    An option for those in immediate need.............................................................. PAGEREF ch11 \h 331

 

What helped De Piro opt for those in the most immediate need................................ PAGEREF ch12 \h 332 

His adaptability…332.

 

(iv)    A personal involvement...................................................................................... PAGEREF ch14 \h 333

 

What helped De Piro be personally involved.............................................................. PAGEREF ch15 \h 335

The incarnate Jesus…335 ; Jesus in the Eucharist…336.

 

(v)     In unity with others............................................................................................. PAGEREF ch18 \h 337

 

What helped De Piro love in unity with others............................................................ PAGEREF ch19 \h 344

His leadership…344; Delegated responsibilities…345; Did not mince words…345; De Piro respected the roles of others…347; De Piro’s ability to relate well with the employees of the entities under his care…348; His ability to seek the help of others…348; He was able to dialogue…350; De Piro’s gratitude and appreciation…352.

 

(vi)    A limitless incentive and creativity.................................................................... PAGEREF ch28 \h 358

 

What helped De Piro live his limitless incetive and creativity................................... PAGEREF ch29 \h 370

Zeal, devoted dedication, responsibility, determination, courage, perseverance, consistency…370; De Piro’s belief in God’s providence…372; Did not give up when facing difficulties  because he believed that God’s help was stronger than the devil’s power…377; Strong intellect,  realistic and practical…378; Prudent…378; Methodical…379; Satisfied and happy with own achievements, grateful to himself…380.

 

(vii)   A solidarity with the poor and the needy........................................................... PAGEREF ch37 \h 380

 

What helped De Piro live his solidarity with the poor and the needy........................ PAGEREF ch38 \h 382

Jesus incarnate, the Suffering Jesus, Jesus in the Eucharist…382.

 

(viii)  Did not expose the others’ mistakes................................................................. PAGEREF ch40 \h 382

 

What helped De Piro not expose the others’ mistakes.............................................. PAGEREF ch41 \h 383

Good, pious and holy…383.

 

(ix)    A love towards those who did not support him.................................................. PAGEREF ch43 \h 383

What helped De Piro love those who did not support him.......................................... PAGEREF ch44 \h 386

God’s love for him, a sinner and therefore God’s enemy…386.

 

(x)     A holistic love...................................................................................................... PAGEREF ch46 \h 387

The physical aspect…389Food…389, Clothing…392, Hygiene…395, Physical health/care of the sick…396, Housing… PAGEREF ch53 \h 398, Financial and other material help…399, Recreation…402; The spiritual aspect (that which had to do with the human character)…405 - Appreciation for service rendered…405, A listening ear … and more than that…405, The need of self government…406, Schooling…407, Trades/crafts…410, The music band…411, A good management…412, Discipline and corrections…414, Relationship with family…417, Relationship with other people outside the entity…418, Preparation for life outside the ecclesiastical charitable institutes…418, Vocation and decision making…418; The religious aspect (religious practices)…419 - Teaching of the catholic faith…419, Moral formation…423, Liturgy/paraliturgy…424, The Eucharist…425, Confession or the sacrament of reconciliation…426, Prayer and religious practices…427, The Marian devotion…430, Mary Assumed into heaven…431, Saint Paul…434, Saint Joseph… PAGEREF s3 \h 435, Other saints…436, Pastoral training…436; The religious life aspect…438The community dimension…439, The vows…439, Chastity…439, Poverty… PAGEREF p1 \h 440, Obedience…442, And the vow of mission…65.

 

What helped De Piro have a holistic charity............................................................... PAGEREF w \h 445

Mary assumed into heaven…445; The lives of the saints considered together…445; The holistic charity of Jesus…446.

 

(xi)    Until it hurts......................................................................................................... PAGEREF ch94 \h 446

His own money…446; The Society’s and therefore his own houses…448; His own bed and clothes…448; His own rest…449; His own food…449; His own time…450; His own dignity, prestige, honour, status and reputation…453; Promotions in the civil society…454; Ecclesiastical promotions…455; His own health and his own life itself…455; A lot of psychological, moral and physical suffering (lack of understanding and support, discouragement, disheartenment, disappointment, sorrow, sadness, deprivation, pain)…458.

 

What helped De Piro live a charity until it hurts......................................................... PAGEREF ch107 \h 461

Jesus who suffered for him, a sinner…461; Jesus at prayer…463.

 

(xii)   De Piro’s charity until it hurts: not a need......................................................... PAGEREF ch110 \h 467

 

 

Chapter Five - An existence for a pro-existence: The incarnational

aspect of De Piro’s spirituality.................................................................................... PAGEREF ex \h 472

 

Section I - De Piro’s existence.................................................................................... PAGEREF ex1 \h 472

 

(i)  De Piro’s union with God the Father...................................................................... PAGEREF ex2 \h 473

 

(ia)    Experienced through his union with the Son...................................................... PAGEREF ex3 \h 474

Incarnate…475, Suffering…476, and Eucharistic…477.

 

(ib)    Experienced through his union with the Spirit................................................... PAGEREF ex7 \h 477

 

(ic)    Experienced through his union with Mary......................................................... PAGEREF ex8 \h 478

 

(id)    Experienced through his union with the saints.................................................. PAGEREF ex9 \h 479

 

(ie)    Experienced through his union with the Word of God....................................... PAGEREF ex10 \h 480

In general…480, St Paul’s Letters in particular…481, And the

Password…482.

 

(if)     Experienced through a continuous search for the divine will............................ PAGEREF ex14 \h 482

 

(ig)    Experienced through prayer............................................................................... PAGEREF ex15 \h 484

 

(ii)  All the above helped De Piro................................................................................. PAGEREF ex16 \h 489

 

(iia)   Know himself and accept himself....................................................................... PAGEREF know \h 489

 

(iib)   And even humble himself.................................................................................... PAGEREF ex17 \h 490

De Piro could have had so much, but he gave up all…492

 

Section II - For a pro-existence................................................................................... PAGEREF ex18 \h 497

 

(i)  Hving tried to know God’s will, for him, De Piro went further; 

he did his best to do it................................................................................................... PAGEREF ex19 \h 497

 

(ii)  Through the cooperation of others........................................................................ PAGEREF ex20 \h 502

With the help of his mother and other members of his own family…502; In unity with his local Ecclesiastical superiors…505; Through the help of other priests…506; In conjunction with the Foundress of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute…509; De Piro’s collaboration with other priests at St Joseph’s, Malta…509; In union with the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus, the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth, the members of his own Society and Maria Assunta Borg in the ecclesiastical charitable institutions…510; With the other members of the Maltese National Assembly (1918-1921) and those of its Central Commission…510; In conjunction with the members of his Society, those of the Society of Christian Doctrine (MUSEUM) and with Michael Casolani, for the evangelisation of the children in Mdina and Rabat, in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes and in B’Kara…511; With others in favour of the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants…511; The collaboration of others for the evangelisation of those who lacked the Good News…512.

 

(iii)  And by loving everyone according to one’s needs.............................................. PAGEREF ex21 \h 512

 

 

Conclusion..................................................................................................................... PAGEREF con \h 517

 

Appendices.................................................................................................................... 520

1   List of Biblical references made by De Piro in his sermons.................................. 521

2   The references to Pauline Letters made by De Piro in his sermons..................... 526

3   De Piro’s humility.................................................................................................... 530

4   De Piro’s contributions to the local and universal Church and to society in general 535

5   The main and secondary aims of De Piro’s Society............................................... PAGEREF a5 \h 537

6   The genesis of the Original Constitutions of De Piro’s Society

     (Documentation)...................................................................................................... PAGEREF a6 \h 544

 

Bibliography.................................................................................................................. PAGEREF bib \h 550

 

List of Tables

 

01   The Maltese population (1842 – 1931)

02   Malta’s naval commerce (1904, 1914)

03   Education in Malta (5-9 year old children according to the 1903 Census)

04   Education in Malta (10-14 year old children according to the 1903 Census)

05   The Church’s charitable institutions in Malta (1725 – 1937)

06   The Gozo population (1807-1931)

07   The Gozo standard of living (according to the 1861 Census)

08   Table 3 repeated

09   Table 4 repeated

10   The cost of basic necessities in Malta before the Sette Giugno 1919

11   The escalation of the wheat price in Malta (1913 – 1918)

12   The number of references De Piro made to the Pauline Letters

13   The saints about whom De Piro preached and the number of sermons about them

14   Catechetical initiatives in Malta (Early 17th century – 1930)

15   Catechism books published in Malta (1752 – 1933)

16   Catechism initiatives in Birkirkara, Malta (1820 – 1909)

17   Important dates related to the Birkirkara Oratory (March 1910 – April 1927)

18   The missionary movement worldwide (1800-1932)

19   The missionary movement in Italy (1815-1931)

20   Missionary activities of some popes and the Vatican (1814-1933) 

21   The number of Maltese diocesan and religious priests, and male and female religious in the missions (1800-1933)

22   The prayer timetable at St Joseph’s Institute, Malta

23   References to Pauline Letters dealing with Christ’s union with humanity

 


 

List of Abbreviations

 

AAM               Archives of the Archbishop of Malta, Archbishop’s Curia, Floriana

AAS                Acta Apostolicae Sedis

AFSHJ Archives of the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus

AMSJN           Archives of the Missionary Sisters of Jersus of Nazareth

APF                 Archives of Propaganda Fide

APSAV           Archivum Provinciale S. Augustini, Vallettae

CIC                 Code of Canon Law

COSM Central office of Statistics, Malta

DP                   Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God 

DPA                De Piro Archives, Agatha’s, Rabat - Malta

MG                  Malta Government

ML                  Malta Lyceum (Hamrun)

MSSP  Missionalis Societas Sancti Pauli

PAR                 Public Archives, Rabat

PDS3               Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3 Parliament

RML                Royal Malta Library

RPA                 Rabat Parish (Malta) Archives

RRC                Report of the Royal Commission

SCCS  Sacra Congregatio pro Causis Sanctorum

SSP                 Societas Sancti Paoli

UMCI  Unione Missionaria del Clero in Italia

 


 

Acknowledgments

 

I wish to express my gratitude to the good Lord for having provided me with another possibility of going deeper into the life, activity and spirituality of our Founder, the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro.

My next thanks go to my parents, sisters and brothers. The family environment has always been for me the place where I grew up loving the search for truth in all its manifestations.

A special thanks goes to my brother Fr Paul who has been of great encouragement to me during this research. In spite of his many other duties he has always been more than available to give me excellent advices regarding contents and methodology.

I wish to thank my last Superiors General: Fr Stanley Tomlin for having supported me as far back as 1980 in obtaining the Licenciate in Spiritual Theology, especially in my dissertation about the Founder, when no previous similar research had been yet carried out; Fr James Bonello for having always personally and in a particular way supported in the Society anything academic, like this endeavour, especially matters regarding the Founder and the Society; Fr Bernard Mangion, the actual Superior General, who has continuously encouraged this research, conducive to enhancing our identity.

I wish to thank all the members of the Society, but in a most particular manner, I am indebted to Fr Martin Galea mssp, who has always been at hand in the technical setting of this thesis and Fr Gerard Bonello mssp, the College Rector, for making all the School’s facilities available for me.

My moderator, Prof. S Gonzalez Silva cmf, I will always consider as one of my greatest benefactors. When I could not dedicate myself duly to this thesis because of my other responsibilities as the General’s Delegate for Malta, as General Councellor, as Postulator during the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Founder, and as Regional Treasurer, Prof. Silva waited patiently with me for better times. When better opportunities were available these last year and a half, he accompanied me along the arduous journey of discovery of one of the aspects of the spirituality of our Founder by reading, correcting and suggesting better ways how to present the Servant of God.

 


 

 

 

Introduction

 

During the months of July and August 1982 the Missionary Society of St Paul, of which I am a member, held its General and Special Chapter which had the renewal of the Constitutions as its aim.  But on this same occasion the members present also unanimously agreed to ask the Archbishop of Malta to initiate the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of our Founder, Monsignor Joseph De Piro.  In fact on 14 November 1984, the Superior General, Fr James Bonello, wrote to Archbishop Mgr Joseph Mercieca, and manifested to him the members’ wish.  On 28 January 1985 Fr Bonello wrote again to His Excellency asking him to approve me as the postulator of the Cause.  The Archbishop signed his “Admittatur” on 1 February 1985.  On that same day I started the very long journey, the end of which is still quite far away: the Diocesan Process has been closed on 25 January 2003, but the Apostolic one is still in its initial stages.

One of the first steps taken by the Postulation was the classification of the documents that were found in the De Piro Archives, at the Society’s Motherhouse.  These were sorted out according to subject and put in chronological order. Then all material was typed and presented in volumes for the members of the Society to study and meditate. In the meantime an attempt was made to meet as many individuals as possible who knew the Servant of God de visu or de auditu a videntibus and who were ready to give their testimony to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal.

Since 1948 the members of the Society have been trying to publish very short biographies of the Founder for themselves and for the general public. Short extracts of some of Monsignor’s writings were also distributed among the members. Four of us, members of the Society, have even written whole dissertations or parts of them about some aspect of the life of the Founder for Masters degree.[1] A historian, Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv., has even written a two-volume biography of the Servant of God. Notwithstanding these sporadic contributions, while doing the work of the  postulation, I have been noticing  that there was still a dearth of extensive scientific research specifically about the spirituality of  the Founder. To fill this gap I decided to study in depth the sources for such an enterprise: the life, the works and the writings of De Piro, the testimonies about him and all background material that could help the better understanding of the Founder. Such material was found in the De Piro Archives, in the Archives of Propaganda Fide, in the Archives of the Archbishop’s Curia, at the Malta National Library, the Public Archives - Rabat, Malta, at the Central Office of Statistics, at the University of Malta Library, and at the Malta Lyceum.

On its part, then, this study made me conscious of a very crucial reality in De Piro: his incarnational spirituality or his making himself always one with the others in all kinds of needs. In fact I now consider the present thesis as a working definition of this incarnational spirituality.

Part One or Chapter One of this thesis presents in detail and from a historical point of view the life of the Servant of God. It is divided in two sections: the private and the public phases. While in the first phase De Piro was relatively restricted in his self-giving to the others, the second phase presents a much more active and public figure: he was the priest completely dedicated to the local Church, the citizen who contributed a lot to his country, the father to the orphans and the poor and the one who did his utmost to promote the missionary aspect of the Church, whether through his evangelisation to the faithful in Malta, or to the Maltese migrants, or to the ad gentes people.

In Part Two, or Chapters Two and Three, De Piro’s main charism is shown to be his love for the underprivileged and for evangelisation. This for four reasons: (1) these two ministries occupied the better part of his time. While many of his other activities implied only short periods of time, the Servant of God dedicated most of his time and all his energy for the underprivileged, especially in the Church’s institutions, and in favour of evangelisation, especially through the foundation of his Missionary Society; (2) while he carried out other duties, he continued with the charitable activities and his evangelisation; (3) whatever the contribution, his love for the underprivileged and/or his love for evangelisation were always reflected in it; and (4) in De Piro’s life, his love for the poor identified itself with his love for evangelisation, and vice versa.

While in Part Two the main components of De Piro’s charity have already began to emerge, Chapter Four of Part Three deals specifically with these characteristics, those which have been showing more and more the Founder’s self giving to the others.  Fundamental among these characteristics is the holistic attitude of his charity.

Chapter Five of Part Three, or the concluding Chapter, presents the ingredients of De Piro’s incarnational spirituality: his complete union with God helped him know, accept and even humble himself, so much so that he always did his best to carry out the divine will for him through the cooperation of others and by loving everyone according to one’s needs.

 

 

 

.

 

.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Part One

JOSEPH DE PIRO: HIS LIFE and Activity


 

A man of poor health, who lived a relatively short life of fifty-five years, ten months, and fifteen days would not normally achieve what Mgr Joseph De Piro did, both in society in general and in the Church ­-local and universal- in particular. Key to this characteristic was disclosed by the Servant of God himself in his continuous reference to Psalm 126 (127),1: «Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labour in vain. Unless the Lord guards the city, the guard keeps watch in vain».


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter One

The private and public phases of the life of JOSEPH DE PIRO

 

The life of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro, can be easily divided in two. The first phase covers the years in between his birth, on 2 November 1877, and the months he spent in Switzerland for his recovery from illhealth after his being ordained priest in 1902. The second phase starts with his return to Malta from Switzerland, on 2 March 1904, and ends up with his death on 17 September 1933. 

 

Section I

The private phase of his life (1877-1904):

From birth to the first two years of priesthood

 

This first phase of the life of Joseph De Piro incorporates his birth, primary, secondary and university education in Malta, his studies of philosophy and theology in Rome, ordination to the priesthood and the eighteen months he spent in Davos, Switzerland, to recuperate his health. Compared to the second phase, this first part of Joseph’s life can be considerd as quite hidden.

                   - De Piro’s birth, childhood and early youth

Joseph De Piro was born on 2 November, 1877[2] at Mdina, the old city of Malta. His father was the noble Alexander dei Marchesi De Piro, and his mother, Ursola Agius,[3] also of noble blood. He was the seventh child of a family of nine.[4] According to the baptismal certificate Joseph was baptised at the Metropolitan Cathedral, the day after his birth.[5]

He was brought up in a truly Catholic family and gradually grew up to be a noble child not only in his ancestry but also in character. This was confirmed by the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace in his recommending Joseph for the Capranica College, Rome:

Il Barone Giuseppe De Piro mi ha fatto sapere, che suo nipote Giuseppe fin ora secolare intende abbracciare la carriera ecclesiastica, e stabilire per continuare gli studi in cotesto collegio che Vra. S. Illma e Revma degnamente presiede: e quindi mi pregava di raccomandarlo a tale oggetto a Lei.

 

Io ben volentieri mi presto a tale officio, trattandosi di un giovane fornito di tutte le belle qualità. Egli passò con lodi l’esame di matricola nella Regia Università, ed ora sta nel corso di scienze ed arti. È poi di morigerati costumi, ritirato sempre in casa dove non riceve, che esempi di virtù, essendo la Nobile famiglia De Piro distinta pei suoi sentimenti di religione e di pietà.[6]

 

It is very hard to say anything about Joseph’s early childhood. As one may expect, the only evidence we can have is from the way the noble families generally reared their children in those days, and from the interviews we made to people who lived at Monsignor’s times. These witnesses[7] gave valuable testimonies. All of them agreed that both parents, Alexander and Ursola, tried to give their children the best possible christian formation. The mother considered it her duty to pass on the basic christian truths to her sons and daughters. Besides this, the family was often seen going together to the Cathedral, at Mdina, for the mass, or for some other liturgical celebration. Baroness M. Trapani Galea, one of the nieces of the Servant of God, had this to say about the family of her grannies:

My grandma was very serious and she did not allow confidences. She used to tell us to keep the friends at the entrance hall only, and not further than that.

They were very religious people and as regards this aspect there were no compromises; what had to be done had to be done, and what had to be avoided had to be avoided. They were rigid as regards this; even in the hardest moments of their lives religion was first. They always said, ‘Fiat voluntas tua.’

The whole family was consecrated to Our Lady of Pompei. Alberto had done his best to restore the painting of Our Lady of Pompei in the Jesuit church in Valletta. He had introduced the devotion and put the painting. Alberto died when away from home; he felt sick, got out of his senses and lost a lot of blood. Guido carried him up the stairs and put him in bed. While sick his mother used to tell him, ‘Albert, trust in Our Lady and she will help you.’ On his part he told his mother, ‘Mum it is in her that I trust.’

Their father and mother insisted a lot on discipline and the conduct of their children. They preferred to get lower marks in languages, etc., but not in their conduct. They did not admit any excuse for misconduct.

They attended the church celebrations and they were very recollected. Everyone of them had the missal so that each one could follow.[8]

 

It was the custom among some noble families to give their children the first schooling at home. In fact this is what was done even in the case of the De Piro family.[9] To add to this it was not considered by the De Piros as downgrading that the children learn some trade or craft. The girls used to be instructed by the maids and learnt sewing, embroidery, and lace-making, while the boys learnt carpentry and other similar trades. Joseph got the tinsmith trade.[10] Over and above this, several of the testimonies already mentioned above confirmed that the parents were a strong example of both the human and moral virtues to the offsprings.[11]

At almost eleven years of age Joseph began his secondary education at the Malta Lyceum in Valletta.[12] Fortunately we, members of the missionary Society of St Paul, still have the many exercise books on which he used to put down the notes of his lessons. From these same records one can say that De Piro was very diligent in his work at school.[13]

In the year 1894 he passed the Matriculation examination and entered the Royal University of Malta. He studied Arts and Sciences for the first three years. Having finished this course he started reading Law, and this he did up to 1898, that is for just one year.[14]

-         Member of the Royal Malta Militia

Schooling was not the only activity that Joseph was involved in during the early years of his youth. Soon he joined the local Militia.[15] It is worth saying that the Maltese were never keen on having their sons enrolled as soldiers. It was very hard to persuade Maltese youths to serve their country by doing this type of work. To encourage them, the noble families on the Island decided to send their own sons for some time as members of the military corps.[16] Joseph, not even fifteen, was one of the youths who did this. In fact from the registers of the Royal Malta Militia one can know that he began his term of service on 11 October 1892, and served up to 23 February 1896.[17] His discharge certificate attests that his conduct and character were unimpeachable.[18] On the physical side Joseph at the age of eighteen was 5 feet 7 inches (1.75m) tall, his eyes were bright brown, his hair light brown and his general features were pleasant.[19]

Without doubt the military training strengthened the formation Joseph got from his parents, such as discipline, order, determination, comradeship, a sense of loyalty ... and a love for his own country.

-         Member of the Congregazione degli Onorati

While still at the University of Malta and at the Royal Malta Militia, Joseph, aged 18, was accepted, on 20 May 1895, as a member of the Congregazione degli Onorati. [20]

Mgr Arthur Bonnici presented this Congregazione among those organisations which practiced the Marian devotion.[21] In fact it was the first Marian Congregation in Malta.[22] It had the Assumption of Our Lady as patroness.[23] It was set up by the Jesuit Fathers for the Knights of St John of Jerusalem in 1600. Its original seat was in the Jesuit College or University, in Valletta, and was later removed to the Oratory annexed to the same Church.[24] As time passed by, besides the Knights, there joined the Congregazione several members of the highest strata of the Maltese society.[25] The members met for their weekly devotions and performed acts of mercy and corporal penances.[26]

                   - Drawing and Painting

Since an early age Joseph showed an artistic inclination.[27] During his secondary education at the Lyceum he distinguished himself in drawing for which subject he gained several prizes.[28] A number of his childhood sketches still survive. His preferred medium was the pencil and he practiced by sketching details from such masters as Michelangelo, Raphael and Perugino. In these he paid particular attention to shading. The sketches were often carefully signed G. De Piro. Although some of Joseph’s sketches are undated, they must have been carried out between 1889 and 1898.[29]

A particular picture, in colour, seems to have been painted for some church or chapel. Entwined with flowers of all shapes and colours there are painted the words Indulgentia Plenaria and the picture is signed in full: De Piro-D’Amico Joseph. Lyceum, 1892.[30]

In 1893 Joseph took part in a drawing competition organised at the Governor’s Palace. Joseph was rather late in handing in his drawing and had to be reminded on the very closing date by Mr. R. Baden Powell, the secretary of the Governor General. Joseph won first prize and received the following congratulatory letter:

The Palace

8 Jan. 93

 

My dear Joseph,

Herewith I send you a little prize for your beautifully painted Fire Bucket. Yours was by far the best of the 12 sent in for the competition, and I congratulate you and thank you for having done it so well.

 

Yours truly - R. Baden Powell.[31]

 

Joseph seemed to have needed pushing to meet competition deadlines. On 4 July 1893, a certain G. Calleja wrote to him reminding him of a drawing competition that was to close on the l5 of the same month. Joseph was to present two portraits which had been sketched at the Lyceum.[32] Young Joseph also participated in other activities at the Lyceum. For example, in an extant letter he was reminded by a certain Julia S. Gatt that he should take part in a tableaux vivants.[33]

                   - De Piro’s call to the priesthood

Providence, however, was planning otherwise; he was going to continue neither the Law studies, nor his military activity, nor his drawing and painting. At the age of fourteen, Joseph had already felt himself drawn to the priesthood.[34] He shared this with his father. The latter seemed to have considered him immature for such a responsible decision. Also, Joseph’s health was giving rise to some concern. Moreover, with his University studies leading him to a different profession altogether, he must have undergone anxious moments of goal searching. The legal profession, he felt, would enable him to help materially the poorer sections of the population,[35] but the call for the priesthood remained undiminished within him. Alexander, his father, tried his best to dissuade him. Jerome De Piro, a nephew of Monsignor, said this to Br Aloisius Aloisio: “His father never thought that his son would become a priest. Once Joseph talked to his father and told him about his wish to become a priest. His father immediately disapproved…”[36]

Joseph was the favourite child of the De Piro family. In addition, he was extremely sociable and he loved company, and he was considered to be a most eligible bachelor with his good looks and family background.[37]

Jerome De Piro continued saying that in order to test the sincerity of Joseph’s vocation, his father “… invited his son to go to Florence to some friends of theirs. Joseph did this… but when he returned he told his father that he had not changed his mind about the priesthood: he wished to become a priest.”[38] Events were soon to make Joseph’s strong desire possible.

                   - Death of Joseph’s father

Early in 1898 Alexander and Ursola went on a trip to Italy. Alexander had a rather delicate constitution and suffered from poor digestion. On 10 January he was suddenly taken ill in Rome and died soon afterwards, aged forty-nine.[39] Reflecting on the sudden death of his father, at the end of the same year, 1898, Joseph, , wrote to his mother and his brothers and sisters:

L’altro anno secondo il nostro modo di vedere, ci è stato sfortunato, dico così perchè Iddio non opera che perfettamente e le sue azioni non possono essere altro che ottime; e poi in quella circostanza siamo stati tanto consolati, che non esito a dire che la nostra consolazione sopraffece il dolore della sfortuna.[40]

 

Joseph felt deeply his father’s loss, but these words seem to indicate that he saw in it God’s way of levelling his own road. Meditating on death, as a result of his father’s passing away and the grevious illness of his brother Berti, Joseph came to the conclusion that he could serve God by becoming a priest. In the summer of 1897, his confessor had told him not to give up. Now with his father’s death he could review his position. He himself put down into writing what made him think about his vocation:

 

RAGIONI PRO

1.      L’aver da fanciullo questa vocazione fino quasi al quattordicesimo anno.

2.      Non essersi tale vocazione in me per lungo tempo spenta negli susseguenti di mia vita.

3.      Fino a che non si fece più viva in me, nel principio dell’ estate passato, quando per primo la confessai al mio confessore.

4.      La meditazione della morte. Sento che questo è il vero stato a cui sono vocato.

5.      Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio avendo Egli tanto sofferto pei miei peccati.

6.      Il desiderio di camminare sulla via della perfezione, e così non temere la morte, anzi considerarla come il mezzo che ci reca alla vera felicità.

7.      L’aver letto in S. Alphonso de Liguori che egli era uscito dal mondo a 26 anni, ma sarà beato colui che ne uscisse prima.

8.      L’aver dopo riflessione trovato essere questo lo stato più confacente alla mia natura.

9.      La malattia di mio fratello.

10.  La morte di mio padre.

11.  Il sentirmi dover essere felice in questo stato, in tutte le controversie quali fin ora m’incontraì in questa vita. [41]

 

And in fact:

12.  Il giorno 8 Maggio ‘98, dopo una novena alla V. di Pompei in cui la chiesi di farmi conoscere la vera volontà di Dio: sentì la forza di decidere pel bene, cioè in favore allo stato sacerdotale.[42]

 

He immediately exposed his ideas to his mother.[43] Knowing him quite well the latter was not surprised at all at the sudden news. And being a really Catholic mother, Ursola encouraged her son to begin without delay his studies of philosophy and theology.[44] Coming from a rich noble family, money was not a problem at all. Therefore it was thought that Joseph should be sent to Rome for his studies. His father having died, there intervened his uncle who consulted the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr P. Pace, about the idea.[45] Joseph De Piro was going to stay at the Capranica College and study at the Gregorian University. Archbishop Pace even wrote a letter of recommendation to Cardinal M. Rampolla, the Protector of the Capranica, and to Mgr G. Coselli, the Rector.[46]

-         Studies of philosphy and theology in Rome

On 9 July 1898 Joseph collected the certificate of his studies from Malta’s Director of Education. This document once again attests to Joseph’s exemplary character:

No 1153

 

This is to certify that Mr. Joseph De Piro D’Amico Inguanez, son of the late Noble Alessandro dei Marchesi De Piro, after passing the Matriculation Examination in 1894 was admitted as a regular student in the triennial Course of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences of this University, wherein he studied Latin, English and Italian Literatures, Intellectual and Moral Philosophy, Mathematics, Physics and Political Economy.

that after passing the Annual Examinations in the above subjects before the Special Council of the above faculty, he was admitted as a regular student in the Faculty of Laws, wherein he attended from October 1897 to May 1898 the courses of Civil, Natural and Constitutional laws.

And that during the above period his conduct was very good.

 

Given under the Seal of the University of Malta on this 9th day of July in the year of Grace 1898.

 

N. Tagliaferro

Director of Education.[47]

 

Joseph’s stay in Rome is well-documented thanks to the regular correspondence he kept with his mother.[48] On her part Ursola treasured and preserved all the letters she received. These letters provide precious glimpses not only of the events Joseph passed through, but also of the development of his character.

Joseph left Malta by sea on 10 July 1898, bound for Syracuse, accompanied by his youngest brother, Giovanni Pio. From there they took the train to Rome, stopping only for a few hours at Messina. They arrived in Rome two days later and on the 14 Joseph was already writing his first letter to his mother.[49]

On 13 July, Joseph went to the Capranica College to meet the Rector, Mgr Coselli, whom he described as a “Gentleman”.[50] To the latter he presented his certificates.[51] While talking to Mgr Coselli he admitted being rather weak in Latin, whereupon the Rector suggested he should enter the Capranica on 22 August. During this period he was expected to undergo an intensive course in Latin. Moreover, Mgr Coselli pointed out that this two-month period would enable him to brush up his philosophy.[52]

In Rome, Joseph stayed with relatives until he could enter the Capranica. Actually he did not enter on 22 August as had been suggested: on 24 August he was writing that he was going to join in about 12 days’ time.[53]

In the meantime, on 24 July, Cardinal Rampolla had formally granted his approval to Joseph’s application.[54]

                   - Worries, prayers … but even projects

Joseph’s letters clearly suggest that he was passing through a worrying time. He was certainly concerned about his mother’s health which he thought could suffer as a result of her separation from a number of her children:

(24 - 8 - 98)

 

Borgo Vecchio 170

 

Carissima mamma,

 

Stasera, poco fa, ho ricevuto la tua lettera, la quale mi mise in pensiero sul tuo conto, poichè dai calcoli che posso fare è già da tempo che ti senti male; secondo me sarà la fatica dei nostri corredi, ma devi stare attenta a non affaticarti più di quello che ti è permesso dalle tue forze. Forse ti sarai inquietata un poco ancora vedendo approssimarsi la partenza di Gino e Teresina.[55]

 

Even before he started his philosophy and theology, Joseph had a number of projects in mind. Some of these projects were later to be realised.[56] At the same time Joseph’s health was in turn rousing worries to his mother who kept insisting he should see a specialist.[57]

On 5 September 1898 Joseph was admitted to the College, joining the philosophy class.[58] At that same time he enrolled at the Gregorian University to follow a course of lectures in philosophy.[59] Here De Piro dedicated himself wholeheartedly to his studies and did not lose any time:

Io, grazie a Dio finora ghadni nferfer (reggo ancora), ho molto da studiare ed il tempo dello studio mi sembra che sia un poco ristretto. Durante la giornata non ci è un quarto libero, con sempre in fretta per fare a tempo alla campana; se ci è un momento di ricreazione siamo tenuti di farlo insieme e non possiamo andare in camera senza permesso; perciò questa lettera deve essere breve perchè altrimenti non te la manderò neanche oggi.[60]

 

But Joseph had to continue experiencing the serious problem of ill health. While still in Malta he had first been taken sick in a rather grave way when he was supposed to sit for the Matriculation examination.[61] During the first year at the Capranica it seems that he still had some trouble. In fact on 5 April 1899 he wrote this to his mother:

Giorni sono ho fatto vedere la mia gola a Petacci. Localmente mi prescrisse il borato di soda, che lo applico per mezzo di uno spruzzatore o polverizzatore; non so come meglio chiamarlo; certi è che il borato è in soluzione, e poi internamente prendo il (fauler?) a goccie prima del pranzo; in quanto al bocato mi sembra che qualche effetto ce l’ha; il fauler (?) poi non so giusto quel che fà; ma spero che mi farà bene; il termometro dell’appetito segna piuttosto bene, e questo credo che sia un buon indizio.[62]

 

Also, while De Piro was in Malta for his first summer holidays the Rector of the Capranica, Mgr Coselli, wrote to him referring to the actual good health of the Servant of God:

Almo Collegio Capranicense

 

29 Agosto 1899

 

Mio Carmo De Piro,

Ho ricevuto la sua seconda graditissima lettera, dalla quale rilevo che godete ottima salute. Faccio voti affinchè il Signore si degni di rendervela lui che mai galiarda e salusta, affinchè possiate un giorno lavorare indefessamente nella mistica vigna del Signore e riportare in essa frutti abbondantissimi.[63]

 

The Rector made a similar reference on 7 October of the same year: “Ho ricevuto la vostra carma lettera dalla quale ho rilevato il vostro ottimo stato di salute.”[64] Even the following year Mgr Coselli mentioned again De Piro`s health: “La vostra lettera mi è stata graditissima per le buone notizie che mi dava della vostra salute.”[65] All this emphasis on the health of the Servant of God meant nothing but a lack of it during Joseph’s stay at the Capranica in Rome!

To add to this, on 13 May 1899, Berti, one of Joseph’s brothers, died after a grievous illness. During Berti’s illness Joseph had tried to fortify his heartbroken mother. In a letter dated 5 April, he wrote to her: “… ti debbo dire che il brontolare non è cosa buona; ma il pianto offerto al Signore per le offese fattegli credo che sia di un merito immenso; che un cuore afflitto pianga è cosa naturale, e quando Iddio permette che ciò ci accada facciamo di esso gran tesoro.[66]

Joseph’s letter of 15 May, infused with the deep sadness of Berti’s death, is one of his finest:

15 Maggio 1899

 

 A.C.C.

 

Carissima Mamma,

 

Il meno che ti possa consolare tra i fratelli credo che sono io, ma pazienza. Si vede che Iddio e la Vergine non ci hanno dimenticato poichè ci offrono spesso circostanze per manifestar sempre più la nostra fiducia in Loro. In quanto a Berti possiamo ben dire e con ragione che sta meglio di noi e che si trova in compagnia alle altre buone anime che ci lasciarono prima di lui…[67]

                   - Minor Orders

It was during Joseph’s first summer in Malta, and precisely on 21 September 1899, that he received the tonsure and the minor orders from the hands of Archbishop Peter Pace. It was a private ceremony at His Excellency’s Palace, in Mdina.[68]

                   - Subdiaconate, diaconate and presbyterate

Joseph De Piro received the subdiaconate on 14 February 1901.[69] With regards to his priestly studies we cannot say that Joseph was unsuccessful, but at the same time he himself was not so much satisfied. At the end of the second year of theology he sat for the baccalaureate examination. Commenting on the results of this same examination, Joseph said that they were not so much promising:

In fatto di intelligenza non risplendo. Fin ora ho tirato avanti. Quando il Signore mi chiamò allo stato ecclesiastico mi trovava al primo anno di legge all’Università di Malta. Adesso faccio il terzo di Teologia alla Gregoriana. L’esame per il baccellerato è andato maluccio, da tre voti ho avuto due col vix; perciò tra quel che è in me ed il rigore degli esami, la speranza di ulteriori gradi è molto ridotta. In Diritto Canonico forse ci riesco di più. Siccome nelle mie communioni una delle prime grazie che chiedo al Signore, è appunto di farmi conoscere la sua volontà, credo che il rifiuto motivato, mi sia stato da Lui suggerito. [70]

 

The third year theology meant for De Piro his ordinations to the diaconate and priesthood. In fact he was ordained deacon on 21 December 1901, at the Basilica of St John Lateran, in Rome, by Cardinal P. Respighi, the Vicar of Rome.[71]

This time was very important for Fr De Piro not only because he was nearing the priesthood, but also because he had been thinking seriously about what to do after being ordained priest. On the one hand he had been wishing to return to Malta and live at St Joseph’s Orphanage, Santa Venera, together with other priests, taking care of orphaned boys. This is what he wrote in his Diary:

1898-1899

In sin dal mio primo anno di Collegio, ho incominciato a vagheggiare l’idea di ritirarmi nella ‘Casa di San Guseppe’ del Hamrun ed aiutare il Canonico Bonnici, fondatore della stessa.

Tornato a Malta, per le vacanze estive fui alquando sorpreso nel sapere, che il Canonico Bonnici aveva abbandonato la Casa da lui fondata e che alla sua direzione trovavasi il Sac. D. Emmanuele Vassallo e D. Giorgo Bugeja.

Durante le stesse vacanze sono stato a visitare il Vassallo alla Casa di San Giuseppe, ho fatto la sua conoscenza, gli ho portato i saluti del Collegio essendo egli gia Capranicese, e strinsi con lui amicizia.

 

1899 - 1900

Ho continuato a tenere relazioni con D. Emmanuele e col Bugeja. (1)[72]

 

As footnote he added these words:

 

(1) Durante le vaganze estive ho esternato al Vassallo il mio desiderio di fargli compagnia nella Casa di S. Giuseppe. Egli (come pure il P. Sammut dal quale sono stato ad Acireale al Collegio Pennisi) mi consigliò di terminare gli studi prima di tutto e poi si sarebbe veduto…[73]

 

On the other hand he had been invited by the Archbishop of Malta to continue his studies at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica dei Nobili”, in order to make part of the diplomatic corps of the Church.[74] Even the President of the “Accademia” tried to persuade De Piro to continue the diplomatic studies.[75] The Servant of God wanted to do only God’s will and therefore, Nel breve ritiro spirituale che si usa a fare al Capranica in principio dell’anno scolastico, ho messo in esame le ragioni pro e contro per conoscere se dovessi o no, terminati gli studi, portarmi alla Casa di S. Giuseppe. Ho deciso, coll’ aiuto del P. Gualandi, per l’affermativa, previo però il permesso del Vescovo.[76]

The same exercise he did three months later:

Durante il ritiro spirituale in preparazione a ben ricevere l’ordine del Diaconato, incominciato l’11 Dicembre, 1901, ho messo in esame tutte le ragioni pro o contro tanto per l’entrata all’Accademia, come pure l’entrata alla Casa di S. Giuseppe; ed il risultato fu negativo per l’Accademia ed affermattivo per la Casa di S. Giuseppe.[77]

 

Here are the exact words of Deacon Joseph:

ACCADEMIA

 

RAGIONI PRO

 

1.             Alcuni di famiglia desiderano che io andassi, e si son offerti perfino di pagarmi la rata.

2.             Lo stesso Presidente dell’Accademia si è portato dal Rettore, e gli ha espresso il desiderio che io andassi.

 

RAGIONI CONTRA

 

1.             Perchè all’Accademia, finchè io sappia, non ci vanno che quelli, i quali possono vantare una buonanascita.

2.             Perchè all’Accademia, mi si mette, come a dire, in mostra, per aver qualche posto; mentre è dottrina certissima che Gesù predilige coloro, qui ament nesciri. E siccome Egli allorchè determinò di eleggermi per suo ministro seppe trovarmi tra il numero dei peccatori: così adesso se Egli ha deliberato di me qualche altra cosa, a fortiori saprà trovarmi nel numero dei suoi eletti, e non è necessario che io mi metta avanti e cercar di farmi conoscere coll’andar all’Accademia.

3.             Si recogito peccata mea, non mi trovo degno che di bastonate; altro che prelature e posti diplomatici!!! È già infinitamente troppo se arrivo ad essere sacerdote.

4.             In fatto di intelligenza non risplendo. Fin ora ho tirato avanti. Quando il Signore mi chiamò allo stato ecclesiastico mi trovavo al primo anno di legge all’Università di Malta. Adesso faccio il terzo di Teologia alla Gregoriana. L’esame per il baccellerato è andato maluccio, da tre voti ho avuto due col vix; perciò tra quel che è in me ed il rigore degli esami, la speranza di ulteriori gradi è molto ridotta. In Diritto Canonico forse ci riesco di più. Siccome nelle mie communioni una delle prime grazie che chiedo al Signore, è appunto di farmi conoscere la sua volontà, credo che il rifiuto motivato, mi sia stato da Lui suggerito.

5.             Perchè mi metto in pericolo di desiderare posti, cariche ed onori; et qui vult periculum peribit in illo.

6.             Mentre all’ incontro, col rifiutare di andare all’Accademia mi son messo al sicuro dal desiderare e molto più dal domandare posti e cariche onorifici in diocesi.

7.             Perchè, secondo me, il Signore ha permesso che io fossi tentato di andare all’Accademia, per formare la mia fermezza della risoluzione che avea preso, perchè giorni addietro, quale è quella di portarmi e stabilirmi nella Casa di San Giuseppe previo il permesso del Vescovo.

8.             Infatti allorchè per mezzo del mio Rettore, mandaì al Presidente dell’Accademia la negativa, sperimentaì grande consolazione nel pensare di aver scelto la corona di spine con Gesù anzichè quella delle rose.

9.             Casa di San Giuseppe.

 

CASA DI SAN GIUSEPPE.

 

RAGIONI PRO

 

1.             Perchè un sentimento interno mi dice, che Iddio da questo Istituto voglia formare a Malta una Congregazione di Sacerdoti sotto il Patrocinio di San Paolo; e così nel rendere stabile l’Opera a Malta si diffonda anche all’estero.

2.             N.B. Questa ragione mi è stata consigliata di sospederla, e lo faccio ben volentieri.

3.             L’amore di vivere in communità di persone ecclesiastiche e perciò sento dover essere contento in compagnia dei due sacerdoti, che già stanno in direzione della Casa di San Giuseppe.

4.             Il desiderio di far penitenza pei miei peccati particolarmente per quelli che sono stati di danno al prossimo.

5.             Perchè stando in famiglia mi metto in pericolo di attacarmi alle richezze; o che è certo occuperanno gran parte dei miei pensieri e del mio tempo.

6.             Perchè potrò imitare Gesù più da vicino.

7.             Perchè troverò pronto il campo di esercitare il mio ministero.

8.             Perchè mi sarà facile esercitare la virtù della povertà; quantunque senza voto, ed in qualche modo anche quello dell’ubbidienza.

9.             Perchè alla morte posso trovare qualche conforto nel pensiero di aver sofferto un poco per Gesù avendo Egli tanto sofferto pei miei peccati.[78]

 

Fr. Joseph was ordained priest on 15 March 1902, again in the Basilica of St John Lateran. In Malta Fr Joseph celebrated his first solemn Mass on Easter Sunday, 30 March 1902, at the Cathedral in Mdina. Soon afterwards he returned to Rome to continue his third year theology.

                   - The “Accademia Ecclesiastica” issue put aside

Right from the beginning of the offer of the “Accademia”, the Servant of God had showed quite clearly that having been ordained priest his wish was to return to Malta and do pastoral work there. In fact this is what he told the rector of the Capranica when the latter told him that the president of the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” went to the College inviting young Joseph to go there for the diplomatic studies, “Io ho risposto che terminati gli studi intendevo tornare in Diocesi ed esercitare costì il mio ministero, e che perciò non trovavo ragione di abbandonare il Capranica per recarmi all’Accademia; e così per il momento la cosa terminò.”[79]

Later on the Servant of God expressed this opinion to the President of the “Accademia” directly:

Il vescovo Mgr Pace, sempre coll’idea di mandarmi all’Accademia mi aveva dato un biglietto per il Presidente dell’Accademia.

Arrivato a Roma sono stato dal presidente dell’Accademia col biglietto del Vescovo e gli ho dichiarato che dovendo tornare in Diocesi terminati gli studi, non intendevo perciò portarmi all’Accademia, e baciandogli la mano mi sono concedato dicendogli che avrei scritto al mio Vescovo.[80]

 

In fact Fr Joseph wrote to the Archbishop: “… dandogli le mie ragioni per non andare all’Accademia, dichiarandomi peraltro pronto ad ubbidirlo. Egli però mi rispose dicendomi che non intendeva forzare la mia volontà.”[81]

Since the Archbishop did not want to force the “Accademia” on De Piro the issue was put aside for ever.[82]

                   - Poor health

Reference has already been made to the problems of De Piro’s poor health during his studies.[83] When back in Rome to finish his third year theology, he fell sick again:

Il 10 Luglio (1902) mi sono sentito male e per la seconda volta (la prima era il 19 luglio 1900) ho veduto andare in aria tutte le mie buone intenzioni. Fiat! Il Signore guarda alla buona volontà.

Dichiarato dal medico affetto di tubercolosi polmonare ...[84]

 

It was therefore providential that Archbishop Pace had asked that De Piro should be ordained priest before the proper date.

Officially De Piro terminated his course at the Capranica on 23 July 1902.[85] Of the few comments about him in the College archives we find these words: “… d’indole mitissima, molto pio, lasciò cara memoria di se.” [86]

                   - At Davos, Switzerland

In the letter written on 24 August 1898, that is before his starting his studies in Rome, the Servant of God shared with his mother his plans for his future studies:

Secondo i calcoli incalcolabili che ho fatto; se non morrò probabilmente canterò messa da qui ad altri quattro anni; poichè più di due anni di filosofia non credo che mi faranno fare, e poi dopo due anni di teologia credo che mi lasceranno cantarla. Pregate a S. Tommaso d’Aquino che mi intercede la grazia di aprirmi un poco la mente, ed allora forse un anno di filosofia sarà sufficiente, ed allora potremo fare più presto; ho detto S. Tom: poichè questo è il nostro protettore assegnatoci in particolar modo da Leone XIII (che non abbiam ancora potuto vedere) in una delle sue prime encicliche. Il corso di teologia è di quattro anni e poi quello di diritto canonico è di tre cosichè se ancor ben faccio l’addizione mi pare che fino a 30 anni trovo da studiare.[87]

 

This plan was made up of ten years of study. In fact he did not succeed in finishing even half of them; he had to miss completely even the fourth year theology at the Gregorian University. Returning to Malta at the end of July, 1902, he prepared to go to Switzerland to recover his health there, “… ho abbandonato gli studi, mi son portato a Malta, da dove dopo pochi giorni sono partito per la Svizzera per la cura d’aria …”[88]

From a letter sent to him by his brother Gwido, who was in Louvain, Belgium, studying medicine, one can conclude that Fr. Joseph was getting better after a short while.[89]

Fr Joseph seemed to have been in continuous contact with Gwido; the latter seemed to have been well informed about Joseph’s health improvement, “… perciò prima di tutto ti auguro un anno felice e sano e un subito ritorno a Malta ed in seguito mi gratulo con te della tua completa guarigione.”[90]

In fact the Servant of God planned to return to Malta in January 1904.[91] Yet he left Davos some time after that and was back in Malta on 2 March of that same year.[92]

 

Section ii

The public phase of his life (1904 -1933):

From the first years of priesthood up to his death

 

While the first twenty seven years of De Piro’s life were indeed private, the twenty years that followed were completely different. In them he was more than a full time priest, involved in the various ministries of the local Church. He was the citizen who gave a big share for his country’s development and well being. He was more than a benefactor to the many poor children and wretched grown ups of Malta and Gozo. And God chose him to be the Founder of the Missionary Society of St Paul.

 

(i) A priest dedicated to the local Church

                   - Assistant parishpriest at the Qrendi Parish, Malta

Although at Davos, the Servant of God was almost completely cured from his illness he had to spend some time in convalescence even when back in Malta. In fact he went to Qrendi, a village where the De Piro family had one of its summer residences.[93] There Fr. Joseph went for rest, but things turned out to be different: he was attentive on his health, but at the same time he was also quite involved in pastoral work. Louis Galea, Joseph Brincat and Angelo Falzon, three witnesses who were asked to give their testimony in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, said that each day, early in the morning, De Piro went to the Parish Church for the six o’clock mass.[94]

De Piro had his own confessional in the aisle of the Church and he used to sit in it hearing confessions both before and after mass.[95] Not to mention the many other moments when he did the same thing. He was so much sought for this ministry that even after leaving the Parish, he went regularly to Qrendi to offer his service.[96]

Fr De Piro realised that it was not only the laity who needed help in their growth. Priests had to continue strengthening that formation which they would have received in the seminary. A certain Mgr John Baptist Ghigo referred to the fact that when in Qrendi De Piro had planned an initiative in favour of the ongoing formation of the priests of the nearby parishes:

After he was ordained priest and came from abroad, he chose to go and stay in Qrendi, because he was not feeling well. There he showed his priestly zeal; he was very active and also was responsible for the Church’s proxy. He started first by gathering together the priests of the area: Luqa, Mqabba, Zurrieq, Qrendi and Kirkop, in the Church dedicated to St John the Evangelist, at Hal Millieri, for sermons given by some priest.[97]

 

It was only because Fr Joseph had to leave the Qrendi Parish that this project was stopped.

The pastoral contribution of De Piro at Qrendi was strengthened all the more by his exemplary life. Witnesses say that De Piro was often seen saying the Breviary in the garden of the house where he was staying.[98] When going from some part of the Village to the other he used to carry a big rosary beads in his hands in order to say this Marian prayer.[99]

At Qrendi the parishioners are to this day divided in two parties, one supporting the feast of Our Lady Assumed into Heaven and the other that of Our Lady of Lourdes. Even at the time of the Servant of God these two parties were very strong, and especially at the time of the respective feasts their members used to cause a lot of trouble to each other. Each party even tried to involve both the parishpriest and the other clergy of the parish. Louis Galea testified that De Piro always kept away from these parties, “De Piro never got involved in the parties there are in Qrendi and which existed even in my time. Nor did they ever involve him. Even the supporters used to say that they would not approach him for he was a good man and would not be involved in the parties.”[100]

The witnesses from Qrendi all agreed about De Piro’s charity. Louis Galea said this,“He was a charitable priest. Charity was the hallmark of both the Monsignor and his family. The people in need often asked each other: ‘Have you been to the De Piros?’[101]

Joseph Brincat referred to the charity De Piro lived in Qrendi and even elsewhere, “Mgr De Piro was a person of great charity. Besides Qrendi, he was involved in many projects of beneficence and charitable institutions. I hear the people of Qrendi mention the Monsignor for this charity.[102]

Angelo Falzon confirmed the above and said that De Piro was very discreet in his charity,“Monsignor was very charitable. At that time there were many beggars, none the less at Qrendi. These used to go a lot to De Piro and he used to help them. Many a time he helped secretly.”[103]

                   - Procurator of the Confraternity of Our Lady of Consolation, Qrendi

On 20 September 1909 Fr Alphonse Tabone, parishpriest of Qrendi, wrote to the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, telling him that on 18 April 1909 Fr Joseph De Piro was nominated and elected procurator of the Confraternity of Our Lady of Consolation.[104] Tabone also asked the Archbishop to confirm the Servant of God in this responsibility.[105] His Excellency sent his approval on 23 November 1909.[106]

                   - Sindaco Apostolico of the Franciscan Minors Convent, Rabat, Malta

Wherever they were and since the beginning of their existence until a few years ago the Franciscan Minor Friars were not allowed to administer their own mobile or immobile property. Instead, they nominated what they called the Sindaco Apostolico. This person, who did not make part of the Franciscan community , province or Order, was always a well off person, and at the same time was a trustworthy individual. He had the duty to administer all types of property and was also expected to keep in order all the documents related to the same. Every month he had to give any money needed by the entity he represented, and he had to give a monthly report of his administration to the sostituto sindaco apostolico.[107]

Mgr Joseph De Piro was one of the sindaci apostolici of the Franciscan Minors community in Rabat, Malta. It was not possible for me to find out exactly when he started and when he ended up this minsitry. All I can say is that in the De Piro Archives  there were found three letters related to this service; the first one is dated 21 August 1906 and the last one 22 February 1907.[108]

                   - Canon of the Metropolitan Chapter [109] 

If one were to make reference to the above mentioned ‘Reasons in favour and against’ which De Piro put in writing in relation to his going to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” or St Joseph’s Institute, one finds amongst others these words against his going to the “Accademia”:

1.             Perchè all’Accademia, finchè io sappia, non ci vanno che quelli, i quali possono vantare una buona nascita.

2.             Perchè all’Accademia, mi si mette, come a dire, in mostra, per aver qualche posto; mentre è dottrina certissima che Gesù predilige coloro, qui ament nesciri. E siccome Egli allorchè determinò di eleggermi per suo ministro seppe trovarmi tra il numero dei peccatori: cosi` adesso se Egli ha deliberato di me qualche altra cosa, a fortiori saprà trovarmi nel numero dei suoi eletti, e non è necessario che io mi metta avanti e cercar di farmi conoscere coll’andar all’Accademia.[110]

 

This reference can be considered as a clear sign of De Piro’s humility. He was only twentyfour years when he wrote these words, but he kept to this frame of mind all his life. In fact he showed this very attitude when he found out that he was going to be made canon of the Mdina Cathedral.

As every other mother, Ursola De Piro wished her children to achieve success in life. In October 1910 she approached Fr Michaelangelo Pace, secretary to the Archbishop of Malta, and asked his help on her behalf, so that her son Joseph might be appointed canon of the Cathedral.[111] At that time the Servant of God was barely 33 years old, and only a few years had passed since his priestly ordination. Fr Michaelangelo knew only too well how zealous and exemplary Joseph De Piro was, and courteously promised Ursola De Piro to do all he could to help her realise her desire.[112]

Fr Michaelangelo kept his promise. At that time the Dean of the Cathedral, Mgr Vincent Vassallo, who was 73 years old, had been unwell for months. The Archbishop’s secretary thought it was opportune to advise His Excellency to persuade the Dean to ask for a Coadjutor in the person of Fr Joseph De Piro.[113] The latter was unaware of these designs when the Archbishop made the proposal to the Dean on 6 November, 1910. The appointment would be an important choice, for the dean was subject only to the archdeacon of the Chapter.[114]

On 7 November Fr Michaelangelo gave De Piro the news, and he was the first to congratulate him, adding that his new assignment was still strictly confidential, as the appointment was not yet official:

C. Balzan

7 Nov 1910

Molto Revdo Signore,

 

Ho l’alto onore in piacere di dirle sotto sigillo di confessione che Sua Eccza Revma Mgr Vescovo è stato ieri da Mgr Canco Decano della Cattedrale a proporre V.S. Molto Revda per suo Coadiutore ed è già tutto combinato ciò servirà per di lei norma. Tanti sinceri auguri.

Intanto con sensi di perfetta stima rinnovo i miei auguri qual sono.

 

Di Lei

Devmo Servo ed Amico

Sac: Angelo Pace, Cappellano.[115]

Meanwhile Fr Joseph discovered that his mother had been behind the whole plot, and frankly and humbly told her he did not approve of it:

Mother, you know I have always obeyed you, but I beg you not to speak to the Archbishop about me, asking him to grant me these high Church dignities. I wish to remain a priest without any honours; for me the priesthood is the highest honour. If you wish me to be a Monsignor at the Cathedral, I am sorry I cannot obey you.[116]

On 11 November, De Piro wrote to Fr Michaelangelo the following words,

I beg you to present my thanks to the Archbishop for wanting to promote me to these high honours. Please do me the favour of informing the Archbishop that the honours offered are not suitable for me due to the work I have started, and I do not have to mention any other reason. It is impossible for me to accept.[117]

 

Despite the secrecy entailed, the plan had by now developed in a more concrete way. The Dean of the Cathedral surprised De Piro with a visit on January 1911, and De Piro was informed that all had been definitely concluded. The one formality still required was the approval of the Governor of Malta, Sir Leslie Rundle. This last step had already been made privately, and although the official letter had not been written, De Piro knew that the Governor had approved his appointment.[118]

De Piro was firm in the resolutions made ten years before. He courteously thanked Monsignor Dean for having thought of him, but his conscience forbade him to accept this appointment. He explained in detail to the Archbishop adding that he felt unworthy and not capable of undertaking the duties of the office offered him. De Piro feared the precedent he might be creating for the members of his Society. He explained to the Archbishop he did not wish his spiritual sons to aspire to worldly honours. Should he accept to be Dean of the Cathedral, how would he have the courage to present himself to his young members, and persuade them to shun worldly honours?

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

Giorni sono è stato da me Monsignor Decano per informarmi che riguardo l’affare della Coadiutoria tutto era sistemato, che la mia nomina era stata già raccomandata da V.E. e che il Governatore era già pronto a mandare fuori il ‘Warrant’. Tutto ciò mi ha confuso non poco, però nel ringraziare Monsignor Decano non ho esitato a dichiarargli che in conscienza non potevo accettare e che qualora V.E. avesse insistito avrei solo ceduto di fronte ad un ordine preciso di obbidienza.

Ora oltre la mia indegnità ed incapacità umilmente sottopongo alla prudente ed illuminata considerazione di V.E. che l’occupare simili posti onorifici, come appunto sono i canonicati della Cattedrale è contro lo spirito del Nouvo Piccolo Istituto per le missioni Estere, e che io dovessi accettare la nomina propostami mi sarebbe difficile l’insinuare ai membri dell’Istituto il distacco da simili onori.

Pertanto spero che V.E., veduta la ragionevolezza del mio riferito, non insisterò. In ogni modo lascio alla coscienza di V.E. tutta la responsabilita` della mia.

Da ultimo al bacio del Sacro Anello umilmente Le chiedo la Benedizione ed ho l’onore di dichiararmi.

 

Dell’E V Revma

Umilmo ed Ubbmo Servo

Sac Giuseppe De Piro

 

17 gennaio 1911

Notabile.[119]

De Piro confided in his Archbishop, but in his authentic spirituality he was fully aware that obedience to his Superiors was more important than the practice of humility. He still hoped to evade the assignment and he wrote to his Archbishop. Thus he made the last effort to decline, but placed himself in the hands of his Archbishop, ready to obey his orders. Two days later, on l9 January 1911, the Archbishop replied on the same letter De Piro had written:

Valletta  

19 gennaio 1911

 

D. Giuseppe,

 

V.S. non ha mai cercato ne posti , ne promozioni. Prenda quindi dalle mani di Dio la proposta, e l’accetti per mia obbedienza. Al resto penserà il Signore, il quale come ha cominciato l’opera non la … perfezionarla.

Intanto … La benedico, mentre …di …benevolenza ne raffirmo

 

Di Lei D.Giuseppe …

P.Archiv. Vescovo.[120]

 

At this time De Piro’s mother developed a guilt complex about it, and she told the Archbishop that her son was not ready to accept the dignity of Monsignor. But the Archbishop was firm in his decision, knowing that the Servant of God was most suited to the position he would occupy.[121]

De Piro bowed his head to the wishes of the Archbishop, knowing these manifested the will of God, and waited for the necessary formalities to be concluded. The Governor, Sir Leslie Rundle, on 25 February 1911, officially informed the Archbishop that due to the age and ill-health of the Dean, Mgr Vincenzo Vassallo, it was necessary for him to be aided by a Coadjutor. He also added that he, the Governor, was presenting the Servant of God as Coadjutor to the Dean with right of succession.[122] On 11 March 1911 Rundle wrote to De Piro and told him more or less what he had told the Archbishop.[123] The application to the Archbishop by De Piro followed.[124] On the same day Mgr Vassallo was informed of the acceptance of De Piro and the warrant was granted. Mgr Vassallo received the information from the Office of the Crown Advocate, Dr. V. Frendo Azzopardi.[125] Before the issue of the relative decree from Rome, Mgr Paul Gauci, General Secretary at the Archbishop’s Curia, informed De Piro that he had been accepted by the Concistorial Congregation as Coadjutor to the Dean.[126] By decree of Pope Pius X, Fr Joseph was to enjoy by right whatever concerned the Dean’s office, to represent him and fulfil his relative duties.[127] From then on, much against his inmost desire, De Piro was addressed as Monsignor Joseph De Piro.

For many the title of Monsignor meant prestige and honour. For De Piro it signified much more than that. First of all the canons of the Cathedral had their liturgical duties at the Cathedral: the Conventual Mass, the singing of the Lauds, Hours and Vespers and the celebration of feasts, which at that time were not that infrequent.[128] Also, De Piro’s times were those when the Cathedral Chapter was for the Archbishop what is nowadays the Presbyterial Council, His Excellency’s consultative body, his senate and council.[129] Although in 1911 the Servant of God was not yet loaded with the many responsibilities he had to carry in the coming years, the liturgical duties and the Chapter meetings were still a big burden for him.

            - Effective  Member of the General Committee of the XXIV International Eucharistic Congress (1913)

A dar principio ai lavori Mgr Arcivescovo nominò un Comitato Generale, in cui oltre l’intero Capitolo della Diocesi, figuravano distinte persone, scelte dalle classi diverse della popolazione. Un altro Comitato era composto di Signori, oltre varie sotto comitati ai quali vennero deferiti speciali incarichi … [130]

 

The words above refer to the nominations of the members of the committees which organised the International Eucharistic Congress held in Malta in 1913. The main committee had the President, the Effective Vice Presidents and the Effetive

Members.[131] De Piro was among the last group. The Servant of God was chosen because he made part of the Capitular Chapter of the Cathedral. He was also chosen because he was the Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun. [132]

Without doubt the Servant of God participated in the celebrations which were held during this International Eucharistic Congress,[133] but I was not able to find out what was the paticular contribution of De Piro during these days. From a letter written to De Piro by Mgr Alphonse Carinci, Rector of the Capranica and assistant of the Cardinal Legate of the Pope, Dominic Ferrata, we know that De Piro was involved in the arrangements for the Legate to celebrate a pontifical mass at the Cathedral in Mdina.[134] From this same letter we know that the Servant of God had invited the Cardinal Legate to the De Piro family Palace in Mdina, [135] an invitation we know that the Cardinal accepted.[136]

                   - Co-rector of the Manresa Retreat House, Floriana, Malta

This House, in Floriana, Malta, had also a church and both of them were dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary of Manresa. It was also known as St Calcedonius House. It was mainly used for the retreats of the secular and regular clergy. De Piro was chosen, on 5 May 1913, by the Archbishop, together with Canon Aloisius Attard as co - rector of this House.[137] The two priests seemed to be responsible for all the aspects of this House. Besides the day to day running they seem to have been the administrators even of the property related to it.[138]

                   - Director of the Associazione Sacerdoti Adoratori

This Association seems to have been founded in Turin, Italy. In Malta there was one of its branches. When Fr Joseph Borg, the director of the Malta branch, died, Archbishop Peter Pace, on 16 August 1913, nominated Mgr Joseph De Piro for the post[139] and “…pro bono regimine et augmento eiusdem Piae Associationis inter Prebyteros huius Meliten Diocesis…”[140] According to the programme of the Parrochial Eucharistic Congress held in Rabat, Malta, between 11 and 18 June 1933, the Servant of God was still the director of this Sodality until that year.[141]

                   - Secretary of Archbishop Mauro Caruana

If one were to go to the Archives of the Archbishop’s Curia and get the section where there is preserved the correspondence to and from Archbishop Mauro Caruana one would notice that the very first letter of His Excellency, dated 3 March 1915, was addressed to the Governor General, Field Marshal Lord Methuen. But for those who study De Piro it is all the more interesting because after mentioning the choice of Bishop Angelo Portelli as his Vicar General, Caruana also informed the Governor that he had chosen Mgr Joseph De Piro as his Secretary. The decree of nomination was written on 2 March 1915.[142]

This three year (1915-1918) contribution of De Piro to the Archdiocese may be considered by many as rather insignificant. There was no room for Monsignor to practice his creativity and energy. It may be so, but it is as much true that this was an occasion where the Servant of God could show his precision at work: he was very quick in answering all correspondence which came to his desk.[143] During these three years he also showed his dedication to the Archbishop. But this period was particularly important for De Piro’s contact with the Maltese who had migrated to other countries and with the priests who were working among them.[144] It was before the 1915-1918 years that Monsignor first thought about the Maltese emigrants,[145] but the letters he received as His Excellency’s Secretary made De Piro more conscious of the urgent situation of his conationals living abroad. The Servant of God did his best to find some other diocesan or religious priest to go with the migrants.[146]

                   - Member of the Commission for the formation of young priests

It has already been said that at the time spent in Qrendi, Fr Joseph had planned a project for the formation of priests in the nearby parishes.[147] During the time as secretary to the Archbishop, De Piro was involved in another initiative in favour of the formation of the clergy. His Excellency Mauro Caruana was noticing that, being the years after the First World War, Malta was in a state of unsettlement and therefore the newly ordained priests were meeting difficulties when from the Seminary they were finding themselves in the pastoral activities. To help these young priests, the Archbishop set up a Commission made up of several more experienced presbyters:

D. MAURO CARUANA

DELL’ORDINE DI S. BENEDETTO

PER GRAZIA DI DIO E DELLA S. SEDE APOSTOLICA

ARCIVESCOVO DI RODI VESCOVO DI MALTA

ALLA MEDESIMA S. SEDE IMMEDIATAMENTE SOGGETTO

 

Impensieriti in sull’inizio del nostro pastorale ministero intorno all’obbligo grave, che ci incombe, di santificare questo gregge, della Divina Provvidenza affidato alle nostre cure e di mantenere saldo nella mente e nel cuore dello stesso il regno di Gesu` Cristo, fondato dall’Apostolo San Paolo, crediamo proprio di rivolgere l’opera nostra a favore del Clero.

 

Niente infatti, come leggiamo nel S. Concilio di Trento, è tanto necessario alla santità dei Fedeli quanto la santità del Clero “Nihil est quod alios magis ad pietatem et Dei cultum assidue instruat quam eorum vita et exemplum, qui se divino ministerio dedicaverunt: quum enim a rebus saeculi in altiorem sublati locum conspiciantur, in eos tamquam in speculum reliqui oculus coniiciant, ex iisque sumunt quod imitentur. Sess. XXII Cap. I De Reform.

Ci gode l’animo rilevare che per la sollecitudine dei nostri Predecessori la Diocesi è ben provvista di due seminari, per i grandi l’uno e l’altro per i piccoli. Ed entro le sacre mura di questi due istituti i chiamati nella sorte del Signore, sotto una vigilante osservanza ed un’accurata disciplina, vengono insin dai primi anni educati nella scienza e nella pietà, e così imparano a praticare quella santità di vita che li rende sale della terra e luce del mondo.

In verità ciò che maggiormente ci preoccupa ed accresce le nostre ansie, non è già il giovane ecclesiastico, finchè perdura la sua dimora in seminario, ma egli è il novello Levita, il quale per aver compito gli anni di Seminario, trovasi costretto, ancor fresco dell’ordinazione, di lanciarsi in mezzo ai pericoli del mondo. Ed è perciò che noi ci determiniamo di nominare una Commissione composta da sacerdoti esperti ed esemplari, la quale vada studiando i mezzi per venire in aiuto, difendere ed indirizzare nella vita pubblica i giovani sacerdoti particolarmente alla loro prima uscita di Seminario.

Nel ritenere a Noi la Presidenza, ci è grato affermare che molte sono le persone appartenenti al Nostro Clero e che potrebbero aver parte in questa Commissione; però pel presente abbiamo creduto di formarla come segue…

Noi intanto sostenuti dall’aiuto di Dio e fiduciosi nella protezione della Beata Vergine e dell’ Apostolo San Paolo ci sentiamo pieni di speranza, che l’opera di una tale Commissione abbia un esito felice e sia coronata da un buon successo, di retta com’è tutta quanta al bene di questa Nostra cara Diocesi.

 

+ Mauro Arciv. Vesc. di Malta

 

Dato dal nostro Palazzo di Notabile nel giorno dei SS. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo, 1915.[148]

 

Mgr Joseph De Piro was first in the list of the members of the Commission.[149]

- Deputy of the Commission for the temporary administration of the Major Seminary, Mdina, Malta

On 5 July 1916 Archbishop Mauro Caruana nominated Mgr Joseph De Piro deputy in the Commission for the temporal administration of the Seminary.[150] As its own name indicates this Commission was responsible for the temporal aspect of the life of the Seminary.

                   - Rector of the Major Seminary, Mdina, Malta

It was because he was going to be entrusted with another responsibility that De Piro’s services as secretary to the Archbishop came to an end. On 30 September 1918 Archbishop Mauro Caruana nominated De Piro, Rector of the Major Seminary, at Mdina:

D.MAURUS CARUANA

ORDINIS S.BENEDICTI

Dei et Apostolicae Sedis gratia

Archiepiscopus Rhodiensis Episcopus Melitensis

EIDEM SANCTAE SEDI IMMEDIATE SUBJECTUS

 

Nos perfecte noscentes doctrinam qua polles, probitatem morum, plurimaque merita in hanc Nostram Dioecesim praesertim illud muneris et officii Nostri a Secretis Generalis, quod usque nunc gessisti non tantum cum Nostra satisfactione ac probationem, sed etiam omnium qui opera tua hos in munere usi sunt, Te, Illum. et Revmum. Dnum. Josephum e Marchionibus De Piro Navarra Can. Decanum Coadiutorem Nostrae S. Cathedralis Ecclesiae eligimus et nominamus in Rectorem Nostri Ven. Magni Seminarii a S.Paulo Apostolo Civitatis Notabilis, cum omnibus juribus, honoribus et facultatibus huic muneri et officio adnexis.

 

Datum ex Pal. Archiep. Civ. Vallettae dic 30 Septembris 1918

 

+Maurus O.S.B.

Archiep. Epies Melit.

 

Aloisius Can Theol Attard

Vicisgerens a. Sec.Gen. [151]

 

Among the persons interviewed by Aloisius Aloisio there was Fr George Cassar, a priest who had been a seminarian during De Piro’s rectorship. This Cassar emphasised the humanity with which Monsignor behaved when relating with the seminarians:

He was never angry at us, but he always admonished us with kindness. Before correcting us he always laughed. When you asked him for something he always gave it to you immediately…When the examinations were near we preferred to go to John Mary’s field, under Saqqajja Hill, instead of going for walks. We enjoyed staying under the shade of the trees to study and at the same time to enjoy the fresh air. Once there was John Mary, the farmer, who had wicker baskets full of fruits which he had just picked up. Gently he encouraged us to take as much as we wanted. In a split of a second we dismantled him of all the fruit. All we left him with was one wicker basket. You can imagine how angry was the poor farmer. As soon as we returned to the Seminary we found John Mary talking to the Rector. We were shocked. As soon as the Rector saw us he told us, ‘Can you come here, you gentlemen! John Mary has just told me what you have done after he has been so kind to you. What are we going to do now?’ One of us stood up and said, ‘We will all offer some money to make up for the fruit taken.’ ‘No, no. go away. I will try to fix everything myself,’ said the Rector. When later I went to the Rector’s room, he asked me, ‘Can you tell me what had happened to John Mary?’ When I explained to him what had happened he really laughed heartily and could not stop. I curiously asked him, ‘How did it end up with him?’ ‘We have fixed everything. I know him well,’ answered the Rector. The day after they all agreed to go back there and there was John Mary as well. ‘May we take fruit?’ we asked him. ‘Take as much as you want, because I made a very good deal with the Rector,’ answered John Mary. ‘Why?’ we asked him. ‘He gave me double the price of the fruit,’ answered John Mary.[152]

 

Also:

The seminarians, especially the acolytes, when at the altar service, used to drip the candles at the stairs of the altar before going out. One of the senior Monsignori, Louis Camilleri by name, noticed this and grumbled a lot about it. Once, while he visited the Seminary, he found the Rector admonishing us about something we had done. ‘Well,’ said Mgr Camilleri, ‘Once we are here I need to tell you what I observed them doing.’ The Rector answered him in a laughing manner, ‘I side with them in this matter.’ ‘Why?’ asked Camilleri. ‘Because they are wise in caring for their cassock,’ answered the Rector. ‘It is quite expensive and the seminarian of course should not spend a lot of money. They have to wear the cassock especially when they go to St John’s Co Cathedral. And you know that a cassock costs a lot of money.’[153]

 

Again:

Mgr Antonio Galea, ex provost of St Philip at Senglea, was the Vice Rector of the seminary at the time of De Piro. After the story of the fjakkoli we met De Piro and told him what happened. He really laughed at it. “He is rich,” he told us, “He has a lot.”

He was never angry at us. He used to be sad but he never expressed what he felt in any way or other. He used to admonish us but he was never angry at us; he always corrected us in a loving way.” [154]

 

Cassar referred also to the spirituality of the Rector:

I was the sacristan at the Seminary, and as sacristan I went often to the Rector. Often, when I went to the Rector’s room I frequently found him saying the Rosary or meditating. Sometimes he used to signal me not to speak to him and disturb him. He used to ask me to be there later. He always carried the rosary in his hand. He loved using the white Rosary.[155]

 

And there was mention of the special devotion of the Servant of God to St Joseph:

Once I entered the Rector’s room and noticed that St Joseph’s picture was put in the opposite position, facing the wall. Everytime I went there I found it in the same position and I wanted to know why the picture was facing the wall. In fact I asked the Rector, ‘Why is the picture facing the wall?’ ‘It is like that as a punishment,’ answered De Piro. ‘St Joseph, punished?’ asked I. ‘What did he do?’ ‘He will remain like that until he grants me the grace I have been praying for,’ replied the Rector. And when the grace would be granted, St Joseph would have his punishment ended and would be facing the outside as usual.[156]

 

But special reference must be made to an eleven page report which the Servant of God prepared before terminating his office of rector and which he sent to the Archbishop on 27 August 1920. Apart from the fact that he had to spend much time in preparing it, it shows quite clearly that Monsignor was very much informed about the many aspects of the Seminary.[157] And this at a time when he was already busy with other duties.

                   - Member of the Camera Pontificia Maltese

On 23 May 1920, the secretary of this Camera wrote to Mgr De Piro telling him that the day before its members met and unanimously agreed to choose him as an effective member.[158]

                   - Dean of the Metropolitan Chapter, Malta

At the Cathedral there was a fixed number of Canons[159] and it was only when there was a vacancy that one was nominated for that post.[160] In the case of De Piro it was Mgr Vincent Vassallo who was to be replaced. But the latter was also the Dean of the Metropolitan Chapter. This meant that the Servant of God was to take sooner or later Vassallo’s place even in this latter responsibility.[161] In fact the ceremony of the conferment of the deanery was celebrated at the Cathedral, Mdina, Malta, on 24 November 1920.[162]

Again, the deanery might have been considered as an honour to look for. But it was not in fact only this. As regards the liturgical celebrations the Dean had all the duties as the other canons.[163] Besides these, he had to preside over all Chapter meetings. Here one must remember that the Chapter was in those days what the Presbyterial Council is nowadays for the Archbishop.[164] Therefore the canons had to meet frequently to discuss many matters of importance. Besides the Chapter sessions themselves the members were expected to do even their homework! As dean, Mgr De Piro had to lead delegations to the Archbishop. Since the Chapter was the consultative body to the Archbishop, these delegations were quite frequent. Furthermore, because the relations between Church and State were wider in De Piro’s times there were more occasions when there was need of some delegation from the side of the Church to go to the government. And Mgr De Piro was supposed to head these delegations.[165]

                   - Acting parishpriest of the Gudia Parish, Malta

The Servant of God was not destined to spend his life working in a parish. After his stay at Qrendi, Archbishop Pace entrusted him with another completely different duty in the Archdiocese, for which he had to leave the Parish. At the same time in 1922 De Piro was asked to give, for a short while, a helping hand in another parish, this time the Gudia one.[166]

It happened that in this village the parishioners were divided in two, one group supporting the main feast while the other favoured the secondary one.[167] These two parties had been in trouble for a rather long time, but in the year 1922 the conflict reached its climax, so much so that the parish priest abandoned the place and the church was closed on weekdays.[168] The Archbishop did his best to find someone to take over, but knowing the situation no one dared to do it.[169] After one month, the Archbishop thought of De Piro as a temporary solution; on 11 July 1922 His Excellency chose De Piro as his special delegate for the administration of the Gudja Parish.[170] Monsignor was again ready to obey. In spite of the adverse situation in the parish and the many other duties already at his back, De Piro went immediately and succeeded in getting peace among the parishoners. So much so that those parishioners who had been so angry for the members of the other party, for the Archbishop’s Curia and for the Archbishop himself, wrote to the latter a very reconciliatory letter:

18 Sda Sta Maria

Gudia

19 Luglio 1922

 

Eccza. Revma.,

Noi qui sotto firmati a nome di tutti i nostri compaesani, ma in specie di quelli che furono citati dinanzi alla Corte per causa dell’ incidente occorso nell’ ultima festa e che sfortunamente fu causa di tanti dispiaceri. La ringraziamo di tutto cuore, per la Tua grande bontà nell’ aver interceduto presso il Governo per la sospensione della causa già in corso, e così liberato i nostri fratelli da ulteriori incomodi e dispiaceri; per la qualcosa ci sentiamo spinti non solo a ripetere i nostri ringraziamenti ma più ancora a protestarci assai dolenti per l’ accaduto e promettiamo di fare tutto il nostro possibile ad evitare in avvenire qualunque occasione che possa condurci a tali eccessi non solo ma ancora cercheremo di distogliere gli altri nel caso vi saranno, e tener sempre la pace, e così con l’ aiuto del Buon Dio e della Sua amatissima Madre Assunta in Cielo possiamo in avvenire vivere in pace come veri fratelli aiutandosi e amandosi vicendevolmente.

 

Protestandoci come veri suoi figli in Gesù Cristo ringraziandolo nuovamente e chiedendo la Sua paterna benedizione ci dichiariamo sempre pronti ad obbedire.

 

Firmati:-

Giuseppe Cutajar

Giuseppe Spiteri

Angelo Pace.[171]

 

After a few weeks in Gudia De Piro could leave the Parish and let the newly appointed parishpriest take over.

                   - Cooperator in the foundation and growth of Maltese religious congregations

                   - The Daughters of the Sacred Heart

On 31 December 1919 the Daughters of the Sacred Heart, founded in Malta by Maria Teresa Nuzzo in 1903, invited Mgr De Piro to help them with his reflections about the last day of the year.[172] Although for its days of reflection a religious community generally invited preachers who knew its members well, in itself this invitation did not necessarily mean that the Servant of God had been in any way close to these Sisters. Another sermon shows the closeness of De Piro to these Sisters all the more; on 11 June 1920, the Daughters of the Sacred Heart invited Monsignor for their renewal of vows.[173] Again, the celebrant invited for such an occasion was usually a one who was close to the community! But the document that proves that De Piro was a real help to these Sisters is a letter written by a certain Mother Nazzarena Gouder, a Franciscan Sister who had been chosen by the Archbishop of Malta as superior of the Daughters of the Sacred Heart:[174]

Istituto Nuzzo

Hamrun

5 Agosto 1918

 

Revmo Padre,

 

Veniamo or’ ora dal manicomio dove ci siam recate a mettere Suor Matilde. La Madre Rosalia che mi accompagnò in questa facenda, Le faccia sapere tutte le particolarità; io solamento mi limito a ringraziare prima il Buon Dio che diede a V.Illma e Revma. S. un cuore dotato di tutte le virtù e doni richiesti per aiutare il poverello e trarlo dai suoi impicci, cosa che raramente si trova nelle persone del suo rango; poi ringrazio lo stesso misericordioso Signore che mi fece la grazia di farmi incontrare V.S. Rma. e godere delle sue beneficenze; indi, piena di alta riconoscenza, mi rivolgo a Lei Padre Dilettmo e Le dico che io mi serberò grata in eterno, per tutto quello che Ella ha fatto per guidarmi nella retta via della santità e della società. Il Signore la ricompensi in questa e nell’altra vita, ed io nella mia miseria mi offro a qualunque Suo servizio.

Raccomando tutto l’Istituto al favore della Sua preghiera mentre che con distinta Stima Le bacio la sacra destra, e mi pregio di poter segnarmi,

 

Di V.S. Illma e Revma,

Umlma figlia in Cristo                                                                Sr. M. Nazarena.[175]

 

These words of Mother Nazzarena were not to be said to someone who had not already helped a lot these Sisters!

                   - The Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus

Further on in this chapter I shall be saying that in 1907 the Servant of God was nominated by the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, as Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun. When he started his ministry there, De Piro found the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus as those responsible for the day to day running of the Orphanage. Because of the relationship that grew up between the Director and these nuns, and because these religious had only been founded in Gozo in 1880,[176] De Piro involved himself even in the development of the Sisters’ Congregation. So much so that some Franciscan Sisters wrote several letters to the Servant of God.

On 23 December 1916, Madre Nazzarena Gouder, Superior General from 1911 to 1917,[177] wrote to Monsignor:

Quest anno piu che mai, mi incombe il dovere di prevalermi della presente circostanza della festa Natalizia per ringraziarla di tanti favori e benefici che continuamente sparge su di noi, povere figlie di San Francesco, colla Sua solerte cura spirituale e temporale.

Padre, l’interesse che, contro ogni nostro merito, V.S. Rma nutre per il progresso della nostra Congregazione oggimai si sente, si conosce e si dichiara da ogniuno dei suoi membri. La medesima, per quanto misera e povera essa sia, per la grazia di Dio, ha sempre trovato chi la benefica, chi la protegge; ma oggi tra tante calamità e tristezze, il Signore, nella Sua infinita misericordia, ci ha mandato l’aiuto di V.S. Illma e Revma a poter scivare i pericoli e progredire nella virtù e nel lavoro; e perciò, caro Padre, nel magnificare e ringraziare il Signore per tanta Sua bontà e providenza, ringraziamo pure V.C. per tutto quel bene che a favor nostro abbia operato.

Però, per quanto viva sentiamone la riconoscenza, pur non di meno non possiamo mai compensare V.S.Rma, e qualunque cosa noi facciamo non ci sarà maì possibile di sdebitarci…[178]

 

Three months later the same Mother Nazzarena wrote to De Piro again, and again referred to the support he offered to her Congregation, “Nel presentarle pure i nostri ringraziamenti, per tutto quello che Ella opera a vantaggio della nostra Congregazione… Gradisca, caro Padre, i nostri sinceri affetti e distinti ossequi e ci benedica.”[179]

It is interesting to note that in the above two letters Madre Nazzarena called the Servant of God “Padre”. The same did Sister Epifania, first councellor and secretary general.[180] She wrote in the name of the Foundress, Margherita Debrincat. She called De Piro, “…un vero Padre…”[181]

Sister Epifania’s words are as strong as those of Madre Nazzarena:

… la Sua preziosa vita di quarant’anni fu spesa tutta quanta nel cercare la gloria di Dio e nel beneficare il prossimo. Fortunatamente fra i molti da V.C. beneficati sono i membri della nostra Congregazione che trovano in Lei un vero Padre il quale cerca e desidera il loro avvanzamento spirituale e temporale. Alle sue indefesse cure si attribuisce il cambiamento notevole dell’ Istituto Fra Diegu, il vantaggio ricavato da quelle Suore a cui tocco la sorte di avvicinarsi a V.R.P. e tanti altri favori che per brevità taccio.[182]

 

Mother Margherita Debrincat, the Foundress, seemed to consider Mgr De Piro more than close to her Congregation, “Insomma, rinnovando i più sentiti ringraziamenti non solo per il passato ma per tutto quello che farà (come spero nella S. Bonta) a vantaggio della nostra cara Comunità la quale La riconosce quale Padre Generale, ecc.”[183]

Exactly because she considered the Servant of God as their superior general, the Foundress wrote again to De Piro on 6 April 1920 and asked him something quite intimate to her and her companions:

Abuso della Sua bontà e colgo l’occasione della sua andata a Roma per pregarla a voler farci la carità di procurarci delle informazioni, per ciò che si richiede per la nostra approvazione. Mi dirigo a V.S. Illma di comune intesa con Mgr Vescovo di Gozo ove risiede la nostra Casa Madre, e Le rimetto anche copia manoscritta delle nostre Costituzioni.[184]

 

Eight years later De Piro showed how much he wished to support these Franciscan Sisters and the work they did. In October 1927 five of these nuns went to Ethiopia to start their missionary work there. In his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”, the Servant of God published an article in which he gave details about the departure of these five nuns to the missions.[185] In the same publication De Piro presented to the readers a letter written by His Excellency Andrea Jarosseau, a Bishop in Abyssinia, in appreciation for the arrival of the Sisters in his diocese.[186] When Mother Rosa, the superior of the Franciscan group in Ethiopia, died, Monsignor presented his readers with a short biographical note about this pioneer missionary of the Franciscan Sisters in Ethiopia.[187] De Piro dedicated another considerable space of his 1932 Almanac to describe the departure of another group of Franciscan Sisters to Abyssinia. [188]

                   - The Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth

In this chapter[189] and in the second one[190] I shall be presenting Mgr Joseph De Piro as the Director of the Jesus of Nazareth Orphanage. But the Servant of God had contact with the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth not only because they were in charge of the day to day running of the Institute; he also helped them a lot in their being set up as a religious missionary institute. And he continued helping them until his death. It is this contribution of De Piro that I shall be presenting here.

Although the Jesus of Nazareth Orphanage and the Congregation of the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth are not the same thing, but they can be said to have started and progressed concurrently. Therefore one can say that even the Congregation had its beginning in 1913.[191] Although since this date the Servant of God had been only the spiritual director of Guzeppina Curmi, the Foundress, he must have undoubtedly discussed with her both the foundation of the Institute and that of her Congregation. Then there was a period where it was a certain Fr Paul Zammit, a priest from Gudja, Malta, who directed the Institute. During these years the contact between Curmi and De Piro were suspended. In 1922 Fr Zammit died and Curmi sought again the help of Monsignor. From the letter De Piro wrote to Archbishop Caruana on 21 May 1933, we know that it was His Excellency who invited th Servant of God to help Guzeppina.[192] De Piro accepted the request.[193]

From a letter the Foundress wrote to Archbishop Caruana on 28 December 1924 one concludes that His Excellency had told De Piro something which discouraged the latter and made him stop helping, as much as he was before, the advancement of the Sisters’ Congregation.[194] At the same time on 11 February 1932 Archbishop Caruana wrote to the Prefect of the Congregation for Religious and told him that he had been asked for a long time by De Piro to approve as a sodality the group of ladies who were taking care of various homes of beneficence.[195] His Excellency wanted to approve this group of ladies but he wished to go step by step.

To help the acquisition of the diocesan approval for the ladies, the Servant of God suggested that (1) for the moment they were supposed to consider the Constitutions of the Society of St Paul as their own rule; (2) in Malta and abroad, the ladies were expected to cooperate in their work with the members of the Society of St Paul, founded by De Piro in 1910; (3) their name becomes Missionaries of Jesus of Nazareth in order to indicate that the scope of the Pia Unione was missionary; and (4) they were expected to have a particular type of dress.[196]  Not all proposals were accepted by the Congregation for Religious and therefore the Servant of God had to face more difficulites.[197] De Piro was not alive when the nulla osta from the Congregation for Religious reached Malta’s Archbishop for the diocesan approval of the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth; it was written to Archbishop Caruana on 31 October 1933, more than a month after the death of the Servant of God.[198]

- President of the Special Consultative Committee for the restoration of St Paul’s Church, Rabat, Malta

On 4 January 1925 there was set up a General Committee for the restoration of the Church of St Paul, Rabat, Malta. This same Committee, then, created a Commission which prepared a Project that was presented to the Archbishop of Malta, re: the same restoration. On his part His Excellency nominated a Special Committee to study the feasibility or not of the same Project and present its conclusions.[199] De Piro was made President of this Special Committee.[200]

In all there were four meetings of the Special Committee: 27 May, 2 , 12 and 19 June of the year 1925.[201] On the 22 of the same month the members signed the corrected minutes of their last meeting.[202]

                   - Minister of the Word

During his seminary years in Rome, Joseph did not show very good qualities as a prospective preacher. He suffered from an inflammation in his throat which, apart from being painful, often created difficulties when speaking.[203] Though when still in Rome he got rid of this, he continued suffering from tuberculosis.[204] In fact during his first years as a priest in Malta he was afraid to accept the offer of the director of the Opera della Missione, Mgr E. Debono, to begin preaching in Maltese parishes.[205] However as time went on he overcame this fear and though on his own and not with Mgr Debono, embarked on this apostolate with fresh zeal.

We can deal with this aspect of De Piro’s life because luckily, as in other areas of his life, the Servant of God took pains to be precise. In fact in the De Piro Archives one can still find sermons which the Servant of God used to write, some of them in complete form, before delivering them. There are two hundred and thirteen of these sermons. This is already a good number, but these same sermons indicate that De Piro had made more than these. Some of them are not complete; they imply that there was more material. Others refer to sermons which do not seem to exist anymore.[206]

De Piro did not only write the sermons. He even put them in files according to the themes. At the top of the sermon he often noted where, when, and to whom he was making the sermon. Through the several Maltese words and phrases De Piro put in brackets, and which he included in the text, one can conclude that he used Maltese when preaching. At the same time the written preparation as a whole was in Italian.[207]

De Piro’s preaching was quite pastorally oriented; with his word he wanted to help those hearing him to come closer to God. Thus his homelies tended to be simple. At the same time an analysis of the texts reveals sound biblical[208] and theological foundations.

 

(ii) A citizen who always contributed towards his country

                   - Archbishop’s Delegate in the Committee for the Peace Feasts

When the First World War was over the Maltese Government organised some festivities to celebrate the acquisition of peace.[209] The Archbishop was asked by the Governor to choose his deputy for the Committee that was to take care of the organisation of the celebrations.[210] Archbishop Mauro Caruana chose De Piro as his representative.[211]

                   - Member of the National Assembly (1919-1921)

On 23 November 1918 Dr. Filippo Sceberras offered to help the preparation of a draft of a Constitution for the Maltese Islands.[212] First there was an appeal to all Maltese associations to send their delegates to form a National Assembly.[213] Amongst those present there were four canons representing the Metropolitan Chapter of the Cathedral of Malta and the clergy.[214] De Piro was the first of these.[215] The members met for the first time on 25 February 1919.[216] On 7 June of that same year there was held the second meeting of the Assembly.[217] Here it was decided that there be formed a Central Commission made up of a representative from each important Maltese association, already present in that Assembly.[218] Monsignor De Piro, being the Dean of the Cathedral Chapter, was chosen again.[219] In this meeting the members agreed to start work on the draft of the Constitution.[220] But outside the "Giovine Malta", the place where the members were gathered, there arose an upheaval and the session was suspended.[221] It was on 23 June that the Central Commission held its first meeting.[222] In all there were five sessions of the National Assembly and fourteen of the Central Commission.[223] Although these meetings meant hours and hours of discussions, De Piro, with the exception of the first and thirteenth meetings of the Central Commission, was always present.[224] This was already a proof of his real love for his country. But it was not only a question of attendance: his was always an active involvement. Together with the other Monsignori he had to be present at ordinary and extraordinary Chapter sessions in order to discuss and prepare material which was to be treated in the Assembly or in the Commission. Not infrequently he had even to do research work on his own in order to support the Chapter’s convictions.[225] During the meetings he always behaved with the other members with an open mind: he was always and only after the good of the nation and never wanting to impose his own ideas. After each session he had to inform the other Canons, and this again meant much work for him.[226]

De Piro’s efforts to be always present in all these meetings and his active participation in them are already a proof of his dedication to his country. But this love of his for whatever was Maltese was expressed more directly when the Central Commission discussed the language problem; he was among the members who were in favour of the use of the Maltese language in the future Parliament by those who wanted to do so.[227]

                   - The ‘Sette Giugno’ Riots (1919)

A few lines above mention has already been made of the upheavals which arose during the second session of the National Assembly held on 7 June 1919.[228] Since Monsignor De Piro was a member of the National Assembly and this was the body set up with the explicit scope of seeking the interests of the Maltese, he, together with a few other members, considered it his duty to intervene even in this hard moment.[229]

It is a known fact that in the Sette Giugno riots there were several criminals who mixed with the other Maltese and acted in a most condemnable way.[230] But these must be considered as the exception. In general those who participated in the three day event were people who wanted to fight for their legitimate rights. This was the only reason why De Piro intervened in such a delicate situation. In spite of the fact that he even risked his own life, the Servant of God spent three days going here and there, at one time meeting some British officer, at another time the Commissioner of Police, at another time members of the Assembly, and at other times, even the mob.[231] It seems befitting to stress all this by a statement published eight years later:

Fr Joseph De Piro, a priest whom nobody can accuse of any fault, is an example of integrity, devoted dedication and holiness. He is also a patriot, who was involved in heartbreaking events - the disorders and deaths on 7 June 1919. On that occasion he was in the midst of firing and close to the injured. De Piro is, for the Church and his native country, an exemplary priest and an ideal patriot. Everyone should love and admire him.[232]

 

And on our part we can add that Monsignor was a real proof of the power of non violence.

                   - Cashier of the Committee Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919 [233]

The shooting of four men by the British soldiers on 7 June 1919, made all Maltese join forces and forget their different opinions about various aspects of their lives.[234] In fact on 8 June 1919 there met at the “Giovine Malta”, a central building in Valletta, a group of volunteers[235] who created a Committee which would gather money for the families of the victims who died or were wounded the day before.[236] In the fourth meeting of this Committee, Sir Filippo Sceberras was chosen as honorary president and Dr Enrico Mizzi as secretary.[237] De Piro was one of the clerics to join them.[238] He was made the cashier of this Committee.[239] 

In the beginning, the Committee met twice a week. In all, the members met 52 times, the last time in January 1926.[240] In the minutes of the Committee there are the details of the information gathered by the members about the persons who were helped and the amount of money each person was given.[241]

-         Member of the Committee for the visit, of H.R.H., the Prince of Wales (1921)

On 10 August 1920 there was the last meeting of the Central Commission of the National Assembly which was entrusted with the writing of the draft Constitution for Malta.[242] On 30 April 1921 there followed the promulgation of the Letters Patent of 14 April 1921 from the side of Britain.[243] On 5 and 6 October 1921 there were the elections for the members of the Senate of the first bicamerale Maltese parliament, while those for the members of the Legislative Assembly were held on18 and 19 October of the same year.[244] On 1 November 1921 there came to Malta, the Prince of Wales to open this first Maltese Parliament.[245] For the organisation of this visit there was set up a special committee. Mgr Joseph De Piro must have been invited to make part of this Committee. In fact after the celebrations were over the Servant of God received two letters of appreciation: one was a personal thank you note from the Superintendent of Public Works,[246] while the other one was written by the Lieutenant Governor himself and it was addressed to all those who helped in the organisation of the visit of His Royal Highness.[247]

                   - Member of the Unione Leoniana

In this thesis there will soon be presented the socio economic situation of Malta during the nineteenth and early years of the twentieth centuries.[248] Some reference will also be made to the employments issue and the conditions of work of the employees during these same years.[249] But here it is important to say that after 1920 De Piro was implied in a movement which was after these same issues. At least to some extent.

It happened that, Fr Charles Plater, the Jesuit considered by the English Catholics as an authority in the social studies,[250] was feeling so much ill that he was ordered to have some rest. First it was thought that he would go to Australia, but his doctor was afraid of the length of the journey.[251] Plater had already some contact with a certain Canon Carm Bugelli of Malta, about the labour issue.[252] He also had some contact with a certain Paolo Francesco Bellanti about the same thing.[253]  He therefore chose Malta where he thought that his apostolate would find fertile ground.[254]

Fr Plater arrived in Malta on 15 December 1920.[255] When in Malta he seemed to forget about his rest. He met Governor Lord Plumer, twice the Archbishop, several politicians, various priests who were involved in the social life, and several socio economic entities.[256] He even made talks to several organisations.[257]

One point which Fr Plater repeatedly emphasised during his stay in Malta was the need for social education. He noticed that the local situation, which was at the moment facing great social problems, lacked social knowledge.  To promote this indispensable knowledge and to stimulate it with vital interest, he organised and set going the Unione Leoniana, which was, according to his own draft statutes, “an association for spreading in Malta among all classes of the population, the social teachings of the Catholic Church and thus paving the way for a sound christian democracy”.[258] On 28 January 1921 he also wrote that he wished, “… to see a dozen study clubs at work…”[259] In these clubs Plater wished that the clergy would become conscious of their paramount duty to know and instruct, and the laity to learn and know, what the Catholic Church taught about the social question.[260]

In Mdina there seemed to be the wish to establish one of the Plater clubs. In fact Albert Magri, secretary of the Unione Leoniana, [261] wrote toMgr De Piro telling him that in the meeting of the Unione, held on 1 February (probably 1921) the Servant of God was nominated as member of the sub committee of Mdina.[262] In the same letter Magri encouraged De Piro to accept becoming member.[263]

It does not seem that the project of Fr Plater grew up. Emmanuel Agius referred to it as “… a seed which did not find fertile soil.”[264] His presence however, enhanced a healthy discussion on the social question.[265]

                   - Member of the Governing Board of the Malta War Memorial Hospital for Children

In a letter written to him on 25 July 1922 by Dr Augustus Bartolo, the Servant of God was told that in a general meeting of the Malta War Memorial Hospital for Children he was unanimously chosen as a member of the Governing Board of this Institution.[266]

                   - Member of the Special Committee of the British Empire Exhibition

A letter was written by the Prime Minister of Malta, Mr Joseph Howard, on 27 September 1922 to Mgr De Piro telling him “… that His Excellency the Governor has been pleased to approve of your appointment as a member of the Special Committee to consider the question of the official participation of Malta in the British Empire Exhibition of 1924.”[267] It was the duty of the Committee: “(1) to report what class of exhibit should be sent to the Exhibition so that Malta may be worthily represented; (2) to submit a list of intended exhibitors and indicate the approximate space required by each exhibitor; and (3) to ascertain under what conditions intending exhibitors would come forward.”[268]

In 1925, when the Exhibition was over, the Servant of God was awarded a silver medal and diploma for his contribution in the Committee.[269]

                   - Archbishop’s Representative on the Committee of the Zammit Clapp Hospital

According to a letter sent by the General Secretary of the Archdiocese of Malta, Mgr E. Vassallo, to Mgr De Piro, Dean of the Metropolitan Chapter of the Cathedral, the said Chapter was supposed to choose a canon who could represent the Archbishop on the Committee of the Zammit Clapp Hospital, St Julian’s, Malta.[270] From the several reminders Vassallo sent to the Cathedral Chapter one can rightly conclude that this choice of a representative had to be done each year.[271] On 28 January 1925 Canon Philip Muscat, Chancellor of the Cathedral Chapter wrote to the General Secretary Vassallo and informed him that De Piro had been confirmed representative of the Chapter on the Zammit Clapp Committee even for that year.[272] Which meant that the Servant of God had already been representative at least during the previous year. The last note we have in relation to this representation is of 13 December 1930. This says that Monsignor was confirmed as representative even for the following year, that is for the year 1931.[273]

-         Archbishop’s representative on the organising committee for the visit of the Duke and Duckess of York (1927)

On 17 June 1927 Prince Albert, Duke of York , the future King George VI, and his wife, the Duchess, began an official visit to Malta. They had an intensive programme to follow. This was prepared by a Committee chosen specifically to organise this visit.[274] From a letter written by the Servant of God on 22 May 1927 to the Secretary General of the Archdiocese, one can conclude that the former was chosen by the Archbishop to represent him on this organising Committee.[275]

-         Member of the Tourism Committee

According to a letter written to De Piro on 8 November 1927 by the secretary to the Minister for Public Instruction, Monsignor was also chosen as member of the Tourism Committee.[276] From the correspondence still preserved in the De Piro Archives we know that this Committee mainly dealt with the establishment of a group of tourist guides who could take care of visitors to the many churches of Malta, epecially the Cathedral at Mdina and St John’s CoCathedral in Valletta.[277] The members of the Committee were expected to draw a draft of the regulations that were to be observed by these guides.[278]

                   - Mediator between the Church and Lord Gerard Strickland

When one comes to know that the Servant of God was so much involved in the social life of our country, one may conclude that he was also active in its political dimension. One may arrive all the more at the same conclusion when one knows that the De Piros were quite involved in politics in some one party or other. Monsignor might have had his own personal convictions but he never expressed these same opinions in public. It was because of this that he could serve as a mediator between the Church and one of the primeministers of Malta, Lord Gerald Strickland, during the years 1930-1932. It was to this intervention that the Daily Malta Chronicle referred in an appreciation published on 19 September, 1933:

Monsignor De Piro - A Tribute to his Memory

 

... For a little more than a year ... since the opening of the present Parliament ... he (Monsignor De Piro) had, in addition to his manifold roles, yet another ... he was one of the Archbishop’s representatives in the Senate ... a task we are inclined to believe, he must have undertaken out of that sense of duty and utter selflessness which were uppermost in his character; for he fought shy of politics and kept away from the political strife. Yet there has been a notable and quite recent occasion, when he played a remarkable and beneficent part in the political field, though he hardly figured in it at all. It was he, in fact, who was mainly responsible, through his initiative, his tact and particularly his sincerity and earnestness of purpose, for putting an end to the unfortunate politico-religious dispute which caused so much harm to the Island; it was he who restored the relations between Church and State to their normal and traditional state of peace and cordial cooperation. No one was better fitted for the task ... no one enjoyed to a greater degree the confidence of both sides, nor possessed the qualities that were necessary to undertake the delicate mission and carry it to a happy conclusion. Not for that alone, however, are we all in the Church and State alike profoundly moved by his sudden and untimely death: we mourn in him the loss of one who was indeed a pillar of both Church and State.[279]

 

From the various persons interviewed by Aloisius Aloisio we know that after many interventions, Monsignor was once again an instrument of peace, this time between Strickland and the Church.[280]

-         Senator in the Third Maltese Parliament

One of the issues which caused most of the trouble between Lord Strickland and the Church was the participation of the clergy in Parliament. As had been just said peace was acquired between Strcikland and the Church. But the Archbishop held the right to have representatives in Parliament. In fact when the Third Legislature was formed, on 17 October, 1932, His Excellency nominated two Monsignori as members of the Senate; Mgr De Piro was again one of the two.[281]

After his death, the Daily Malta Chronicle commented about this other duty of De Piro:

A little more than one year ago, Mgr De Piro was entrusted with another duty besides the others he had. He was chosen as one of the Archbishop’s representatives in the Senate. We feel we can say that he accepted only because he considered it his duty and on his part he never sought his own interests. For him duty and dedication to others came first... [282]

 

We know what were “the other duties” of De Piro! As has already been said he was Canon and Dean of the Cathedral Chapter. He was also Director of six ecclesiastical charitable Institutes. Besides, the Servant of God had, in 1910, founded the Missionary Society of St Paul which by 1932, had already four communities in Malta and a mission in Abyssinia. Not to mention the hundred and one other responsibilities and ministries.[283] Monsignor did not intervene too often in the Senate, only some three times. “The dedication” mentioned above could be seen more in his regular attendence, although his interventions, especially one, were a very positive contribution to the social life of Malta and the Maltese.[284]

 

(iii) A father to the orphans and the poor

(iiia)  Institutionalised charity

                   - Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun, Malta

The connection of De Piro with St. Joseph’s Institute, Santa Venera, from early on in De Piro’s life has already been referred to.[285] Before he was ordained priest he had already made his wishes clear to Archbishop Peter Pace; he wished to go and live there together with the other two priests.[286] When still a seminarian he had sent donations to the Institute.[287] And once he spent one whole month at the Institute substituting Fr. George Bugeja in the running of the Institute.[288] However it transpired that though working with six different Institutes, this ministry of his was not to start at St Joseph’s, Malta.

In 1860 Fra Diegu Bonanno, a Franciscan Minor, began providing shelter for those young women who for one reason or another ended up on the Maltese streets, often to the detriment of their reputation. This initiative had a small beginning. In time however, this work began to grow. Fra Diegu died on 4 May 1902.[289] His fellow Franciscans spent some time running the Institute, but then had to leave, consigning it to the Diocese on 2 August 1907.[290] Archbishop Pace accepted the advice of Fr. George Bugeja, of St Joseph’s Institute, about whom to place in charge of Fra Diegu Institute. Bugeja had no hesitation in suggesting De Piro,[291] and the Archbishop took the cue, nominating him as Director of Fra Diegu.[292]

The Archbishop did not choose the Servant of God only because of what Fr. George had told him but as his Excellency declared in the nomination, also because he had realised that Fr. Joseph was a good, diligent wise, and active priest.[293]

                   - Secretary of the Committee of the Bishop’s Foundation for Bread to the Poor during the War

On 1 December 1916 the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Mauro Caruana:

Desiderosi di recare qualche aiuto ai poveri che formano la parte eletta del nostro gregge e che pei tempi calamitosi che corrono, difficilmente possono procacciarsi il necessario alla vita; abbiamo creduto di costituire un Comitato … allo scopo di raccogliere fondi per poter coll’aiuto della divina Providenza, allargare la distribuzione del pane dove se ne sente il bisogno.[294]

 

Mgr Joseph De Piro was nominated secretary of this Committee.[295] In the same decree of foundation the Archbishop appealed to the archpriets, parishpriests, curates, religious superiors and rectors of churches to help the Committee with the collections of money.[296] In fact His Excellency ordered that in every church there would be a collection specifically for this aim.[297] He even appealed to the rich individuals to help.[298]

The Committee published in the La Diocesi: Bullettino Ufficiale Ecclesiastico di Malta, almost each month, for 15 times, the lists of benefactors who contributed towards the Fund.[299]

                   - Director of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun, Malta

In 1922, Mgr De Piro was assigned the responsibility of the second ecclesiastical charitable Institute, Jesus of Nazareth Institute, in Zejtun, Malta. The contacts with Guzeppina Curmi, the Foundress of this Orphanage, had already been established much earlier. In fact; even before 1913, Guzeppina sought spiritual direction from Monsignor, and she continued to do so even after opening the first and second houses in Zejtun. For a time this contact was not maintained. It was then in 1922 that Madre Curmi sought the Servant of God; she came with the proposal that he become the director of the Institute which she and some of her companions had at the house of Marquis Testaferrata Bonnici in Zejtun. De Piro wrote these words to the Archbishop, “… la mia direzione per l’Istituto Gesù Nazzareno, che io non accettaì, questa volta, se non pel tramite di Vra Eccza …”[300]

As the number of children was increasing steadily Madre Curmi felt the need to build a better Institute. After borrowing some money she bought a piece of land near “San Girgor”, Zejtun, and in 1925 started the construction works.[301] With the laying of the foundation stone De Piro, though already laden with a lot of other things, had to cater also for the many demands arising from such an enterprise as building a new institute.[302] The many letters we have show how he had to deal with Government departments, benefactors, and agents so as to propel the work. He did this for no less than five years, when on 16 July 1930 the first part of the building was inaugurated.[303]

                   - Director of St Joseph’s Institute, Santa Venera, Malta

After being for two years Rector of the Major Seminary in Mdina, De Piro requested that he be relieved of the post. He wished to dedicate himself more fully to the religious missionary Society which he had founded a few years earlier.[304] In spite of the fact that Archbishop Mauro Caruana had acceded to this request,[305] two years later his Excellency nominated the Servant of God to yet another post, that of Director of St. Joseph Institute, Santa Venera.[306] This time De Piro did not even mention the Society. He accepted the Archbishop’s request immediately.  This meant that De Piro became Director of St Joseph’s no less than 15 years after being first nominated Director of Fra Diegu.

We have already noted how intimately De Piro’s option for the poor was linked with St. Joseph’s, Malta.[307] Also, we have to keep in mind that this was not simply a personal option, but even one for his prospective missionary Society. After returning from Switzerland, he immediately tried to find priests who could join him in the setting up of his society. To Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, director of St Joseph’s, he even presented his project in writing.[308] When writing about the scope of the Society, De Piro mentioned St Joseph’s Home as one of the “Campi prossimi d’azione” for the members of his Society.[309]  This was to occur in reality a short time after De Piro’s nomination to St. Joseph’s, since the Freres De La Salle who were running St Joseph’s, were finding it difficult to continue doing so because of lack of vocations.[310] When they left, De Piro called in the members of his Society to replace them.[311]

                   - Director of St Joseph’s Institute, Ghajnsielem, Gozo

Soon after the setting up of St. Joseph’s Home, in Santa Venera, by Mgr Francesco Bonnici, Bishop Pietro Pace, a Gozitan and a former Bishop of Gozo, expressed his wish that a branch be opened in Malta’s Sister Island to cater for its orphans and needy boys. Because of certain difficulties that arose, this project never materialised.[312] Three years later, three Maltese men, most probably encouraged by Archbishop Pace, tried to start a house where they could shelter abandoned boys. Again, this other initiative never saw the light of day.[313] Another effort was done by Fr John Camilleri, one of the parishpriests of Gozo. Knowing that the Freres De La Salle were taking care of St Joseph’s, Malta, he invited them to start something similar in Gozo. He seemed to have persuaded the Malta Delegate of the Congregation. In fact the latter asked the Bishop of Gozo, Mgr Giovanni Camilleri, to open a College for boys where the Freres intended to impart a religious and civil education as well as a solid and theoretical and practical instruction in arts and trades. Bishop Camilleri who had been wishing to start something similar blessed and approved the venture. Yet the problems seemed too big to overcome and the project never materialised. [314]

However the need for a home for the Gozitan abandoned boys continued to be felt and on 17 November 1923 the parish priests of Gozo drew up a notarial contract whereby such an orphanage could be founded. For this end they were to ask for a LM1000 subsidy from the government in return for an undertaking to keep twenty orphans in the home which they proposed to call the Diocesan-Parochial Orphanage and which was to be sited at Ghajnsielem, Gozo.[315] This proposal was accepted by Mgr Michael Gonzi who in the meantime had succeeded Peter Pace as Bishop of Gozo. The relevant foundation decree was issued on 6 November 1924. [316]

According to this decree the home was to be known as Orfanatrofio Diocesano and the civil government was not to interfere in any way in its running. The officials responsible for its administration were to be chosen by the parishpriests themselves subject to diocesan approval. The bishop reserved the right to preside over the council of administration and to vet all applications. In case the orphanage should be forced to close down, all property was to pass to the Bishop of Gozo.[317]

As regards the actual administration of the Home, the parishpriests were unanimously of the opinion that it should be affiliated to St. Joseph’s Home, Malta, which at that time had Mgr De Piro as its Director.[318] Always meticulous in all he did, De Piro kept asking for more information before he would commit himself.[319] He eventually gave his consent on 3 February 1925. That same day, in his dual capacity as Director of St. Joseph’s Home and Superior of the Society of St. Paul, he wrote to the Archbishop of Malta, asking for permission to let the Society take over the running of the Orphanage in Gozo.[320] Official approval was granted on 9 February.[321]

When Mgr Michael Gonzi chose De Piro to initiate and direct the new Institute of St. Joseph at Ghajnsielem, he issued a decree[322] which included a beautiful certificate about the Servant of God. In this document De Piro is presented as a person who had, “… mani esperte.”[323]

Apart from this document there are others which shed more light on De Piro. Since in the case of this Institute, De Piro was not only the first Director but also the one who moulded it into being, it stands to reason that it implied a lot of work in order to organise the whole thing. Material in the De Piro Archives indicates that he had to resort to Governmental aid more than once.[324] Thus this man, who came from a wealthy family was now begging for land, subsidies, and other things.

- Director of the Home for babies and young children, Santa Venera, Malta

As if four institutes were not enough, De Piro’s dedication and interest for working with needy children and youths led him to think of something new. His work especially at St. Joseph’s, Sta. Venera, led him to realise the existent void in the care of babies and very young children below the entry age at St Joseph’s, Malta.[325] To make up for this he sought the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth and with their help, in 1925, opened a house for these little ones at Sta. Venera.[326] In this house children “… up to the age of seven, and exceptionally up to the age of ten” were accepted.[327]

                   - Director of the Institute, St Francis de Paul, Birkirkara, Malta

In 1927 the Servant of God was chosen as Director for the sixth Institute of charity, that of St Francis de Paul, in Birkirkara, Malta.[328] There are very few documents about this Institute, but it seemed that the biggest problem in relation to this Institute was for the acquisition of an adequate house. Despite the increasing demands on De Piro, he accepted this Institute and worked as hard as he could during his lifetime in order to acquire a new building.[329]

                   - His testamentary will and the Institutes

What has already been said well brings out the link between De Piro and the ecclesiastical charitable nstitutes. This is further confirmed in his will: in the orphanages he did everything gratis. [330] Also, after declaring what he wanted to bequeath to the Society of St. Paul, his mother, Archbishop Caruana, the Jesus of Nazareth Sisters and “Dar Sant’Ursola” at Qrendi, in articles 8 and 9 of his will the Servant of God bequeathed some things to the Institutes of Fra Diegu, Jesus of Nazareth and St Francis de Paul.[331]

                   - Director of the Workshop or Laboratory for unemployed young women, Valletta

It seems that a certain Maria Assunta Borg had originated the “Laboratorio delle

Pericolanti”[332] in order to provide a healthy environment for those girls who did not have a family to care for them and who wanted to learn a trade and get a living from it.[333] According to Borg, it was the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Mauro Caruana, who assigned the Servant of God to the direction of this place.[334] On his part Mgr De Piro never stopped thinking what could be done for the Institutes entrusted to him. For this reason he would change, arrange or build where needed. He also worked on bettering the administrative systems of these Institutes. However his contact with reality led him to see how some young ladies emerging from these same Institutes, were finding no one to receive them and thus ended up roaming about with some of them even seeking employment in the pubs.[335] De Piro did not remain idle when faced with this reality; he did his best to help these poor women. He thus accepted the Archbishop’s assignment and embarked on this important project, the Laboratory.[336]

The Workshop had a very difficult beginning. Mgr De Piro had to work very hard to find a place for it. The government was not very forthcoming.[337] However the main difficulties arose after the Laboratory was opened. In fact we can say that this was a continual source of tension for De Piro. He had to see from where to get the funds. At one point he even went as far as organising a musical concert at the Royal University, in Valletta.[338] Then he had to take care of the administration of the Project, something which was even more difficult. To complicate matters the person who was helping him was being given advice which went diametrically opposite to his plans.[339] In the end the Laboratory had to be closed down![340]

                   - Director of the Birkirkara Oratory

Birkirkara is one of the oldest and most populous towns in Malta. There, early in the twentieth century, an Oratory was built in its eastern part, to cater for the christian formation of the sons of the people.[341]

In 1910, Canon Michael Sammut, a priest from Birkirkara, and Notary Michael L. Casolani, obtained a plot of land for the building of a chapel.[342] It was Casolani who paid for its construction,[343] which was completed in four months and solemnly inaugurated on 31 July 1910.[344] Casolani had hoped that the Salesian Brothers would look after the chapel and provide a religious and civil education for the people’s children according to the methods of St John Bosco. In fact the chapel was dedicated to Our Lady, Help of the Christians, patroness of the Salesians.[345]

A short time after, an Oratory was built adjacent to the chapel. Again Casolani paid for the building and, in accordance with his wishes, it was entrusted to the Salesians who named it “Domenico Savio Oratory”.[346]

When the Salesians gave up the Oratory in 1912 due to a shortage of priests in their congregation, the Freres De La Salle took over and renamed it after St. John Baptist De La Salle.[347] But the Freres too had to give up responsibility of the Oratory since they were finding it hard to get enough vocations.[348]

For a number of years the Oratory continued in its mission under the general direction of its two founders.[349] On 15 December 1925 Casolani wrote to the Servant of God asking him to take over the Oratory.[350] Although at that time De Piro had his hand full with his Society and the various charitable institutions, and his physical condition was giving him reason for concern,[351] he seriously considered taking over the Oratory for the Society of St. Paul, asking Casolani for detailed information regarding all the conditions he wanted to impose.[352]

Since the Society was still a diocesan one the Archbishop’s approval was necessary before the Oratory could be accepted.[353] The Archbishop gave his consent on 21 January 1927[354] and the relevant contract was signed on 4 April.[355] De Piro made it quite clear that the Oratory was only being accepted on behalf of the Missionary Society of St. Paul,[356] and that there should be no interference in its running by any other congregation.[357] On its part the Society undertook to continue that spiritual welfare that was already being performed and to accept responsibility for all future expenses.[358]

The ceding of the Oratory to the Society came at a most opportune time because its co-founder and director, Canon Michael Sammut died soon afterwards on 11 November 1927.[359]

The primary concern of the Oratory was to educate the young poor children of the area,[360] spiritually.[361] The children had mass daily and were encouraged to go to confession every Saturday. The main feasts observed by the Oratory were Christmas and Our Lady, Help of Christians.[362] The Servant of God, however, did not neglect the physical and intellectual development of the children. The catechists supervised them as they played in the playground and produced modest theatrical representations to bring out their hidden talents.[363]

For the first few years of the Society’s administration, De Piro was formally considered the Superior of the Oratory. It was he who signed all correspondence and other documents.[364]

Monsignor had also struck a very close friendship with Notary Casolani with whom he shared a deep desire for charitable deeds.[365] Casolani was eventually drawn towards the Society and he considered it more than a coincidence that both the Society and the Oratory had been inaugurated in the same year, 1910.[366]

Mgr De Piro also had in mind the utilising of the Oratory as a sort of aspirandate for those who wished to join the Society as either priests or brother - catechists. This possibility was discussed during a council meeting on 4 August 1928.[367] As the Founder said in the following meeting of 11 August, the Birkirkara Oratory would serve as a kind of Training School, while the novitiate proper would remain at Mdina or Hamrun (Santa Venera), or at St. Agatha’s when this bui1ding would be completed.[368] It was planned that the Training School, which was dedicated to the Assumption of Our Lady, would open towards the end of the at same year.[369]

The Training School was placed under the directorship of Fr Michael Callus. It remained open for only six years, that is a few months after De Piro’s death. But it  has always been considered as intimately connected with the early years of the Society in Birkirkara.[370]

 

(iiib)  A non-institutionalised charity

Not all charitable activities of Mgr De Piro were so organised as presented above. It was not the first time that the Servant of God helped families of members of his Society.[371] Also, a glance at the Petty Cash Books of St. Joseph’s, Sta. Venera, would prove illuminating. One would find entries such as “To.... ’s mother,” “To …’s father,” “To an unfortunate poor lady”, “To a poor family”, or Elemosina donated at the door”. This latter entry is quite frequent and at times involved relatively substantial amounts of money.[372]

 

(iiic)  Working for justice

nother virtue which accompanied De Piro’s virtue of charity was justice. De Piro sometimes increased the wages of the employees. This is borne out with a look at the registers Casa di San Giuseppe - Ist. Bonnici, Piccola Cassa. At a time when government pensions were still inexistent he gave a pension to those who finished working at St. Joseph’s Institute. Also pensions were given to widows of such workers. The same treatment was meted out to the teachers at the Cathedral School, at Mdina.[373]

 

(iv) De Piro’s missionary spirit

                   - “The idea”

When writing about De Piro’s period of the diaconate it was said that this was the time when he had to decide whether to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” or to St Joseph’s Institute, Malta.[374] It was also said that he wanted to settle in the Institute in order to be with other priests taking care of orphans.[375] But this was not the only reason. He himself also said that, “Una delle ragioni che mi inducevano di stabilirmi nella Casa di S. Giuseppe è stata la seguente: ‘Perchè un sentimento interno mi dice, che Iddio da questo istituto voglia formare a Malta, una Congregazione di Sacerdoti sotto il Patrocinio di San Paolo, e così nel rendere stabile l’opera a Malta, si diffonda anche all’estero’. [376]

This was the time when De Piro was still at his studies, but had it not been for his spiritual director, Padre Gualandi, who told him to stop thinking about this, Joseph would have developed furthermore his “idea”.[377]

Referring to De Piro’s Diary one finds out that the Servant of God obeyed the advice of his spiritual director.[378] During the remaining months of his stay in Rome he dedicated himself to his studies. Then, when he went for eighteen months in Davos, Switzerland, to recuperate his health, he could do nothing because he was too far away from Malta, where he intended to start his project.[379]

The first person to whom De Piro said something about his “idea” was Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the then director of St Joseph’s Institute, Malta. It was on 16 January 1905.[380] Vassallo did not discourage De Piro but at the same time the former did not seem so enthusiastic about the project.[381] Yet the contacts between De Piro and Vassallo continued.[382] On 11 February 1905 Vassallo suggested to the Servant of God to put down his “idea” in writing.[383] On 22 February 1905 De Piro wrote this in his Diary:

Trovandomi in Valletta invece di mandare la lettera mi portaì dal Vassalli e gli dissi che non intendevo scrivere ciò che mi aveva domandato, lo esortaì alla preghiera e gli dissi che non l’avrei cercato più. Però circa due giorni dopo aprendo lo ‘Chainion’ Comp. di Meditazione, mi ha fatto cambiare l’idea, la meditazione sul vangelo della prossima domenica Sexagesima. ‘Il buon pensiero è un seme che il Salvatore getta nell’ anima nostra’.[384]

 

De Piro tried twice to write down his “idea”, but was unsuccessful. The third time he succedded in doing so.[385] At the same time he kept contact with Vassallo.[386] On 7 August 1905 Fr Joseph met the latter and gave him the project in writing:

1.             Una società di Missionari - pel presente non è facile il dire se debba essere regolare o secolare, però se coll’aiuto di Dio e della Vergine si arriverà all’erezione di corpo regolare, questo deve essere perfettamente tale e deve cercare il modo ed i mezzi di tenere a se aggregati il Clero Secolare.

2.             Lo scopo principale, come indica il nome della Società, consiste nelle Missioni estere.

3.             Campi prossimi d’azione possono essere:

a)      La Casa di S. Giuseppe

b)      Le colonnie di Maltesi all’estero ed

c)      a bordo le corazzate etc.

4.             Affidare la società al valido patrocinio di S. Paolo, dal quale prenderà il nome.

5.             Pel presente non fare voti ne giuramenti, però dobbiamo essere disposti a secondare la Volontà Divina con somma generosità. La nostra parola d’ordine deve essere, ‘Sequar te quocumque ieris’

6.             Fare ogni anno gli Ezercizi Spirituali di San Ignazio di Layola.

7.             Incontrarci almeno una volta al mese.

8.             Incominciare la formazione di un capitale per contribuzioni mensili.[387]

 

In this meeting Vassallo made some suggestions to De Piro amongst which that the latter should meet Canon Francesco Bonnici, the Founder of St Joseph’s Institute, Sta Venera.[388] The Servant of God tried to do this that same day but was unsuccessful. It was on the 17 of that month that De Piro and Bonnici met.[389] As regards this meeting, Fr Joseph wrote this in his Diary:

Sono stato dal Canonico Bonnici e gli ho raccontato la facenda. Egli mi ha detto che data l’indole del prete Maltese troppo attacato al paese natio; se ben mi ricordo, qualificò la mia idea impossibile, qualora non accadesse un fatto soprannaturale. Mi raccontò anche come aveva lavorato ad una cosa simile e che non gli era riuscito soggiungendo, ‘forse non ero la persona destinata dalla Divina Provvidenza.’ Mi consigliò di coltivare l’idea, che il Signore forse mi farà incontrare con qualcheduno. Intanto mi esortò alla preghiera e di non fare ulteriori passi, ripetendomi il detto del Padre Gualandi, ‘se son rose fioriranno.’[390]

 

For De Piro it seemed that for most of the year 1906 there was nothing worth remembering; he did not write anything before the 18 November. On that day he put down these words:

Trovandomi a Roma ed occorrendo oggi la dedicazione delle Basiliche dei S.S. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo, ho celebrato in San Pietro in Vaticano e proprio sull’altare di S. Pietro. Ho applicato la messa in onore dei S.S. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo pregando loro di farmi conoscere chiaramente la volontà di Dio, ed aiutarmi a metterla in effetto.”[391]

 

Returning to Malta the Servant of God met again Vassallo who told him that he had met a certain Mgr E. Debono, the director of the Pia Opera della Santa Missione. The latter showed himself interested in De Piro’s society, but from what Vassallo said, De Piro could see that Debono did not understand the scope of the “idea”: Debono wished that the Servant of God would join him in the Opera,[392] the aim of which was preaching in the Maltese parishes. This activity of Debono had nothing to do with De Piro’s missions ad gentes. Also, while Fr Joseph appreciated Debono’s offer, he could not accept it because, “…essendo per malattia inabile a predicare non ho avuto mai il coraggio di offrire l’opera mia[393]

On 10 December of that year De Piro communicated for the first time his “idea” with Fr George Bugeja of St Joseph’s, Malta.[394]

The year 1907 was a bit better. Fr Joseph met Fr George Bugeja, the assistant director of St Joseph’s Institute, Malta, and the latter promised his help. They talked of a community of secular priests.[395] No vows were to be mentioned.[396] They even mentioned some names of possible companions and agreed to invite them to join in.[397]

The year after deacon John Mamo showed interest in De Piro’s Congregation.[398] Yet, it was quite clear from the beginning that Mamo’s plans were different from those of the Servant of God.[399]

The year 1908 offered another hope for Fr Joseph. Archbishop Peter Pace had been wishing to start preparing priests to go to the missions. He therefore wrote to the Superior General of the MillHill Fathers and asked him his advise about the setting up of a missionary seminary. The Superior General answered His Excellency on 30 May 1908 and offered him several advices.[400] Archbishop Pace passed on this letter to De Piro. The latter thought this matched with his “idea”. He in fact asked the Archbishop whether he wanted to start that seminary.[401] His Excellency’s answer was negative.[402] The Servant of God asked the Archbishop whether he wanted him to abandon his original project.[403] Pace told De Piro that he was not to do so. Rather he had to try to find priests to join him in the founding of the missionary Society.[404]

On 26 January 1909 Fr Joseph tried to persuade a certain Rev Prof. Barbara to join him, Bugeja and Mamo. In the meeting there was mention of life in community.[405] Barbara agreed but could not leave his mother sick at home.[406]  Therefore De Piro, Bugeja and Mamo remained alone even during 1909. More than this, even Mamo and Bugeja seemed to have different ideas from that of the Servant of God: while the three agreed on the opening of a house for the teaching of catechism, De Piro on his own formulated the scope and nature of his project in a draft copy of a profession that was to be made by the members of the future institute. After mentioning Our Lady and St Paul as the patron saints of the Society he said that the members must be ready to go wherever necessary. He also presented the Spiritual Exercises of St Ignatius as the basis of the rules and constitutions of the future Congregation:

In Nome del Padre, del Figliuolo e dello Spirito Santo, Così sia.

Promettiamo innanzi a Dio, alla Beata Vergine Assunta in Cielo ed a San Paolo Apostolo di formar parte della Piccola Compagnia di San Paolo appena ottenuta l’opportuna autorizzazione dalla Santa Sede.

Scopo della Compagnia è quello di formare dei Missionarii ed inviarli ove occorrono.

La Compagnia considererà come proprio il libro degli Esercizi Spirituali di S. Ignazio di Loyola dal quale estrae le proprie regole e constituzioni.[407]

 

On 2 November 1909 De Piro met Mgr Peter La Fontaine at Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun. La Fontaine had gone there while he was on an Apostolic Visit to Malta.[408] Since this very first meeting La Fontaine encouraged the Servant of God a lot. He invited Fr Joseph to write his petition to the Pope.[409] In the petition De Piro, Bugeja and Mamo presented a religious institute. Its members were to be missionaries, first and foremost for the Maltese migrants.[410] This petition was recommended by Archbishop Peter Pace himself.[411]

The work among the Maltese migrants was first referred to by De Piro in his Diary in order to explain his “idea” mentioned on 7 August 1905.[412] In the Supplica just mentioned above the Maltese living abroad were referred to again. The Servant of God believed that the Society was going to be mainly ad gentes,[413] but he could not forget the many Maltese who were going abroad. La Fontaine got the impression that this other aim was the main scope of the Society.[414]

De Piro, Bugeja and Mamo wanted to have a house for the Congregation. In the petition sent to the Archbishop, the Society was again presented as religious, its members were to be missionaries, but first and foremost for the Maltese migrants.[415] The house was found. It was opened and blessed on 12 June 1910.[416] The first two members joined the Society on 30 June of the same year. [417]

The Servant of God did not have much support except from Bugeja and Mamo. In 1910, after the beginning of the Society, even these left him.[418] Also, La Fontaine so much seemed to have given Pope Pius X a wrong impression about the main scope of the Society that in the blessing sent to De Piro, His Holiness blessed the Founder and the catechist priests who were working in the Maltese colonies of Corfù and Tripoli.[419] In spite of this misunderstanding, Fr Joseph continuously emphasised the ad gentes characteristic of the Society.[420] It was so much so that when the first member was nearing his priestly ordination the Founder asked the Congregation of the Sacraments for the titulo missionis.[421]

The Society continued but not without difficulties. What disheartened the Servant of God most was the defection of some members who seemed promising, “Da allora in poi ogni giorno ha avuto le sue fatiche e le sue sofferenze, e se non mancarono dei disappunti e delle umiliazioni, come la defezione di tre bravi studenti, che formavano una vera speranza per l’Istituto…”[422]

To balance this for a moment, John Vella, one of the first two members of the Society, was ordained presbyter on 20 September 1919.[423]

The next step for De Piro was the approval of the Society by the Maltese Hierarchy. He wrote the petition on 10 March 1919.[424] This was accompanied by an information about the origin, development and constitutions of the Society.[425] But Bishop Angelo Portelli, the Delegate Vicar General of Malta, wanted the nulla osta from the Vatican in order to give the diocesan approval to De Piro’s Society. Since the Servant of God was presenting his Congregation as missionary, Portelli passed on the material given him by De Piro and asked the consent of Propaganda Fide.[426] Cardinal William Van Rossum, the Prefect of the Congregation for the missions, could not see clearly (1) whether De Piro’s Congregation was in fact religious, and (2) whether the main aim of the Society was work in ad gentes countries or among the Maltese migrants.[427] After some attemps at clarifications from the side of the Servant of God [428] the Society was passed on to the Congregation for Religious.[429] This latter Congregation sent to Mgr Mauro Caruana, the Archbishop of Malta, the nulla osta regarding the diocesan approval of De Piro’s Society.[430] The canonical erection was dated 14 November 1921:

Decretum

 

Viso supplici libello Nobis porrecto ab Ill.mo et Rev.mo Dno’ Can.co’ Decano Josepho De Piro pro erectione canonica Societatis ab ipso fundata sub titulo S. Pauli Apostoli et pro adprobatione constitutionem, quibus ipsa Societas regenda est;

Viso fine ad quem tendit institutio praedictae Societatis; Auctoritate Nostra ordinaria erigimus et tamquam canonice erectam declaramus Piam Societatem de qua in precibus, sub titulo S. Pauli Apostoli; sub statutis quae ipsis precibus adjicuintur, quaeque in modum experimenti adprobamus, injungentes oratori ut infra sex menses Nobis exhibeat per extensum et modo exhaurienti et completo statuto seu constitutiones, quibus supradicta Societas regenda est.

 

Datum in N. Palatio Archiepali

Civ. Vallettae                                                                       die 14 Novembris 1921

 

+ Maurus O.S.B. Arch. Epus. Melit.

Sac. P. Vella Mangion Cancell.

Concordat cum originale

Sac. P. Vella Mangion

Cancellarius.[431]

                   - A lot of work in Malta and for the Maltese migrants, but priority to the missions ad gentes

The missionary activity was continuously the greatest ambition of De Piro for his Society. In spite of the fact that the Congregation was already doing much work in Malta and Gozo, especially in the Church’s charitable institutes, and at the Oratory in Birkirkara,[432] the Founder was still looking forward for the moment when he would be able to send the first members to the missions. It was in 1927 that Br Joseph Caruana, one of the first two members of De Piro’s Society, left Malta and went to Addis Abeba in Abbyssinia, or the present Ethiopia.[433]

This was not enough for Mgr De Piro; he himself wished to go to the missions.  In fact he had planned that he, together with another priest and two catechist brothers of the Society, would go to Br Caruana to see what were the possibilities for the Society to work more in that African country.[434] From a letter sent by Br Caruana himself, it can be concluded that the Founder, together with the others, intended to reach Abbysinia in September, 1933.[435]

                   - The “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”

De Piro’s Society was the main contribution he offered in favour of the Church’s missionary activity. But it was not the only one! In 1922 he started publishing a yearly pamphlet called “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”. In it the Servant of God published extracts from Papal missionary encyclicals;[436] information about missionary activities of the universal church and social and geographical information about the missionary world;[437] profiles of missionary models, both Maltese and

foreign;[438] and original articles about some missionary aspect or other.[439] He continued publishing this Almanac until 1933. Although no one article of the Almanac is signed we know that most of them were written by the Servant of God himself.[440]

 

(v) His sudden death

Mgr De Piro’s desire to go to Abbysinia and plan for the Society’s future there, had to give way to another completely different event. It was 17 September, 1933.  After the Servant of God had led the procession of Our Lady of Sorrows in one of Malta’s parishes, Hamrun, he felt sick while giving the Blessed Sacrament benediction. He died that same day, late in the evening, at the Central Hospital in Floriana, aged only fifty five.[441]


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PART TWO

De Piro’s love for the underprivileged and for evangelisation


 

If one were to analyse Appendix 4[442] one would find out that, during his lifetime, De Piro, gave to society in general and the universal and local Church, at least fifty two contributions. Some of these were minor services, which committed the Servant of God only for a short while and consumed very little of his mental and physical energies. As regards other services De Piro dedicated a lot more time and energy. In the latter group of ministries there were then two which dominated all the others: (1) his love towards the underprivileged of any sort, and (2) evangelisation, starting with “the evangelisation to the faithful” in Malta, continuing with the “reevangelisation” or “second evangelisation” or “new evangelisation” of the Maltese abroad, and thirdly his efforts at “first evangelisation” or the ad gentes missions.[443]

These two services of De Piro are to be considered as having been so important in his life because:

(a) They occupied most of his time. Many of his other activities implied only short periods of time: eg., his being secretary to Archbishop Mauro Caruana, his rectorship of the Major Seminary, his membership in many committees, etc. On the contrary, the Servant of God dedicated most of his time and all his energy for the underprivileged, especially in the Church’s institutions, and in favour of evangelisation, especially through the foundation and strengthening of his Missionary Society.

(b) While he carried on other duties he continued with the charitable activities and his evangelisation.

(c) Whatever the contribution, there were always reflected in it his love for the underprivileged and/or evangelisation. Here are some examples:

·        In Qrendi, Malta, he went to continue his convalescence and do some pastoral work. According to a priest-witness, he evangelised to the priests of the nearby parishes by organising ongoing formation meetings for them.[444]

·        Especially because he was canon of the Metropolitan Cathedral, De Piro was frequently invited for liturgical and paraliturgical celebrations in the various Maltese parishes. On these occasions he gave a lot of importance to preaching: he thoroughly prepared the sermons or meditations - he even wrote the whole sermon; he made it a point that he really communicated with the listeners - in the written text which was generally in Italian, he chose from beforehand the right Maltese words and put them in brackets in the written sermon so that when preaching he would use the right Malese word.[445]

·        De Piro was very close to the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus. In fact their foundress, Madre Margerita De Brincat called him “superior general and father.”[446] The assistance he gave these nuns was not so much because they were religious, but rather because they were at Fra Diegu Institute, an ecclesiastical charitable institute. Also in theSaint Paul; Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” the Servant of God used to write short information about the missionary activity of these nuns especially as regards their activity in Ethiopia.[447]

·        The Servant of God objected to his being made a canon of the Metropolitan Cathedral. His main reason was that he did not want to scandalise the members of the Society that was just starting. In the Constitutions of the Society he ordered the members not to accept honours outside the Society;[448] he wanted them to be really near the poor.[449]

·        De Piro helped Guzeppina Curmi and her companions a lot to found the Congregation of the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth, but he did this in view of their main aim: the Jesus of Nazareth charitable Institute. Also he “helped them” introduce missionary activity as part of their charism in their constitutions.[450]

·        The Servant of God was made co-rector of Manresa House, Floriana, Malta. The only aim of the House was the evangelisation of those who attended some retreat, etc., there.[451]

·        During the years of the First World War, Monsignor was asked to give his share by being the secretary of the Committee Fondo Vescovile per pane ai poveri durante la Guerra (1914-1918).[452] This was obviously a charitable organisation!

·        In between 1915-1918 De Piro very faithfully carried out all his responsibilities as secretary to Archbishop Mauro Caruana.[453] At this same time he gave special attention to the demands of the Maltese migrants and their chaplains.[454]

·        He was nominated Rector of the Major Seminary at Mdina, Malta. During these two years the Servant of God practiced a lot of charity towards the seminarians who could not pay their fees. He improved the material aspect of the life at the Seminary. He practiced justice with teachers. He also improved the ars dicendi or praedicandi.[455]

·        De Piro made part of the National Assembly (1919-1921). Through this he lived his love for his fellow Maltese by the formulation of the draft constitution for Malta, one which enabled the Maltese to have self government, something lacking until 1921.[456]

·        He intervened in the 7, 8, and 9 June 1919 riots. He did not enter in the long history of conflicts between the British and the Maltese, but only at the moment when injustice was being inflicted on the poor people.[457]

·        He helped the Daughters of the Sacred Heart to set up and strengthen their religious congregation.[458] The help he gave them was already a charity in itself. Then they were founded to help in the education of the children of the poor.

·        The Servant of God was deputy of the Archbishop in the Committee of the Peace Feasts at the end of the First World War.[459] Obviously this was a charitable organisation.

·        Monsignor cooperated with the Dame di Carità whose aim was “… di venire in aiuto a soccorrere quei casi di indigenza rapportati alla stessa pel tramite unico della Conferenza di San Vincenzo de Paoli di Notabile- Rabat”.[460] Therefore a charitable initiative again.

·        De Piro was the originator, author and publisher of the “Saint Paul: Almanacc of the Insititue of the Missions”.[461] This was quite obviously nothing but a missionary publication.

·        He was a member of the Governing Board of the Malta War Memorial Hospital for Children.[462] Quite obviously charitable!

·        Mgr De Piro was director of St Joseph’s Intitute, Malta.,[463] St Joseph Institute, Gozo,[464]  the Home for babies, Santa Venera and St Francis de Paul Institute, B’Kara.[465] All these were charitable entities.

·        De Piro was given St Dominic Savio Oratory, B’Kara, and became its director. He accepted this building on condition that it continued catering for the children of the common people.[466]

·        In 1927 he started the Society’s mission in Abyssinia. Quite missionary, of course![467]

·        He became director of the missionary Museum and Laboratory.[468] Two initiatives with which to support the Ethiopia mission.

·        The Servant of God was nominated director of the Sacred Heart of Jesus Laboratory. Another charitable initiative.[469]

·        He founded the St Joseph’s Band at St Joseph’s Institute, Ghajnsielem, Gozo.[470] Obviously another charitable activity.

·        Monsignor was made Senator in the Third Maltese Parliament. Here he did not intervene a lot, only twice. The first one was when he was asked to express his opinion when one of the senators, Notary Saviour Borg Olivier, showed his conviction about inheritances left for charitable institutes.[471] His other intervention regarded the young girls who had just left some one of the ecclesiastical charitable insititutes or who had no family to care for them.[472]

·        He was first superior, of St Agatha’s Motherhouse, Rabat, Malta. If one were to make reference to the speech of De Piro on the occasion of the foundation stone of the Motherhouse, one would find out that the scope of this House was to serve as a home for the formation of missionaries.[473]

(d) When De Piro thought of the poor he thought at that same time of evangelisation, and vice versa:

 

·        When he thought of going to St Joseph’s Orphanage, Malta, he thought also that from that Home there would come out a  missionary society.[474]

·        In several of the drafts of the original constitutions of his missioanry Society he mentioned the case di beneficenza as one of its main works.[475]

·        In two of the charitable institutes, St Joseph’s, Malta, and St Joseph’s, Gozo, he did in fact introduce the members of his missionary Society to take care of the children.

·        He continuously respected the main aim of the Oratory at B’Kara: the care of poor children. At the same time there he started the aspirandate for the prospective members of his missionary Society.[476]

·        While dedicating himself for St Joseph’s Institute, Malta, there he initiated the novitiate for the Brothers of his Society.[477]


 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter Two

De Piro’s love for the underprivileged:

His institutionalised charity, his non-institutionalised charity and his work for justice

Introduction - Malta in the 19 and early years of the 20 centuries

The Maltese Archipelago consists of the Islands of Malta, Gozo and Comino, and two other uninhabited islands, Comminotto and Filfla. Since Joseph De Piro gave his share both in Malta and Gozo this thesis includes a background regarding both these Islands: in the immediate pages the information is about the first of the islands, Malta, while a background about Gozo precedes the presentation of De Piro’s ministry in this sister island.

                   - The population

The table down here gives a clear picture of the population in Malta from 1842, the year of the first census up to 1931:

Year

Population

1842

98,170

1851

106,640

1861

118,596

1871

124,384

1881

132,129

1891

146,484

1901

164,952

1911

188,869

1917

223,741

1921

189,697

1927

228,574

1931

217,784

Table 1[478]

                   - The Socio - Economic Conditions

Up to the end of the rule of the Order of the Knights of St John (1530 – 1798), Malta depended on Sicily for its supply of grain. But the King of Sicily, Ferdinand II, had prohibited the exportation of grain to Malta at a time when Sicily enjoyed an abundant harvest. At the time of Napoleon’s rule (1798 – 1800) Malta enjoyed a temporary prosperity as a result of Napoleon’s Continental System.[479] From 1813 onwards Malta began experiencing enormous economic difficulties. We can say that Malta in the early part of the nineteenth century had been reduced to indegence. This is best shown by the subdivisions of Maltese society in the late 1840s. Two thousand families belonged to the professional and land-owning classes, a substantial number of whom experienced difficulties in maintaining a decent standard of living. The wealthiest persons included a few large landowners, some merchants’ families, and a number of newcomers who shared trade with several British firms.[480] About 150 merchants, together with a few major industrialists and retailers, were to represent the apex of Malta’s trading community. In 1842 this community numbered about 5,000 and included numerous shopkeepers, dairymen, bakers and the like. These probably earned a little more than their friends and relatives in other occupations.[481] One can observe precious little difference between the conditions and customs of unskilled labourers and those of the numerous artisans on the Island. It was a current complaint, for example, that numerous young tradesmen could never rise beyond the level of unskilled labourers as they set out on their own far too soon, and with little training. Likewise, one could hardly distinguish between small farmers and agricultural labourers.[482] Taken as a whole the profit of the unskilled labourer and the less able aristans in town and country areas is given as 3c for a full day’s work in the 1830s. Women could add to this by weaving or spinning.[483] Industrial activity was low. The main form of employment was in the agricultural, cotton, fishing and lace industries. In fact a study of the history of the period shows that in the early part of the nineteenth century, many rural women worked as spinners and weavers in their homes, or as beaters and dyers of cotton at home or in small manufacturing factories. Often they even gave a helping hand in fields and on the farm.[484]

The economic history of Malta in most of the nineteenth and during the early years of the twentieth centuries is a case study in economic backwardness. The general atmosphere during these years deteriorated; social conditions were poor, often verging on starvation.

Going a little deeper into the socio-economic conditions of the days, we find that the economic and social plight of Malta was very unstable. The needs of Malta’s population were only satisfied in times of war and crises in the Mediterranean. The considerable economic fluctuation of the Island was determined mainly by Britain’s decision to avail itself of Malta’s strategic position as a fortress from which the British navy could continue to have control over the whole Mediterranean.[485]

As a military base, Malta was thus vulnerable to variations in defense spending. This problem was enhanced by the fact that the Island lacked diversity in its economic structure.[486] The Royal Commission of 1912 defined Malta’s economy as follows:

For centuries the Maltese have never been a self-supporting community. Their own agriculture, industries and commerce have never supported them. They have always been able to rely on a large expenditure in the Island revenues drawn from outside sources. This has by no means produced a pauperized and parasitic population, but it has diverted industry from production for internal consumption and external trade to work for the Government and the foreign governing class. A sudden withdrawal of the British fleet and garrison would reduce a large section of the population to illness and starvation.[487]

 

The considerable source of gains from commercial vessels calling at the Grand Harbour was also cyclical and subject to variations. This was caused not only as a result of alternations in world trade, but also because of the changing patterns of trade in the Mediterranean itself.[488] In 1880 Malta’s shipping activity was poor. It improved bit by bit during the following ten years. Again, by 1891 fewer and fewer men were getting employed at the port.[489] Unfortunately, Malta entered the twentieth century with a decline in trade, a fall in government revenue and a rise in unemployment. This led to widespread poverty. On 18 February 1893, “Malta Taghna”, a local newspaper, synthesised the situation in this way, “The social plight of our island is terrible, particularly that of tradesmen, who besides not being regularly employed, are treated with the extremest cruelty and harshness, particularly by the Government, who is paying them much less than they deserve.”[490]

By 1836, the misery of the Maltese was also generally attributed to their lack of initiative and reckless birth rate.[491] Governor Hastings and his secretary blamed the Maltese for their lack of enterprise.[492] George Percy P. Badger, an early nineteenth century historian, refers to “… their entire want of spirit of enterprise.”[493] The French consul in Malta in 1840 concurred that the Maltese were more inclined to imitate others than to start things by themselves.[494] However, the official report of the Royal Commission blamed the government for the poor state of affairs. The islanders were in a most miserable condition, the educated among them were a mere handful, the nobles were starving, the rest of the population fared worse.[495]

Another reason for the bad situation in which many Maltese lived was created by the expensive works many of which were carried out under pressure from the British authorities, works that the income of the Island could not afford. It was the taxation of the people that was to make good for these projects! And the taxes came from the bread consumers; the meat had a nominal taxation on it! And the majority of the Maltese consumed mostly bread and not meat! This implied that there was great misery among the poor for they were to pay most of the taxes. The Daily Malta Chronicle had this to say:

Most of us before coming to Malta were under the impression that it is thanks to the expenditure of the rich, that the poor manage to battle with the stern realities of an advanced state of civilization… The poor are the real supporters of Malta, because they are the bread consumers living as they do mostly on the bread obtained from the imported wheat subjected to that tax of 10s (50c) a quarter from which is derived the largest part of the revenue of Malta … The rich are the consumers of meat, on which there is but a nominal duty.[496]

 

The British Empire materialised some projects that brought about some labour activity and therefore some prosperity in Malta. A case in point was the building of two other docks which were to be added to the one built in 1872.[497] Also, on 5 July 1901, the British Government, announced that the navy needed the building of a breakwater at the entrance of the Grand Harbour. These and similar activities involved a huge number of workmen; there were 9,000 Maltese employed in naval establishments. With this increase in labour one must mention also the increase of wages.[498]

Seeing all this prosperity many Maltese young men married at a young age. This brought with it such consequences as the investment in houses and an increase in the population. The standard of living as a whole went up. But once the projects mentioned above were finished many employees were discharged. While the years 1901-1905 brought prosperity, the years 1906-1913 spelled poverty. By 1911 the number of Maltese employed with the Admiralty dropped from 9,000 to 5,000. Also, because of the German naval programme, Britain strengthened the Home fleet at the expense of Malta and the departures of units from the Grand Harbour added to the Island’s difficulties. The table here expains the situation better:

 

Year

Vessels in

mediterranean fleet

Employed

with fleet

Employed at

dockyard

1904

59 (including 12 large vessels)

11,995

5,005

1914

39 (including only 3 large vessels)

8,325

4,508

Table 2[499]

It could be said that  Malta passed from prosperity to misery.[500]  According to the Royal Commission of 1912: “…the wages of the working classes in Malta are low, there is much unemployment, and it is with great difficulty that they support life…”[501]  When the construction work and the employment with the Admiralty experienced the rundown, since the local industry had never been developed, the Maltese turned to agriculture. While in 1910 there were c.7,000 farmers, in the following years there were 15,200.[502]

Facing such economic crises and the negative influences on most of the Maltese, the people of the Island reacted to poverty by begging. During this time, begging was commonplace; both grown ups and children appear to grow in the streets. But not only; some considered stealing as a solution. Others relied on borrowing money or emigration.[503]  

                   - Nutrition

In many ways the standard of living of the 1870s and 1880s remained quite similar to that of the previous forty years.[504]  The low standard of living of the Maltese was reflected in their food. The staple food of a male labourer consisted of some vegetables, a little cheese, few olives, pasta, and occasionally fish or fruit. Women and children had less than half this quantity.[505]  The main item in the diet of the Maltese was bread.  The 1836 Royal Commissioners had reported that a field labourer ate 2 pounds of bread a day. Francis Roswell, a British Commissioner investigating the matter forty years later, concluded that in 1877 the same person ate from 4 to 5 pounds a day.[506]  In the more recent days bread was made from a good quality wheat, but the prices were double those of the 1830s.[507]  Meat was a rare luxury. In 1842, John Davy remarked that in Gozo, “… only one bullock was killed for the market, and that was sufficient for the whole population, including a detachment of British troops who used a considerable proportion of it.”[508] Even visitors to Malta from 1840 onwards agreed that both breakfast and dinner were very poor. At the time, only the rich used to eat meat while as already said the poor were the real supporters of Malta, because they were the bread consumers living as they did mostly on bread which was more highly taxed than meat. One commentator points out that, in spite of such a poor diet, the Maltese were a strong and healthy people.[509]

                   - Housing conditions 

The general slump in the standard of living of the nineteenth century was registered by the Maltese not only in their poor diet, but also in all other aspects of everyday life. Coming to deal with habitation Thomas MacGill, writing in 1839, attested that the dwelling of the peasants seemed “comfortable”.[510] Other visitors gave different accounts of these conditions.[511] The lower classes, which in the nineteenth century amounted to over 90% of the total population, had very bad housing conditions. A typical rural habitation usually had two floors, the first consisting of one or two rooms where the family frequently slept on straw covering themselves with rags and sacks.[512] The ground floor was usually meant for the animals with a dung room receiving all human and animal excreta, which was removed twice a year to be spread as manure in the fields by the farmers.[513] 

Sewers were non-existent and there was no running water supply. In the towns, the situation was not much better. Some sort of water drainage was only available in middle class houses which had troughs of porous stones. Poor homes had open sinks. In 1885, a system of drains was installed throughout the harbour area. This was carried out just in time. Two years later, an outbreak of cholera killed 435 persons and would have probably caused the death of thousands more in the overcrowded parts of the Island had these sewers not been installed.[514]  Only after the beginning of the twentieth century was the drainage system extended to most of the villages; the remotest of them did not get it before 1945.[515]

An attempt was made to conduct the main water supply to all parts of Malta. During Bouvarie’s governorship (1836-1843) an aquaduct was built to bring water from Fawwara to several parts of the Island. In 1856 the first borehole was dug. A domestic water supply was introduced in 1890. Until then many people had to make use of public water pumps and private wells.[516]  

Both in town and country, ventilation was poor and ordinary houses possessed few windows.[517]  The 1851 census gives a fair impression of Maltese household. It was in fact reported that only 17% of dwellings were found to be filthy.[518]  It appeared that the population of both town and country did their best to keep their places of habitation clean.

George Percy Badger mentioned six reasons for the bad state of the Maltese, the first one being overpopulation.[519]  The worst cases of overcrowding were found in Valletta, the capital city of Malta, and in Floriana, its suburb. In 1891 in Floriana there were 1,249 persons living in 241 rooms, an average of 5.18 persons in one room. In Valletta the situation was not much better: there were 4,571 persons in 885 rooms, an average of 5.17 persons in a room.[520]

                   - Clothing

Poverty was reflected also in clothing. The family dressed in cheap, coarse local cotton – the man in a dark blue shirt and trousers of fustian, supported by a cotton sash, doubled and wound several times around the waist and on Sundays, a sort of coat. Women dressed in a petticoat of black cotton with the traditional headdress over all. The latter, made of black silk, was often shared by all the women in the household, sometimes even by neighbours.[521]

Visitors were shocked meeting people so ill dressed or in rags. Shoes were hardly ever used. In fact, up to the late 1930s, it was still common to see town and country people walking bare footed. Badger says that:

Country people had the habit of putting on shoes before entering Valletta and taking them off leaving. Nineteenth century visitors often mention the popular story of one country woman who asked her companion who was going to Valletta how long she had been using her pair of shoes. The answer was that she had worn them since the time of the plague, 1813. ‘Oh! replied the other, ‘mine are much older, for I have had them since the blockade of the French, 1798.[522]

                   - Hygiene

The Maltese themselves were dirty in habit, displaying a marked reluctance to wash.[523] As had been said already, the domestic water supply was only introduced in 1890.[524]  Because of this, personal cleanliness was still generally rare until the introduction of bathrooms. It was only in the second and third decades of the twentieth century that newly built houses began to include bathrooms.[525]  Before these years the houses with a bathroom were a rarity.  In such conditions, it was no wonder that many diseases spread and frequently claimed numerous victims.[526]  This had other repercussions on Maltese society, such as the death of nearly 50% of the infants born every year.[527]

                   - Education

In early twentieth century Malta illiteracy was widespread and education of the general population was non-existent. The snail’s pace in education was not only due to the government’s miserliness in the education vote, but also to the little interest shown initially by the Church and most important of all, to the language problem.[528] The Maltese language, originally Semitic with overtones of Romance, and an exception to the group with a Latin alphabet, had no official literary form at that time.[529] Italian had been the official language from the time of the Knights, and so Maltese had not developed and next to nothing was published in this language.[530] It was in the 1920s and 1930s, however, that the knowledge of English started to spread so consistently that eventually it even supplanted Italian.[531]

The first elementary schools for the people were opened in 1819. In 1831, apart from the University of Valletta, to which the Lyceum or Secondary School was annexed, there were two normal schools, one for boys and one for girls, supported by voluntary contributions and by the local government.[532]  At the nursery school children were taught folktales, nursery rhymes, and prayers, but hardly anything else. The Government Department for primary Schools was set up in 1840, but the progress was so slow that by 1861, out of a population of 134,055, less than 8,000 males could read Italian and less than 4,000 could read English.[533]

The low standard of living discouraged parents from sending their boys to school. Boys were made to work at a very early age in order to earn some money. The higher the cost of living, the more this was liable to happen.[534]  Girls fared even worse.[535] The 1891 census reported that while 80% of males between the age of 40 and 50 could not read, 85% of females in the same age group were illiterate. During this period there were also four main secondary schools and a few small private ones. The Lyceum, which had 415 students in 1900, was by far the largest, while the girls’ grammar school had a population of only 120. The University, which catered almost exclusively for the well to do, had only 86 male students.[536]  What follows shows the situation of the school attendance according to the1903 Census of the Maltese Islands:

Children 5 to 9 years inclusively:

 

 

Malta

Total number

In schools

%

Not in schools

%

Males

9,738

4,486

46.1

5,252

53.9

Females

9,445

4,856

51.4

4,589

48.6

Total

19,183

9,342

 

9,841

 

Gozo

 

 

 

 

 

Males

1,144

689

60.2

455

39.8

Females

1,168

665

56.9

503

43.1

Total

2,312

1,354

 

958

 

Both Islands

 

 

 

 

 

Males

10,882

5,175

47.5

5,707

52.5

Females

10,613

5,521

52.0

5,092

48.0

Grand total

21,495*

10,696

49.7

10,799

50.3

Table 3[537]

 

Children 10 to 14 years inclusively:

 

 

Malta

Total

Number

In

schools

%

Not

in schools

%

Males

8,810

2,890

32.8

5,920

67.2

Females

8,519

2,102

24.6

6,417

75.4

Total

17,329

4,992

 

12,337

 

Gozo

 

 

 

 

 

Males

1,145

461

40.2

684

59.8

Females

1,043

170

16.3

873

83.7

Total

2,188

631

 

1,557

 

Both Islands

Total

Number

In schools

%

Not in schools

%

Males

9,955

3,351

33.6

6,604

66.4

Females

9,562

2,272

23.8

7,290

76.2

Grand total

19,517*

5,623

28.8

13,894

71.2

Table 4[538]

Between 1908 and 1916 only 3,000 children followed a complete course of elementary education up to grade VII.[539]

To make matters in the field of education worse, teachers were insufficiently trained and badly paid, making the teaching profession unattractive to those who were more qualified; many of these resorted to it only when no alternative existed.[540]   Primary education began to spread after the Second World War.

From the middle of the nineteenth century, the Church authorities showed a great interest in education, firstly, with the reform of studies in the Seminary of Malta, and secondly, with the establishment of ecclesiastical schools and colleges run by male and female religious orders.[541]

                   - Begging

The spread of poverty was best reflected in the hordes of male and female beggars, roaming the streets of towns, particularly Valletta. Beggars were an unpopular sight with the British authorities and there were various attempts to control them.[542]   Sir Penrose Julyan, a British commissioner, in 1880, noted that there was too much charity in Malta.[543] In the 1850s,Valletta was described as a nest of beggars.[544]  In the 1851 census, 1,452 persons were classed as aged and infirm while 12,483 families, or 49 % of the population, were classified as poor.[545] The situation remained pretty much the same in the early twentieth century.[546]

­                   - The government’s share in charity

Through the Committee for Charitable institutions set up in 1825, the government of that time gave monthly alms and donations. By 1836 this amounted to almost 10% of the total annual vote for both Islands by.[547] By 1854, 2,018 persons received relief from public funds, while 1,524 were kept in charitable institutions at public expenses.[548] Commissioner Penrose argued that anyone who lived by daily labour in 1880 was considered to have a claim to grauitous medical assistance and medicines.[549]  The situation remained pretty much the same in the early twentieth century.

                   - The local Church’s share in charity

Faced with these very hard and poor situations in many aspects of Maltese life during the nineteenth and early years of the twentieth centuries, the local Church authorities were concerned to teach social principles and to draw the rich and the working classes together by reminding everyone of one’s duties towards the other, and especially of the obigations of justice.[550]  The Church even encouraged the faithful towards almsgiving. Mgr Peter Pace, the Archbishop of Malta, in 1909, said this in one of his Pastoral Letters:

  Let us accept it as true Christians and let us seek to compensate the dispensations given by the Holy Fathers. This could be done by paying a visit to the Blessed Sacrament at least once every week and by giving alms according to our means to the poor of Jesus Christ, especially in these times when we are witnessing nothing except misery due to the general crisis in all the branches of commerce.[551]

 

In another Letter published in 1910 Pace exhorted the Maltese by these words:

We recommend the usual visit to the Blessed Sacrament in gratitude for the many graces showered upon us; and also almsgiving according to one’s capacity to the poor in our times. Let us remember that almsgiving is the living expression of fraternal charity.[552]

 

The Church itself helped even materially towards the improvement of the economic situation of Malta and Gozo. At the worst times, the Church increased her contributions by donating half the proceeds from masses for the repose of souls.[553]

Besides the above mentioned means the Church felt the duty to contribute to the betterment of the poor classes through her charitable organizations such as hospitals, homes for the aged and the poor, orphanages, crèches and industrial schools.[554] This was done with the aim that the poor would rise above poverty and wretchedness, and better their condition of life.[555]

Since the nineteenth century, the local Church had multiplied her efforts to open new homes where a not inconsiderable number of less fortunate children could receive a sound spiritual formation, coupled with a good primary and technical education. According to the Blue Book of 1937 the Church had these institutions for children:

 

Institution

Founder/Foundress

Opened

Locality

Boys/girls

Children

Saint Joseph

Andrea Agius sj and Laurica Agius

1725

Cospicua

Girls

87

St Peter and Paul

Bishop Vincenzo Labini

1789

Victoria, Gozo

Girls

19

Good Shepherd

Good Shepherd Sisters

1858

Balzan

Girls

90

Cini

Adelaide Cini

1870

Hamrun

Girls

102

Vincenzo Bugeja

Vincenzo Bugeja

1876

Sta Venera

Girls

38

Fra Diegu

Fra Diegu Bonanno Ofm

1885

Hamrun

Girls

138

Piccola Casa di S. Giuseppe

Mgr Isidor Formosa

1887

Valletta

Mixed

80

Saint Joseph’s

Canon Francesco Bonnici

1893

Sta Venera

Boys

155

Ursoline Creche

Mgr Isidor Formosa

1902

Sliema

Mixed

80

St Patrick’s

Alphonse Maria Galea

1905

Sliema

Boys

52

St Joseph’s

Daughters of the Sacred Heart

1920

Zejtun

Girls

24

Home for infants

Mgr G. De Piro

1925

Sta Venera

Boys

40

St Joseph’s

Gozo parish priests

1925

Gh’Sielem, Gozo

Boys

23

St Francis de Paul

Guzeppina Psaila

1926

B’Kara

Girls

80(?)

Jesus of Nazareth

Guzeppina Curmi

1930

Zejtun

Girls

98

St Theresa

Daughters of the Sacred Heart

1934

Zurrieq

Girls

13

St Joseph’s

Fr F. Grech op

1937

Zabbar

Girls

32

Table 5[556]

 

Therefore:

·   Only 1 institute in the eighteenth century; 6 in the nineteenth (all in the second half of the century); and 8 in the first years of the twentieth.

·   Up to 1888 there were only the institutes for girls. It was Mgr A. M. Buhagiar, the Apostolic Administrator of Malta, who encouraged Mgr F. Bonnici to start an institute for orphaned boys.

·   In 1937, 3 institutes were for boys, 10 were for girls and 2 were for babies.

·   In all the institutes, with the exception of those for babies, the children got all the aspects of their formation, including the learning of a trade, within the building of the institution.

·   The founders were: 4 diocesan priests, 6 religious, and 6 lay persons.

·   No one of these institutes were to be found in the north of Malta.

·   In all institutes, in 1937, there were 1064 between babies, and boys and girls up to the age of 18.

In sharp contrast with this social involvement which was mainly based on charity, in 1902, local Church authorities took a bold stand vis-à-vis the colonial Government on the problem of taxation which was touching the pockets of the people , especially the poorest members of society.[557]  In fact Archbishop Pace, on behalf of the Maltese people, sent a petition to King Edward VII, on the occasion of his visit to Malta in January 1902, wherein he asked His Majesty “to reduce taxation …[558]  In a letter dated January 3, 1902, the special representatives of the Archbishop and the Chapter of the Cathedral presented the following petition to the newly arrived Governor, Thomas Wallace:

The Archbishop of Malta and the Chapter of this Cathedral Church find it necessary under the present political emergency to present themselves in all humility at the August Throne of your Majesty in the present political events, to protest against … the imposition of the new taxes, which directly or indirectly will impoverish the lower class of the population which already was very poor in the country.[559]

 

This type of social action on the part of the Church was directly intended to bring about social order among the Islanders and the bettement of the dignity of the poor. A few years after, Mgr Joseph De Piro greatly supported this movement of the Church both in Malta and in Gozo.

                   - De Piro’s share in charity

De Piro had a big share in the Church’s contribution towards the poor and the needy. He carried on this ministry (1) in an institutionalised way in various organisations of the Church, (2) in a non-institutionalised way through personal and at times spontaneous initiatives and (3) by working for justice.

 

Section I

De Piro’s love for the underprivileged through an institutionalised charity

 

De Piro’s charity was not limited to any particluar place, but he practised it first and foremost in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes under his care. Michael Louis Casolani, the originator and great benefactor of St Dominic Savio Oratory, in Birkirkara, once wished to have a meeting with the Servant of God. On 15 December 1925 the former wrote to De Piro inviting him for such a meeting. In this letter Casolani considered De Piro as synonymous with the institutes of beneficence,“Sebbene non abbia avuto ancora il piacere di vederla, mi si dice che Ella sia, da qualche tempo, ritornato dal Suo viaggio, che spero esser stato proficero alla Sua salute tanto preziosa per quanti hanno a cuore le opere di beneficenza in queste nostre isole.”[560]

 

(i)  Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun, Malta[561]

From the time he was a seminarian in Rome, Joseph De Piro had contacts with Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the director, and Fr George Bugeja, his assistant at St Joseph’s Orphanage in Santa Venera, Malta. De Piro used to send them donations for the boys living in that Institute.[562] In one occasion when De Piro even substituted Bugeja at the Institute because Fr. George was abroad for about one month ... and the Servant of God was most successful.[563] This same contact with the Institute’s Assistant Director solved the problem the Archbishop of Malta had about whom to choose for the leadership of another orphanage, Fra Diegu Institute, at a time when the Franciscans Minor could not continue administering it. When Archbishop Peter Pace found himself faced with this difficulty he talked to Fr George Bugeja of St Joseph’s, Malta, about it and the latter immediately mentioned De Piro. His Excellency accepted this proposal, and on 2 August 1907 nominated the Servant of God Director of Fra Diegu Institute for girls:

“Rev. Signore,

Avendo i RR. PP. Minori, per ordine del ‘Fra Diegu’ da essi con tanto zelo diretto, e trasferito per atti pubblici a noi e nostri successori tutti i diritti, azioni e pertinenze di detto Istituto; dovendo ora provvedere il medesimo di un Direttore pio e solente, noi, a cui è nota la prudenza di V. S., lo zelo e l’ attività, di buon cuore vi nominiamo a tale ufficio con tutte le facoltà necessarie ed opportune e siamo persuasi che diretto da Lei l’ Istituto ed appoggiato dalla generosità dei fedeli, continuerà a fiorire coll’ assistenza delle benemerite Terziarie Francescane, le quali, animate dallo spirito del loro Serafico Patriarca non risparmieranno fatica di sorta, come fin ora han fatto per educare ed istruire le ragazze in esso ricoverate, onde poter nella loro condizione guadagnare un giorno l’onesto loro sostentamento.”[564]

 

On that same day the Servant of God was deputed and nominated administrator of the same Institute:

Magna Curia Epale Melitem

 

Die 2 Augusti 1907

 

Attente deputatione Adm. Rev. Dni. Sac. Josephi De Piro in Directorem Pii Instituti San. Francesci Assisiensis, vulgo ‘Fra Diegu’ a quondam Fra Leidaco ex Ordine Minorum fundati hodie ab Eccellmo ac Revmo Dno Archipiecopo Episcopo Petro Pace facta per Litteras in Secreteria Asservatas … Sua Revma diputavit atque nominavit prout deputat atque nominat in Administratorum praefati Instituti eundem Adm, Rev. Dnum. Sac. Josephum De Piro ... eidem tribuent omnes et singulas facultates necessarias et opportunas.

 

Ita est

Can Al Camillleri

Cancellarius.[565]

                   - De Piro’s dedication to Fra Diegu Institute

De Piro involved himself wholeheartedly in the running of the Institute. At that time he had no other official appointment. He visited the Orphanage regularly and spent hours talking to the Sisters and the girls. Sisters Consiglia Vassallo and Felicia Vella, two nuns who were at Fra Diegu Institue at the time of De Piro said this about the Director, “He used to visit the Institute three times a week, Monday, Thursday and Saturday… Whenever he visited the Insitute, he used to go around all the children on the place of work in order to encourage them.”[566]

Mother Pauline Cilia who was the superior at the time of the death of the Servant of God, and Mother Cleophas Bondin, a teacher at Fra Diegu, said almost the same things.[567]

The Director kept this regular contact even in later years when he was burdened with many other responsabilities.[568]

                   - A very humble Director

The Servant of God was thirty years old when entrusted with the direction of Fra Diegu Instititute. At first the Sisters of the Tertiary Franciscan Order, who did the day to day work of the Institute, imagined that coming from a distinguished Maltese family, Fr Joseph De Piro would be aloof and difficult to approach. This notion was rapidly dispelled as soon as De Piro encountered them for the first time. Indeed they were surprised by his ability to mix with the young orphan girls, in spite of the fact that this was his first such experience.[569]

                   - A balanced formator - loving but firm

Srs Giakkina Vella and Eletta Sant emphasised the fact that the Director became even popular with the girls who saw in him a loving father.[570]  However he was also a firm administrator and his first concern was that the girls should get a proper education. Rather than punishing the girls, De Pir

o always made it a point to explain what they had done wrong. He was strongly against corporal punishment and he discouraged the Sisters from shouting at the girls. Sr Pacifika Xuereb said that the Servant of God used to tell the Sisters, “Never shout at the children and always be kind and gentle with the kids. You will win them over. Keep them always happy. Be patient with them…” [571] Sr Pacifika continued saying that:

Children in those days were a bit naughty and whenever there used to be a girl who was up to some mischief, Mother Superior used to bring her in front of Monsignor and tell him, ‘Monsignor, I brought her in front of you so that you correct her.’ ‘Yes, bring her in,’ he answered. Do not think that he shouted at her! Not at all. He used to tell her some words in a gentle way. He would warn her not to do it again and never punish her for whatever she would have done. Even whenever he spoke to the girls together about their behaviour, he never used harsh words. Rather he used to tell them these sort of words, ‘Consider yourselves lucky for being at the Insititue.’ Moreover he used to give them something or else invite them for lunch.[572]

 

Sr Xuereb also said that at the same time De Piro insisted that the girls should be closely watched over at all times and that they should not be left idle.[573]

                   - Financial guarantor for the Institute

Few people were actually aware of the extent of De Piro’s regular financial help to the Institute. Srs Consiglia Vassallo and Felice Vella said this, “He loved the children a lot. He made huge sacrifices for them. He used to go round collecting money for Fra Diegu Institute.”[574] 

Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu Institute, confirmed this:

… because he was at the same time kindness itself and was much devoted to us children. In his capacity of Director, the Sisters of the Institute came to him for all their needs and he was always ready to provide all they required. He never ever mentioned where or how he obtained the things which were asked of him and sometimes it was evident that it was he himself who was the donor.[575]

 

Mallia continued saying that once, during the hard days of the First World War, when the general social condition severely affected the contributions of the population, De Piro personally paid the bill for the bread consumed at Fra Diegu’s Institute.[576]

                   - Grateful towards the benefactors

If De Piro personally helped the Institute a lot, it was also quite obvious that Fra Diegu depended a lot on benefactors. On his part the Director invited these kind hearted people regularly to all activities in the various institutes under his care. This was attested to by Mother Cleophas Bondin who was a teacher at Fra Diegu Institute at the time of De Piro, “He gave a lot of importance to the benefactors of the Insititute. He used to organise fairs for the Institute, and also recreative activities, and he used to invite noble persons for them.”[577]

De Piro did not distinguish between donors; for him it was not the value of the donation that mattered. Mother Pacifika Xuereb witnessed this:

Whenever Providence knocked at the door or I spoke to him of any donation given, he would promptly write a note of thanks to the donor. When the donation was not a big sum and still he would want to write a ticket of thanks, I used to tell him, ‘Why are you sending him a note for such a small sum?’ ‘No,’ he used to say, ‘Small things and big things are the same in God’s eyes. One can give so much and another can give more, but they both have the same merit. Always be grateful for whatever comes as a Providence.[578]

                   - A holistic formation

- The learning of crafts

In addition to learning academic subjects, the girls were taught cooking, sewing, embroidery and other practical subjects. De Piro personally used to bring prizes for those who distinguished themselves in these subjects. These prizes were often presented by some personality who was invited for the occasion:

He also gave much importance to the teaching of trades and crafts. Before he came to Fra Diegu certain trades were already taught at the Institute, but Mgr De Piro added other subjects to the list and brought about a great improvement in their teaching.

It was not only Monsignor who was interested in the trades. Members of his family also used to make orders for work to be done for them at the Institute. There was a first class dressmaker who taught the girls this craft. The Franciscan Sisters who looked after the Institute, and especially those among them who hailed from Gozo, taught us lacemaking. At the end of the day Mgr De Piro would go round the workshops and inspect carefully the work done during the day. He also enjoyed taking visitors round the workshops to see the girls at work. One particular visitor I remember was Lord Gerard Strickland with whom Mgr De Piro was very friendly. The Director used to tell us that Lord Strickland was a benefactor of our Institute.[579]

                   - Care of the spiritual aspect of the girls’ life

One of Monsignor’s beliefs was that the girls should wear better dresses on Sundays as these would make them realise that that day should be a special one.[580]  

 The Servant of God himself used to examine the young girls before their First Holy Communion, to which he attached particular importance.[581] So much so that he personally saw to it that the girls were suitably prepared to receive the First Holy Communion.[582]

According to Carmena Mallia, the Servant of God had a deep eucharistic spirituality:

I also remember how careful Mgr De Piro was to attend regularly at the weekly adoration. Before the Eucharistic Congress we used to have this weekly adoration every Friday, but after the Congress we started holding it on Thursdays and Mgr De Piro never failed to be with us. Moreover, when on special feast days he would say Mass at Fra Diegu Institute we were much impressed by the devotion with which he officiated. He not only lived this devotion in his own life, but he also managed to instill it in us, children.[583]

 

Moreover Mgr De Piro had a genuine and deep Marian spirituality which was evident even in his administration of Fra Diegu Institute.[584] His love for the Virgin Mary made him place his complete trust in her. He had a special affection for Our Lady of Pompei. Its feast day is celebrated on 8 May, the day on which he had finally decided on his priestly vocation.[585]  For some years he  celebrated the feast in the chapel of Fra Diegu Institute.[586] 

De Piro’s devotion to Our Lady could be noticed all the year round. Whenever he came to the Institute he never failed to kneel in front of the statue of Our Lady and say three Hail Mary.[587]  He was always praying whenever he found some free time. Indeed he was always reciting the rosary.[588]

The Director also insisted that there should be a number of priests who visited the Institute regularly in order to cater for the spiritual needs of the young orphans.[589]

                   - Recreation, an important element in the girls’ upbringing

The Director strongly believed in the importance of recreation as a means with which to make the girls happy. He organised plays and outings and games to gladden the young orphans’ lives. He wanted to make the orphans’ existence in the Institute a happier one than they had experienced before.[590] He had the girls of Fra Diegu so much at heart and he so much believed in the importance of recreation that he remembered this even while writing his will:

Articolo Ottavo

 

  Lascio ancora a titulo di prelegato all’Istituto Fra Diegu del Hamrun un titulo di fondi pubblici, del valore di lire cento nominali, che attualmente fruttifichi non meno di lire sterline quattro l’anno; il quale interesse servirà per la ricreazione dell’Albero di Natale, alle ragazze di detto Istituto ...”[591]

                   - The Director’s love for the families of the girls of Fra Diegu

Carmena Mallia also said that more than once Monsignor visited the families of the girls, “On many occasions he was called to the deathbed of one or other of the parents of a girl, and he would go to assist them in the last moments of their life. He also gave financial aid to those families who needed it.”[592]

                   - De Piro’s love even for the old girls

The Servant of God did not care for the girls only while they were at Fra Diegu. The documents which are still in the De Piro Archives give proof of this: the Director recommended several petitions written to the Archbishop of Malta asking him for some benefit either for their entry into religious life or to be married:

A Sua Eccza Revma

Mgr Dom mauro Caruana O.S.B.

Arcivescovo Vescovo di Malta

etc   etc     etc

 

Umile ricorso di Emmanuela Sant ricoverata all’Istituto Fra Diego.

 

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

La ricorrente prostrata al bacio del Sacro Anello umilmente espone:-

Che sentendosi vocata allo stato Religioso ha fatto domanda alla Superiora Generale delle Terziarie Franescane e venne accettata ed ammessa come postulante.

Che non avendo una sufficiente dote, essendo molto povera, ha avanzato domanda alla Confraternita è desiderosa di venire in suo soccorso coll’offerta di £5 dal Cumulo Pietro Barbieri" qualora V. E. lo permettesse.

Pertanto la ricorrente fiduciosa sul buon Cuore di Vostra Eccellenza, sempre pronto a soccorrere i poveri, umilmente Le domanda a voler autorizzare detta Insigne Confraternita al surreferito prelevamento e cosi sollecitare la Sua Vestizione.

 

E della grazia etc.

 

Presentato il di’ 4 Luglio 1919

Sac. P. Vella Mangion

Cancelliere

 

1 Luglio 1919

 

Certifico che Emmanuela Sant di quest’Istituto, è una giovane che da segni non dubbi di vocazione allo Stato religioso. Essendo però molto povera, è meritevole di essere aiutata per esser ammessa al Noviziato.

 

Canco. G. De Piro

Direttore dell’Ist., Fra Diegu [593]

 

Another one says this:

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

Mgr G. De Piro nella sua qualità di Direttore dell’Istituto San Fco. d’Assisi - Fra Diegu - prostrato al bacio del Sacro Anello umilmente espone, che il fu Sigr. Nicola Mamo, per Atti del Notaro Amabile Bezzina dell’11 Maggio 1907, lasciò trenta doti di maritaggio dell’ammonto di lire sterline quindici (£15) l’una, da percepire una in ciascun anno dalle ragazze ricorrente nell’Istituto Fra Diegu.

Che, salvo concorrenza, l’unica condizione apporta nulla tavole di fondazione è che la ragazza "fosse stata ivi (nell’Istituto Fra Diegu) ricoverata per almeno tre anni."

 

Che la ragazza Caterina Calleia già ricoverata nel detto Istituto dal 1907 al 1919 è sul punto di collocarsi in oneste nozze, ed essendo priva di mezzi di fortuna ricorre alla direzione di detto Istituto, domandando un soccorso;

 

Che l’Esecutore Testamentario, il Signor Notaro Michael L. Casolani ritiene essere volontà del testatore che la ragazza a cui fosse assequata tale dote doverse essere "actu" ricoverate in detto Istituto; e perciò trova difficolta di accedere alla richiesta del ricorrente in favore di detta ragazza;

 

Che a parte, che questa volontà del testatore non appare dalla tavola suddetta, il fidanzare una ragazza, mentre ancora ricoverata, non è considerato prudente dal ricorrente. Molto facilmente infatti può darsi il caso che la ragazza dica di si, soltanto per liberarsi dalla vita dell’Istituto, che ordinariamente incominciare a pesare a tutte quelle che crescono in età;

 

Che per tranquillità di ascienza tanto del Signor Esecutore Testamentario, quanto del ricorrente, umilmente, lo stesso, domanda a Vra Eccza Revma, onde ottemperando allo spirito della fondazione (la quale provvide pei casi di conoscenza ed … "da deciderci dalla direzione dell’Istituto coll’approvazione dell’Ordinario ossia del Vescovo pro tempore di Malta") a voler asseguare alla ragazza povera a quà alcuna dell’Istituto suddetto, Caterina, di questa dote dovuta nel 1915.

 

Che della grazia etc.

 

Mgr G. De Piro

 

Presentato dal ricorrente

il di 1 Luglio 1927

Can. P. Buttigieg

Cancelliere[594]

 

Besides the payment of these and other dowries, it was testified before the Ecclesiastical Tribunal set up to hear the witnesses in the Diocesan Porcess of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro, that the Director helped even in other ways the girls who had been at Fra Diegu at his time. Carmena Mallia said that:

His care for us was not limited to our stay at the Institute but followed us even when we came to leave. It pleased him to buy bales of cloth for making clothes, and when we reached the age of fifteen he would tell the Mother Superior to prepare a parcel with the clothes we needed when we left the Institute, and to start putting aside a little money regularly to be given to the girls at the time of their departure.[595]

 

Helen Muscat, another old girl of Fra Diegu, said that:

When he celebrated his 25 anniversary as director of Fra Diegu, he invited the old girls of the Institute. In the speech he delivered on this occasion he showed them that he was still their father, ‘If you would be in need of anything come to me, do not hesitate.  The fact that you have left the Institute must not hinder you from coming’.[596]

                   - De Piro, the orderly Director … and a one who trusted God’s Providence

It has already been said that Fra Diegu had become a Diocesan Institute.[597] Therefore, periodically the Archbishop’s Curia sent a trusted person to examine the ledgers of the Institute. Alphonse Maria Galea, himself a great Maltese philantropist,[598] was one of those who had been sent to verify the Institute’s books. In one of his reports he put down these words:

A Sua Ecc. Illma & Revma.

Mgr Dom Mauro Caruana O.S.B., G.C.O.M.

Arciv. Vescovo di Malta

 

Eccellenza Revma,

 

In obbedienza al mandato dell’E.V. Revma, ho esaminato io i libri degli otto anni di amministrazione dell’Istituto "Fra Diegu" chiusi al 31 Dicembre 1915, ed i documenti relativi, e sono in grado di asserire di averli trovati in perfetta regola. Ho pure esaminato i diversi Titoli di Debito Pubblico nei quali furono impiegati il Lascito Hardman ed altri Legati a favore del suddetto Istituto come pure i capitali risultanti dalle due precedenti amministrazioni non che quello formato per le economie del presente Direttore ed Amministratore dell’Istituto, Monsignor Can. Don Giuseppe di Marchesi De Piro d’Amico, durante i suddetti otto anni di sua gestione; e mentre l’E.V. Revma m’ha offerta un’altra occasione di ammirare la Providenza Divina, mi è grato di rilevare che coll’aiuto di Dio con insistente affetto filiale implorato dall’Amministratore e con ferma fiducia di esserne esaudito, non si potrebbe desiderare più ordinata e diligente amministrazione. Posso inoltro asserire che i suddetti Titoli di Debito Pubblico e il denaro in contante per le spese giornaliere o altro bilancio fruttuante sono conservati in luogo tuto.

In ossequio al mio mandato devo però notare che dalla copia d’un ricevo di lucri pel capitale del Lascito Baynes presso l’Amministratore dei Beni Creditari del Marchese Giuseppe Scicluna che mi fu mostrata potrebbe, come è formulata, risultare qualche ambigiutà quanto all’impiego del capitale se cioè il detto capitale si trovi a interesse presso l’Amministratore dei Beni Creditari suddetti ovvero se l’interesse provenga dall’impiego del capitale in Titoli di Debito Pubblico ivi menzionati. Di fatto, all’Istituto Fra Diegu siamo pagando i lucri del capitale alla ragione del 3% l’anno. chieste le opportune informazioni a Monsignor De Piro e viste le circostanze del fatto, sembra evidente che non si fosse potuto agire altrimenti, ne’ vi ha ragione di dubitare del risultato finale a favore dell’Istituto stesso già tanto benficato dal Inste Scicluna…

Interrogato Monsignor Can. De Piro intorno al diritto di amministrazione che gli potrebbe spettare, sono stato dal medesimo informato che egli ha sempre prestato l’opera sua gratuitamente (gratis et amore Dei) e che non ha intenzione alcuna di chiedere compensi per l’avvenire.

Con tutta riverenza, mi prostro al bacio del Sacro Anello dell’E.V.R. e La prego di benedire il

 

Suo Devmo Figlio in G.C.

Alf. Galea

 

"Betharram"

Sliema 10 Febbraio 1916

 

Presentata il 10 Giugno 1916

Sac. P. Vella Mangion

Cancelliere”[599]

 

In another report Alphonse Maria Galea had this to say:

Eccellenza Revma,

 

Per mandato dell’E.V. Revmo del 17 Gennaio 1920 ed in ossequio allo stesso, ho riveduto i Libri di Amministrazione dell’ "Istituto Fra Diegu" (Hamrun) chiusi al 31 Dicembre 1919, tenuti dallo Illmo & Revmo Mgr Can. G. De Piro Navarra, Direttore dello stesso, nei quattro anni, successivi alla sua antecedente ammininstrazione, cioè dal 1916 al 1919, e li ho trovati in piena regola e corredati dei documenti giustificativi, e ben tenuti, come a buon Amministratore si addice ...Registri dimostrano un attivo in cassa al 31 dicembre 1919 di stg.701.6.0 (Alf M.Galea]

L’apposito registro per capitali impiegati in Titoli di Fondi Pubblici o a lucro presso le Banche, suggerito nella Relazione del 10 Febbraio 1916 e ordinato con venerato decreto dell’E.V. Revma, è stato debitamente aperto dal Revmo Direttore. Esso dimostra il regolare incasso di dividendi e di lucri dovuti come poi si trovano accreditati nel LiBr di Amministrazione alle date ivi indicate, meno certamente quei dividendi che per ragioni di guerra si trovano momentaneamente sospesi. In ciascun conto aperto in questo registro si trova indicata la provenienza del relativo capitale e il suo impiego, ed a ciascuno di essi vi ho adesso apposta la mia firma in qualità di Revisore.

Mgr Can. De Piro Navarra molto generosamente rinunzia al proprio diritto di economia a favore dell’"Istituto Fra Diegu" che egli amministra con tanta carità ed esattezza.

I conti di Introito ed Esito dimostrano il favore del pubblico verso l’Istituto e verso che degnamente l’amministra, poichè quantunque ci troviamo in piena crisi finanziaria, i due conti … a bilanciarsi senza alterare le assi di proprietà dell’Isituto medesimo; ed è dir molto.

Prostrato al bacio del Sacro Anello dell’E.V. Revma Devmo figlio in G.C.

 

A. M. Galea

 

Presentato dal ricorente

il di’ 8 Marzo 1920.

Sac. P. Vella Mangion

Cancelliere[600]

 

(ii)  Director of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun, Malta

Maria Guzeppina Curmi, a spinster, was born in Valletta on 15 October 1864. At about the age of five she was taken by her family to Zejtun, a town to the south of Malta, where her father was nominated mayor by the British authorities.[601] In 1895, moved by the miserable situation of many poor and orphaned children, Curmi started helping them by the teaching of catechism.[602] In 1913 she also invited a group of young women to join her, and with them initiated a religious congregation in order to take care of those same poor children.[603] After passing from one house to another[604] Guzeppina Curmi borrowed some money and in 1925 started the building of a new home, the Jesus of Nazareth Institute.[605]  This was officially opened and blessed by the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Mauro Caruana, on 16 July 1930.[606]

Mgr De Piro helped Maria Guzeppina Curmi a lot. He was her spirtitual director from 1913 and for some years later.[607] Then, Curmi herself asked the Servant of God his help in the foundation of her religious congregation the “Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth”.[608] But according to the letter written by the Servant of God to Archbishop Caruana, on 21 May 1933, it was His Excellency who had nominated De Piro Director of the Orphange known as Jesus of Nazareth.[609] It is this third contribution of De Piro to Guzeppina Curmi that is going to be dealt with here.

                   - De Piro, the Director of the Orphanage

In 1922, following the death of Fr Paul Zammit, the Institute’s first director, Curmi wrote to the Servant of God asking him to take over its running.[610] De Piro accepted, not because of Curmi’s petition, but because of the Archbishop’s request.[611]

Curmi let herself be guided completely by De Piro in all matters pertaining to the Institute.[612] In 1925 Guzeppina had obtained the Archbishop’s permission to borrow money to buy land on which to build a bigger Institute, one that was to accommodate 150 orphaned and homeless girls.[613] De Piro assumed responsibility of the project, the first stone of which was laid that same year.[614] He kept a careful record detailing all expenses. These were so great that all building activity soon came to a temporary halt. The basic section of the new Institute was only finished in1930. On the inauguration day De Piro delivered this speech:

Eccellenza Reverendissima

Quanto più dura è stata la fatica al raggiungimento di un obiettivo, tanto più è grato il possesso dello stesso. Ed è perciò che oggi, con una naturale grande sodisfazione, tanto propria come anche della Signa Giuseppina Curmi e delle sue coadiutrici; nonchè di tutte le buone fanciulle, quà radunate, e protette dal manto di N.S. Gesù Nazzareno; mi è concesso di dirigermi, per la prima volta, a Vra Eccza entro queste nuove pareti, per invitarla ad invocare sopra le stesse le più elette celesti benedizioni secondo il rito della nostra santa ed amata madre la Chiesa.

 

E.R.

 

Dal giorno, infatti, in cui la benedizione del cielo è scesa, per ministero di V. E., sulla prima pietra, sono trascorsi ben oltre cinque anni - cinque anni colmi di ansie e di consolazioni, non disgiunte dai sensi di lode e di fede verso la Divina Provvidenza - Venne infatti dato inizio a questa quantunque incompleta, ma vasta fabbrica coi fogli del registro, insin dal primo ancora in bianco - niente vi era scritto! e quantunque non era da recar meraviglia, purtuttavia fu con una forte stretta al cuore, se fummo costretti a veder fermato ciò che era cominciato con tanta vitalità - ma il sacrificio doveva dare il suo frutto ed il niente del registro accompagnato da un fisso sguardo in alto divenne qualcosa, e dopo una sosta, lunga e breve allo stesso tempo, il campanio degli atrezzi risuonò di nuovo attorno alle basi gia quasi tutte delineate. A questa ripresa ci sembrava essere stati meno temerari perchè la prima pagina del nostro liBr segnava un attiva di settanta sterline, ma subito ci accorgemmo che non eravamo piu savi di prima, - il Signore infatti ci moveva ad un termine che doveva eccedere il valore di lire sterline quattromila - Ma ora che il passato venne superato, godiamo! perchè non ci resta che di lodare l’azione divina, che prevenne ed accompagnò l’umile, se non inutile, opera nostra

 

E.R.

 

A questo punto mi permetterà di presentare ai nostri benefattori, strumenti docili nelle mani di Dio, i sensi più profondi ed intensi della nostra gratitudine per l’aiuto direi spontaneo ed inspirato, col quale vennero a nostro soccorso per questo primo compimento di un opera da tutti e sempre ammessa come eminentemente sociale e cristiana. Tante erano le industrie del soccorso, da farci spesso sentire la verità, che molte e molte sono le vie della Provvidenza, ma ciò che più rifulse e maggiormente glorificò Iddio, e sarà al certo di conforto a V.E. è la modestia, tutta quanta evangelica, colla quale, al par di messi celesti, ci avvicinavano; non mancarono infatti dei casi in cui appena noi potevamo venire a conoscenza della mano benefica. Da parte nostra corrispondemmo coll’alzare la nostra debole ed umile voce all’Altissimo per ripagarli del centuplo promesso, ed oggi a soddisfare meglio questo dovere, osiamo sempre a nome di tutto l’Istituto, umiliare a V.E. la supplica di ricordare questi nostri buoni benefattori e benefattrici; mentre per le Sue sacre mani, Gesù Ostia verrà immolato al Padre Celeste, per la prima volta, entro questo sacro recinto.

 

E.R.

 

L’odierna sacra e cara ceremonia forma una prima tappa del cammino che ancora ci rimane, essa è una dolce e soave oasi che ci rinnova la lena per riprendere il viaggio, essa è il primo pianerottolo di una scala ben più alta; ma il cuore ... maggiormente disposto dei nostri cari benefattori e benfattrici, ma la graziosa presenza di Vra Eccza, che nel preconizzarci nuovi favori ci unisce al vicario di Cristo in terra, ma la comunicazione colla magione celeste, che Vra Eccza sta per darci e lasciarci; sono tutte .... che danno certezza in fondo al nostro cuore di arrivare al termine del nostro viaggio, e di sa lire in cima alla vetta assegnataci dal Divin Volere.

 

E.R.

 

A nome proprio, a nome della Signa Giuseppina Curmi e sue codiutrici compio il dolce ed onorifico dovere di invitarla all’adempimento di un’azione che la rende, ognior più simile al santo di cui degnamente porta il nome - Eccellenza; La invito a benedire questi nuovi locali intesi a ricevere l’Opera di Gesu Nazareno per ragazze povere ed orfane.

 

Mgr G De Piro

Direttore [615]

 

In a report to the Archbishop, the De Piro explained what his work had been in association with the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth. He noted in detail the charitable work the Sisters were accomplishing with generosity and self-denial, and mentioned what his future projects for them were:

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

Il Canco Decano Giuseppe De Piro, prostrato all’bacio del Sacro Anello, umilmente espone : che egli trovasi alla direzione degli Istituti Gesu Nazzareno di Zeitun e San Francesco di Paula di Birchircara, del Laboratorio Sacro Cuore di Gesu di Valletta, e della Sezione Infantile della Casa di San Giuseppe a Hamrun; tutte Case indipendenti l’una dall’altra, ma che tutte mirano a porgere una mano paterna ora all’infanzia di ambo i sessi, ora a ragazze povere ed orfane, ed ora a ragazze disoccupate; e si prevede che in futuro potrà essere estesa l’opera a favore di povere vedove e di poveri vecchi, in modo pero ausiliare per quanto possibile dell’opera principale surriferita;

Che in detta Casa di Beneficenza al presente l’Ore è coadiuvato da Signore e Signorine che si danno al bene di queste opere con tutta generosita ed abnegazione;

Che pero estendosi in dimensione tali opere e dovendo provvedere alla loro stabilita si sente impellente il bisogno di aver le stesse provedute e corredate da un personale costituito in un corpo ben organizzato;

Che all’Istituto Gesu Nazzareno di Zeitun, aperto dalla generosita della Signa Giuseppina Curmi, l’Oratore a gia da tempo ravvisato nelle Signe coadiutrici con a capo la Curmi il nucleo della divina provvidenza destinato a dar principio alla detta istituzione, tanto che insin dal 30 luglio 1925 ha considerato opportuno in Domino a far loro firmare l’accompagnante dichiarazione, e che ripristinata la sezzione infantile della Casa di San Giuseppe, assunse due delle firmatarie pel maneggio interno della stessa;

Che l’Oratore quantunque ravvisa insin da ora la forza e l’importanza che verrà ad acquistare questa Istituzione, pure pel presente, non osa domandare l’erezione a cui accenna il Can. 492 del Codice di D.C.; ma umilmente domanda a Vra Eccza a voler benignarsi di erigere le Signorine firmatarie di detta dichiarazione in “sodalizio” a norma del Can. 707;

Che detto sodalizio verrà conosciuto dal nome di “Missionarie di Gesu Nazzareno”; che per statuto proprio in quanto e per quanto sono loro adattabili avranno le Regole della Compagnia di San Paolo già da Vra Eccza. Revma. approvate con Vento. Decreto del 18 marzo 1924; che per abito le consodali porteranno una tunica di lana cremesi oscura con fascia della stessa stoffa e colore alla quale verrà raccomandata la corona del Rosario della B.V. uno scapolare e velo di lana bianca per dentro casa e velo e cappa di lana di colore ozzurre oscuro per fuori di casa; una medaglia d’argento coll’effigie di Gesu Nazzareno da un lato e con quella della Vergina Assunta dall’altro, raccomandata al collo da un cordoncino del colore della tunica per le coriste e del colore del velo per le converse;

Che le difficolta che potranno in principio insorgere nell’applicazione di dette regole al Sodalizio e nella conseguente formazione di uno Statuto proprio verranno sciolte e decise in Domino, dall’Oratore, coll’approvazione dell’Ordinario.

 

Che della grazia ecc.

 

Canco Dec. G. De Piro.[616]

 

In his 1932 will, De Piro felt urged to leave the following recommendations to the future directors of the Congregation of the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth, “Raccomando intanto ai miei successori, nelle varie direzioni di usare ogni premura per conservare la missione sociale di dette pie opere quale intesa nei primordi delle varie fondazioni cioè a favore di ragazze povere, orfane e pericolanti ed in alcuni casi in riparo all’onore del prossimo.”[617]

                   - His charity, the virtue that showed most

Sister Maria Pia Caruana was one of the ladies who joined Guzeppina Curmi when she started gathering girls in Zejtun, Malta. She then also joined the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth. On 3 February 1987 she gave testimony before the Ecclesiastical Tribunal about De Piro’s charity, “… I remember that he was a man whose joy it was to help others.”[618]

The Ecclesiastical Tribunal interrogated Caruana again in 1989. On 12 June of that year she referred again to De Piro’s charity and presented an example related to it:

The Servant of God, came from a family of barons. How­ever he was not proud of this. On the contrary he work­ed hard for the poor. When he went to visit his mother, she used to say, “My poor man is coming.” This, is what we had been told. He had opened a branch for us near St. Joseph’s Institute so that we might be able to have in our care baby boys until they were of the required age to be admitted to St. Joseph’s.[619]

                   - His visits to the Jesus of Nazareth Institute

In her testimony of 5 June 1989 Sister Maria Pia Caruana said that the Director visited them once a month.[620] This was confirmed on 3 February 1987, 17 February 1992 and 2 March 1992 by Sr Scolastica Pace who had joined the Orphanage as a girl of nine, in 1921, and then became a member of Curmi’s religious Congregation.[621]

                   - Did not talk frequently to the girls

In her testimony of 17 February 1992 Sr Scolastica said more than once that the Director did not talk to them.[622] She said the same in her 1992 witnessing.[623] But on the same testifying occasions, Pace added that it was the nuns who did not allow the girls to talk to the Director:

Those who were in charge of us kept us back.[624]

In the new home there was Madre Teresa who, among other things, used to tell me to fry hazelnuts for him. I wished to give them to him myself, but she would not let me. In fact they did not let us approach him.[625]

We children were not allowed to approach Mgr De Piro. I do not think that this was Monsignor’s will. Miss Vincenza Degabriele was very strict with us; she would not allow us approach him or talk to him. This produced in us, girls, a fear of Mgr De Piro, or better, of Miss Vincenza, which, however, psychologically, became a fear of Mgr De Piro himself. Therefore when I say that Mgr De Piro was “a very serious person”, I do not mean that he was proud, or nervous, or that he never smiled, but I am only giving my impression of him, caused in me primarily by Miss Vincenza’s attitude. For my part, I wished very much to be able to talk to him, and felt a spiritual attraction towards him.[626]

                   - But he was gentle and kind with the girls … and enjoyed their company

This was confirmed by Pace herself, “… he spoke to me gently and kindly. He allowed me to talk freely”:[627]     

We attended Mass at St. Joseph’s Institute every year on the 19 March. This was in the morning. Then, on some date near the 19 March, in the evening, he came to our Institute at Zejtun, where our Congregation prepared a concert for the occasion. We did this because he was our Director, and it was a way of expressing our gratitude ... Mgr De Piro was seen to be happy on the occ­asion.[628]

                   - Non-talkative but sociable

During the visits De Piro made to the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Sr Maria Pia Caruana noticed that the Servant of God did not talk too much.[629] At the same time Caruana elaborated on this:

… when he was at Valletta one did not expect to be greeted by him because he had always his eyes bent to the ground. I think that he did this more as mortification than be­cause he feared people, for he was very friendly. Once my mother told me that he boarded the bus and went to sit near her and tried to encourage her to come as usual for the bazaar held in aid of our Institute.[630]

                   - The poor and humble Director

Another virtue brought out in some detail by Sr Caruana was De Piro’s humility:

The Servant of God came from a family of barons. How­ever he was not proud of this. On the contrary he work­ed hard for the poor. When he went to visit his mother, she used to say, ‘My poor man is coming.’ This, is what we had been told. I know that his cloth­es were smart but with no difference from other priests. When he visited us he did not wear Monsignor’s clothes. He traveled by cab or by route bus with others. When we put up a bazaar to build the Institute he himself gave a helping hand, spoke to everyone, and at times bought things from there. Once I remember there was his mother selling articles at the bazaar and he bought a dress for the children from her. She wanted to give it to him free of charge, but he insisted on paying as he in fact did. He was a humble person. He was not particular about food and ate what we prepared for him. As regards money, I think he was careful how to use it; I do not think that he used it carelessly although he was always ready to give generously. I remember we used to go to beg alms at St. Paul’s Bay and Mellieha. To lessen the pro­blem of daily transport, the Marchioness Marija of the ‘Bon Kunsill’, Zejtun, used to let us stay for a whole week at her house in St. Paul’s Bay. One summer she could not let us use it and M. Teresa told the Servant of God, about this. He made arrangements for us with his Brother Fr Santin who received us in his house and we did not lack anything.[631]

                   - Holistic care of the girls

The words of Sister Maria Pia Caruana are quite clear about this, “Mgr De Piro took great care of the children’s health both physically and spiritually.”[632]

                   - Physical health

Caruana referred to De Piro’s attention to the physical health of the inmates of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, “… he asked the Madre to send a Sister to train as a nurse. The Madre sent me… I also remember that we had a girl who always had fever and he took care to take her to another place for a change of air. In fact she was healed.”[633]

- Food

Sr Scolastica Pace was not happy at all with the food at the Institute, “When I entered the Institute, the food was very poor, and it was not hygienic. Things remained the same.”[634]

                   - Hygiene

As regards the hygiene Sr Pace said that “… cleanliness was fairly good”.[635]

                   - Clothing

Sr Pace was satisfied with the clothes they had, “Our clothes, especially what we wore outdoors, were not bad.” [636] Clothing was sufficient, though in winter we suffered cold. The clothes used in the Institute were not comfortable, especially our shoes. The clothes we used outside the Institute were very neat.”[637]

                   - Schooling

Again Sr Scolastica Pace was not happy with the schooling that was given at the Institute, “Teaching was of a low standard. Also, when De Piro took over there was no change.”[638]

Five years after the above testimony, Pace corrected a bit her previous witnessing, “At the Institute we received just rudimentary education. Sisters Pia and Maura taught us some simple arithmetic, a little Maltese and Italian. Later, when I was about twelve, three sisters, Asphar by surname, took over our education and there was great progress.”[639] And Asphar went to the Institute at the time of De Piro![640]

                   - Crafts

Sr Pace referred to a particular craft which was encouraged by the Servant of God at the Institute, “… he was very interested in gold embroidery on sacred vestments. It was he who told us how to appreciate it.”[641] Pace also said that, “… three sisters, Asphar by surname, took over … and there was great progress. They taught us …handicrafts …”[642]

                   - Recreation

Sr Scolastica made two declarations about the Director’s attitude towards stage acting and dancing:

We had our recreation and also some activities. Once the Madre wrote to De Piro asking for the construction of a stage on which the children could recite. He did not agree and told her that, if they had a stage, the children would go for it when they grew up. Also, once a six year old girl began to dance. De Piro was not at all pleased.[643]

 

Mgr De Piro was against dancing and the use of the stage. According to what Madre Tereza Degabriele said this was for fear that these children would take to a life in cabarets when they grow up.[644]

                   - He did encourage feasting

Sr Scolastica herself confirmed this, “On the 19 March, feast of St. Joseph, we liked to celebrate the day as he was named Guzeppi. On this occassion we also made some brief recitation. He appreciated this a lot and appeared to enjoy it very much.”[645]

Sr Maria Pia Caruana emphasised Monsignor’s efforts to make the girls happy:

He was kind-hearted; he loved to make people happy. Once returning from abroad, he brought the children large silk handkerchiefs. On the feast of St. Catherine he used to bring nougat for us and for the children. On Maundy Thursday he brought us the ring-loaf that was given to the Monsignors. The children were much pleas­ed with the handkerchiefs. They were shouting: ‘See how much the Padre loves us. See what he has brought us!’ The Servant of God hated to see people sad. This was his nature.[646]

                   - The spiritual aspect

Neither Sr Maria Pia Caruana, nor Sr Scolastica Pace, nor Sr Cecilia Abdilla mentioned the care of the girls’ spiritual aspect by De Piro.

                   - Preparation for their future

Sr Scolastica’s testimony is negative in this regard, “We were not prepared for life outside the Institute.”[647]

                   - Discipline and corrections

In 1987 Sr Pace testified that at the Institute the girls were treated in a harsh manner, “Discipline in the Institute was very rough.” [648] On 16 March 1992 the same Sr Scolastica said that as time passed by there was a great improvement, “I note, however, that as time passed only one of the sisters continued to beat children.” [649]  Sr Maria Pia Caruana confirmed that the Servant of God did correct when it was necessary, “When it was necessary he also corrected us.” [650] But Sr Caruana also referred to De Piro’s own way of correcting, “Once he saw me, Sr Pia, shouting at a girl. He immediately told me, ‘Oh, be gentle with the girls.’ ‘It is useless to tell them anything,’ I answered him. ‘And we tell them continuously! Imagine we do not tell them,’ he replied.” [651]  Sr Pia continued saying that:

Even in his corrections he was calm, though he would always correct anyone if there was need to do it. For example, I remember that on one occassion he drew my attention to something, for which I tried to apologise; but he replied: ‘Tiskuzax ruhek’ (Don’t apologise). All the sisters thought highly of him because of this.[652]

 

In her testimony of 12 June 1989 Sr Caruana confirmed what she had said before, “I never saw him scolding or getting angry with the children. On the other hand he showed disapproval when once I beat one of them.”[653]

The same Caruana mentioned another time the Director’s way of correcting, “What I remember is that he let the girl depart and then he said to me: ‘Not like that, not like that! Children are to be treated gently!’ He did not say this angrily but gently.”[654]

Sr Scolastica Pace had another impression of De Piro’s way of correcting:

Once the Padre gave a reception for Cassar Torreggiani as the latter had given the Sisters the land for the Institute. I had to read to him an address in Italian. Before the reception De Piro wanted to hear me. While I was trying to read it I made a mistake and he corrected me. I feel that the way he did this was wrong; he seemed to mimic me. So much so that I was humiliated and even cried. Nor did I want to read the speech. At the reception I read it only out of obedience. Again when I finished he didn’t even congratulate me. I think he did this to try me.[655]

 

On another occasion Sr Pace herself seemed to want to balance a bit what she had said before, “It was Madre Tereza Degabriele who told me to prepare the address for the occasion. I was left alone to prepare the address, which was in Italian. It was only Mgr De Piro who helped me, but I do not know the reason for this.”[656]

 

(iii)  Director of St. Joseph’s Home, Sta. Venera, Malta

                   - Introduction

It has already been said that in Malta, up to 1888, there were only ecclesiastical charitable institutes for girls. It was Mgr A.M. Buhagiar, the Apostolic Administrator of the Archdiocese, who asked Mgr Francesco Bonnici to start an institute for orphaned boys.[657] In fact St. Joseph’s Home, Malta, was founded in 1888 by Mgr Bonnici to accept orphaned boys. From its origins in a rented house near Tas-Samra Chapel, Hamrun, Malta, it moved in 1893 to larger premises, which up to 1919 lay in the limits of Hamrun before it became part of the Parish of St. Venera, Malta. In order to give the proper care to the boys, Mgr Bonnici soon involved other priests in his work. In 1898 Bonnici had to leave the leadership of the Orphanage due to health reasons.[658] Mgr Bonnici’s departure almost caused the Orphanage to close down until a new priest-director, Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, was found to take charge of it. Vassallo was assisted by another priest, Fr George Bugeja.[659]

                   - De Piro’s initial involvement at St Joseph’s, Malta

As De Piro himself wrote in his Diary, he had felt the desire to join Mgr Bonnici since his very first year at the Capranica College, in Rome (1898-1899).[660] In 1899, during his first summer holidays in Malta, De Piro went to St Joseph’s to give some message to Fr Emmanuel Vassallo from the Capranica. There he met Vassallo for the first time and a bond of friendship was forged between them.[661]

The Servant of God did his best to help the Home even while he was studying in Rome. From there he kept a regular correspondence with the priests in charge of the Institute.[662] The Home depended almost entirely on voluntary charity for its running. Joseph, although still a seminarian, more than once sent donations to the Institute.[663] There was such a bond between St Joseph’s and De Piro that when all the Brothers of Charity, whose Congregation had been founded to provide help in looking after the boys,[664] had left the Institute,[665] Vassallo placed high hopes in the young Joseph who would one day return as a priest to assist him at St Joseph’s.[666]

It has already been said that De Piro’s desire to involve himself in the running of the Home was so strong that he even refused the opportunity of furthuring his studies at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” in Rome.[667] Still, he was for a long time afraid that he would be forced to accept the diplomatic career.[668] Also, at that time De Piro was quite worried about his state of health which could have even stopped him from realising his dream.[669] Then when Fr Joseph eventually returned from Switzerland to Malta in 1904, he failed to get the invitation to go and live in the Institute as he had hoped so fervently. At that time Fr George Bugeja had taken over as Director,[670] following the resignation of Fr Emmanuel Vassallo. Bugeja was to dedicate himself fully to St. Joseph’s Home and the House experienced a number of positive reforms during his time.[671]

Until 1907, when he was appointed Director of Fra Diegu Institute,[672] De Piro carried out his pastoral ministry in Qrendi.[673] During this time he did not forget his project of setting up a congregation of priests who wou1d, amongst other tasks, have the responsibility of running St Joseph’s Orphanage, in Santa Venera.[674] Events were however to prove that De Piro’s noble mission was not destined to see light of day within that Institute! Though Fr George Bugeja was to help him in the setting up of the Society of St. Paul, Bugeja never formally asked the Congregation to use St Joseph’s premises.[675] De Piro and Bugeja remained close friends and the Servant of God must have made it quite clear to the other priest that he would give all the assistance he could. Indeed one of the new Society’s aims was to 1ook after St Joseph’s Institute.[676]

Between 1905 and 1922 the Brothers of the Christian Schools, known as the Freres De La Salle were asked to provide a helping hand in the education of the boys at St Joseph’s.[677] Eventually the members of the Society of St. Paul started replacing the Freres whenever these left the Institute for a few days to attend some spiritual retreat. This activity helped to draw the Society and St. Joseph’s Home even nearer to each other, while Fr George Bugeja never failed to show his deep and sincere gratitude for the part played by the Society’s members:

Carissimo Monsignore,

 

Sia ringraziato il Singore. La Santa Missione dei figli di S. Paolo è terminata e speriamo che abbia dato buon esito tanto ai nostri piccoli come agli stessi missionari; il certo è che la S. Congregazione di S. Paolo abbia usato un vero atto di carità, permettendo ai Fratelli addetti alla Casa su menzionata di ritirarsi per otto giorni in S. Esercizi Spirituali e cosi’ potranno servir con più perfezione il Signore. I tre membri della Congregazione si son diportati molto bene e spero gran bene da essi. Si son diportati molto bene e spero mostrate tutti e tre di buona volontà di servir Iddio e il prossimo e di più son pieni di zelo e di ottime intenzioni di sacrificarsi intieramente pel bene altrui. Perciò, caro Monsignore, preghiamo il Signore e facciamo pregare che questi santi disposizioni non vengano mai meno anzi che siano maggiori e da parte mia auguro a tutta la S. Congregazione e di più al suo fondatore il Paradiso, ma prima tribolazioni, sofferenze e sacrifici poichè tale e stata la vita di nostro Signore e di tutti i Santi. Come tenue retribuzione accludo due sterline in favore della sua S. Casa con tutto amore e stima mi firmo.

 

Umilissimo Confratello

          D. Giorgio[678]

                   - De Piro, the fourth Director of the Institute

Fr George Bugeja died suddenly on 23 November 1922 while saying Mass at St Joseph’s Institute. That same day, De Piro was nominated by Archbishop Mauro Caruana to take over the administration of the Home.[679] On 27 August 1920 the Servant of God had written to the Archbishop of Malta asking to be exhonerated from the rectorship of the Major Seminary. This he did “…per poter consecrarsi allo sviluppo dell’opera suddetta (the Istituto per le Misioni Estere)”[680] When De Piro received the nomination for the direction of St Joseph’s Institute he did not mention his involvement in his Society’s development; he accepted the nomination and became the director of the third ecclesiastical charitable Institute.

                   - At St Joseph’s with the members of his Society

It has been said that De Piro since his seminary days in Rome, had helped St Joseph’s Institute.[681] When the Freres De La Salle were helping in the Institute and they wanted to go for their annual retreat, Mgr De Piro sent the members of his Society to substitute the Brothers.[682] This was only the beginning of the long service which the members of De Piro’s Society were to give at St Joseph’s; when the Freres, in 1922, could not help at the Insitute anymore, the Director introduced the members of his Society at St Joseph’s.[683]

                   - What had been the situation at St Joseph’s before De Piro took over

Alexander Cachia Zammit, a Maltese medical doctor, a member of parliament, a cabinet minister and also one of Malta’s ambassadors to the Holy See, knew the Servant of God quite well because his father was a close friend of De Piro. As regards St Joseph’s Home before De Piro went there, Cachia Zammit was told this by his father:

… Mgr De Piro took over from Fr. George Bugeja. During the time Fr. Bugeja was Director, who otherwise was a very holy priest, at the Institute there was a great lack of discipline. It was his idea that the important thing was to take a boy into the Institute, there offer him food and a place where to sleep and offer him spiritual help also. The result of this was that children there did what they liked. Besides, there was a lack of cleanliness.[684]

                   - Who were the boys at the Institute

On 6 June 1923 Mgr Mauro Caruana, the Archbishop of Malta, wrote to the Superior of the Freres De La Salle about the retirement of these Brothers from St Joseph’s Home, where they had been since 1905. In this letter His Excellency referred to the Institute as, “… istituto per ragazzi poveri ed abbandonati …”[685]

The above mentioned Cachia Zammit said this about the boys of the Institute:

The children at St. Joseph’s Institute were boys. They were from the worst strata of society. They were diff­icult cases. When boys were accepted there were the problems of cleanliness, moral problems, social problems, back­ground of broken families, and other problems. At that time there was only another Institute for boys run by the Salesians, where there were many formalities for acceptance. After all this Institute depended on the govern­ment. Mgr De Piro accepted all, even those not accepted by the Institute run by the Salesians.[686]

 

The same Cachia Zammit said also this about the boys, “… these children, besides being poor, were, in many cases, dirty and infested with insects…”[687]

                   - How many boys at the Institute

Dr Cachia Zammit also testified that, “There were many children, at least about 80 (my family took care to buy 80 presents), but I cannot say how many.”[688] Nazzareno Attard, who was at the Institute from 1928 up to 1933, was more sure than Cachia Zammit about the number of inmates at St Joseph’s Home, “…the 150 children of the Instit­ute…”[689] Br Venanz Galea, an old boy of the Institute and afterwards even a member of De Piro’s Society, mentioned 140.[690] De Piro himself once wrote that in 1928 there were 134 boys at St Joseph’s, Malta.[691]

                   - De Piro was already quite busy when he took over St Joseph’s

George Wilson lived in Mdina since early childhood and his family house was quite near to the De Piro Family Palace. When grown up, George was also employed as a bookbinding instructor and a teacher at St Joseph’s Home. Because of all this George knew quite well that the Servant of God was already very busy when in 1922 he was nominated by Archbishop Caruana for the direction of St Joseph’s Institute:

Later, when I was employed at St. Joseph’s Institute, I came to know that after he had spent some time abroad, and after some time at Qrendi, he was made Director of various institutes. During this time his family lived in Mdina and I remember people saying that he used to come up to Mdina only to discharge his canonical duties at the Cathedral. But later, when he had founded his own Society he would come up regularly every day.[692]

 

Nazzareno Attard was accepted as an inmate at St Joseph’s by De Piro himself. The former mentioned some of the institutes directed by the Servant of God:

Besides St. Joseph’s Institute, Mgr De Piro had also under his care the Institute of Fra Diegu for girls and the Institute of the Nazzarene of Zejtun. Besides these, I believe he had others in Malta, but I cannot give de­tails. He also had St. Joseph’s Institute in Gozo.[693]

 

The above information was corroborated by several other witnesses.[694]

                   - Because of the above, the direction of St Joseph’s was not an easy job at all

Because St Joseph’s was not in a very encouraging situation and De Piro was already more than burdened by work when he took over the Institute, it was not easy at all for him to direct it the way he wished. Cachia Zammit referred again to what his father used to say, “My father referred principally to the troubles Mgr De Piro had to run the institutes, especially St. Joseph’s. The number of children and their problems, the lack of funds, etc.[695]

                   - In fact all this and many other duties made De Piro very busy and often tired

Obviously such a hectic life made De Piro tired and unable to give his best for St Joseph’s. Attard, as other boys at the Institute, noticed that the Director very often did not have the necessary rest he needed, “… We would meet him every morning. He liked to say Mass at 5.50 a.m,[696] before the boys came in, at the side altar on the right hand side of the chapel of St. Joseph… Here I would say that even at that hour Mgr De Piro showed from his bearing that he was a tired man...[697]

Some time after, Attard explained what he meant when he said that the Director was often tired:

When I say ‘tired’ I mean that nearly everyday we used to see Mgr De Piro tired. Lack of concentra­tion in the Mass was not frequent, but often enough for us to notice it. His tiredness was not that of a person still half asleep, nor was it the tiredness of a sick man. We children had reached the conclusion that Mgr De Piro would have gone to bed late at night because of the amount of work he used to have, and therefore in the morning he was already tired because he had not enough rest.[698]

                   - De Piro could not be all the time present at the Institute

Nazzareno Attard did not say only that De Piro was frequently tired because of his many duties. He also emphasised the fact that his many other responsibilities kept him back from being a lot at the Institute, “The Director was not often present at the Institute, except at certain times of the day.”[699]

Some time after, the same Nazzareno Attard clarified a bit what he had said some two years before:

Mgr De Piro was at the Institute every day, but not all the time. I saw him say Mass when we went down at 5.40 am, which meant that he would have slept at the Institute. We did not know at what time in the morning he went out. I remember that Mgr De Piro came down for the meals with the members … and they used to have meals in a refectory apart. In the evening he used to come late…In the afternoon he used to go round the Institute.[700]

                   - Yet, De Piro was synonymous with St Joseph’s

Dr Cachia Zammit was not at St Joseph’s as much as Nazzareno Attard but his father’s relationship with De Piro made it possible for Cachia Zammit to know a lot about the Servant of God. In spite of the Institute’s poor situation at the beginning of De Piro’s administration and the Director’s difficulty to be continuously present there, Cachia Zammit said that, “in my opinion, at St. Joseph’s Institute, Mgr De Piro was everything. He was not just an administrator, or supervisor. He was the heart of the place. He lived there and looked after everything. One cannot separate Mgr De Piro from St. Joseph’s Institute.”[701]

                  
 
 
                   - De Piro’s relationship with the boys

Nazzareno Attard continuously gave the impression that the Servant of God did not talk or joke too much with the boys, “… he was always very grave and seldom joked…” [702] … he did not encourage too much familiarity.”[703] ‘We used to meet…’ in the sense that we used to see him and not in the sense that Mgr De Piro used to talk to us. I do not remember that he assembled us except on New Year’s Day and, perhaps, on the feast of St. Joseph.”[704] “He would not talk to us, but he used to pass by with a certain seriousness that would not allow any familiarities.”[705]

Br Felix Muscat was one of the first members of De Piro’s Society, but before he entered the Society he was also at St Joseph’s. He corroborated what was said by Attard

“I kept my contact with Mgr De Piro only through St. Joseph’s. I entered this home when I was about eleven years old. My first impressions here were that he was a very serious person; he never encouraged familiarity…”[706]

Another old boy of St Joseph’s and one of the first members of the Piccola Società San Paolo, Br Venanz Galea, had the same impression about De Piro, “All the children were rather shy of the Director; he was very serious and rarely did he smile.”[707]

                   - But he was never one to be afraid of

But Attard clarifies what he meant by the above, “…yet he was a very kind hearted man. We were never afraid of him. We would watch out for his coming, but this was only because he was a disciplinarian.”[708]  Attard continued saying:

When I entered the Institute, I found myself in a com­pletely new situation and it was natural that I was scared. However, the way I heard him speak to Fra Santi, the fact that he spoke to me and showed interest in me, made me drop the fear I had from that very first meeting. Fear changed into reverence and respect. All the children felt this towards the “Padre”, as we used to call Mgr De Piro.[709]

 

By the word ‘… slowly …’ I mean that Mgr De Piro passed along with some other priest without any hurry. We were not afraid of him. We respected him as the Superior of the Home.[710]

 

Mgr De Piro was not serious in the sense that he was unfriendly, but in the sense that he wanted punctuality and exactness.[711]

 

Even in this regard Br Felix agreed with Attard, “… but at the same time he showed great kindness to us children.”[712]

Br Venanz Galea agreed with Attard and Muscat; he did not want to let one get the impression that the Director was a person to be afraid of, “At the same time we were not afraid of him.” [713]Cachia Zammit confirmed Attard’s, Muscat’s and Galea’s impressions:

I never saw Mgr De Piro angry, nor even heard others say that he was angry with the children. But I refer also to what I said at the beginning of this session; children obeyed him and loved him. On his part, Mgr De Piro took personal care of the children and their needs. I know from my father that Mgr De Piro passed a lot of time talking to the children at St. Joseph’s Institute about their difficulties and problems.[714]

                   - Because he was very humble

De Piro never wanted any preferential treatment. George Wilson said that the Servant of God insisted on sharing the common food available, “He was humble and used to eat the same food as that of the children of the institutes.” [715]

                   - When correcting the boys De Piro still showed them his love and kindness

Br Felix Muscat noticed the Director’s kindness when the latter corrected a boy:

He showed this kindness when, for example, someone of us did something wrong. He never shouted and whenever he warned us he never did this with anger. I remember he asked us to recite an “Ave Marija”, whilst trying to explain to us what we had done wrong … I remember that I realized how kind he was when I became a member of the Society and had children in my care. Often I went to him to let him know how upset I was about some boy. Straightaway he pointed out that it was patience that helped us with children.[716]

 

Br Venanz Galea referred to a particular moment when the Servant of God corrected the boys at St Joseph’s:

When the children were in the chapel, the Director liked to speak to them, especially about some corrections. He had another habit; several times, before going to sleep, he went to visit all the boarders (and at that time there were about 140 children at St. Joseph’s) and see the children. Probably this would be the occasion for the prefect to inform the Director about some misbehaviour of a child. De Piro, whilst heeding what was said, always showed kindness to the child who had misbehaved. All the children were rather shy of the Director; he was very serious and rarely did he smile. At the same time we were not afraid of him. At times some child was naughty and the Brother prefect reported him to the Monsignor. De Piro would send for the child in his room, made him kneel, told him not to repeat and to say the “Hail Mary.” That was all. He never caned the children. Nor did he allow the prefects to do so. He loved the children a lot.[717]

 

Nazzareno Attard confirmed what the others said, “When he talked to us he exhorted us to be good. He talked calmly and serious­ly and it was easy for us to follow what he was saying. He talked to us only on these occasions.”[718] Attard narrated a particular incident which happened to him:

Once, accidentally, I was late and did not return to the Institute for the night because the one who was to pick me up did not take me back. On that occasion the Monsignor was really angry and said again and again that the re­gulations were there to be obeyed. He added that it was a case when he could send me away from the Institute. However, his anger did not last, he did not loose control of himself and afterwards the incident was not mentioned again. I never saw the Monsignor in this state before, neither with me nor with anyone else.[719]

                   - In this environment De Piro helped the holistic growth of the boys

In 1928, St Joseph’s Home, Malta, reprinted a book that had been already published in 1890. It was called “The Greatness of the Glorious Patriarch, St Joseph”. In the introduction to the 1928 edition, the Servant of God put these words:

… in Hamrun there is an Institute founded by Canon Bonnici the name of which is St Joseph’s Home. The aim of this Institute is to gather the orphaned and poor boys in order to form them in the fear of God and teach them a trade so that they can get a living for themselves when they grow up.[720]

                   - The spiritual care

When testifying in front of the Ecclesiastical Tribunal in the Cause of Canonisation of De Piro, Dr Cachia Zammit gave an overview of the spirituality imparted by the Servant of God at St Joseph’s: “Mgr De Piro was a very spiritual person himself, and because of this, he worked hard to give a spiritual basis to all his work. There were times of prayer at St. Joseph’s Institute. But more than that, there was a spiritual change for the better.”[721]

In his testimony given to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal Br Felix Muscat presented the acts of piety the boys practiced at St Joseph’s Insitute at the time of the Servant of God, “Mgr De Piro saw to it that we children had a good formation. He did not often say Mass for us but obviously we heard Mass everyday. At about 11.30 am we went to chapel to pray for the ‘buona morte’.[722] In the evening we again met in the chapel for Rosary and Sacramental Benediction.”[723]

While Br Felix said that the Director did not hear their confessions,[724] Nazzareno Attard said the opposite, “When his Mass was over, and until the children’s Mass began, the Director would sit hearing our confessions and many of us used to go to confession to him. He always heard our confessions quietly, calmly and with gentleness and understanding, and he invariably gave the same penance, three Hail Mary.”[725]

Attard also stressed the fact that they had the continuous service of other confessors:

Mgr De Piro was always available whenever we wanted to confess. I said, ‘he liked’, because I noticed that he was always ready to hear our confession. He treat­ed us gently and spoke to us calmly. He used to be very attentive while hearing confession. He would say a word of good advice and explain to us how to live a better life. He did not resort to fear. All this I can say from my personal experience becau­se I used to confess to him. We were about a dozen who used to go to him for confession. No one of us would complain. We had the opportunity to choose another confessor; confessors regularly attended on Satur­days (among them Mgr George Preca)[726]. I felt more at ease to confess to Mgr De Piro.”[727]

 

In his testimony to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal Nazzareno Attard also mentioned other spiritual activities besides confessions, “The prayer of the ‘Buona morte’ was said everyday. It was a prayer for the benefactors who were dying at the moment. I found it there and it had existed before Mgr De Piro became Director. Besides, Rosary was always recited before the statue of St. Joseph. I do not know how this custom originated or how it ceased.” [728] Attard also said that:

I do not remember that we used to have spiritual exercis­es during Lent or the other celebrations mentioned in the question.[729] I repeat, I could not go out[730] and therefore I do not know if my mates attended somewhere else. However, I remember that we used to have the Altar of Repose at the Institute and we did ‘the seven visits’ there. I used to participate in these.[731]

                   - Food

Nazzareno Attard did not present a nice picture of the situation of food at the Institute:

Food and clothing were somewhat on the short side and this told on us. In the evening we usually had only tea and a piece of bread. On Thursdays and Sundays we had some meat in gravy, and some potatoes. This meat would be goat’s meat, as likely as not, which was collected free of charge from the abattoir. On these two days we also had a sweet as dessert, but on the other days of the week food was less plentiful. I remember how Brother Jerome loved going into the boy’s refectory with a big basket full of bread and how he would tell us that we might take two pieces but woe to the boy who threw away any piece. It therefore became usual for us to take two pieces and when we could not manage to eat all of it, to smuggle out the piece left over which we would hide on a window sill or in some odd corner. It sometimes happened that during playtime we would feel hungry and we would then help each other to climb up to the windowsills to look for odd pieces of bread. Even though any such pieces of bread may have been lying there for some time and possibly covered with dust we collected them just the same. We rinsed the bread under the tap and ate it soaked with water. This happened often during the evening because we had nothing at all to eat between lunch and dinner. It was more or less the same in the morning, the only difference being that the youngest boys received a piece of bread. Sometimes these pieces of bread we salvaged from their hiding places we would somehow toast by placing them on a part or other of certain machines which parts became redhot while the machine was running.[732]

 

However, Attard himself admitted that notwithstanding this poor situation, at the Institute it was far better than at home, “I must admit however that in spite of all this, things were much better at the Institute than they were at home.”[733]

Even three years after depositing the above testimony, Attard said the same thing, and he added that this was the opinion of other boys:

I should add however, that food and life at the Instit­ute, in my case, were much better than what I had received at home. The way the other children spoke, from the very first moment I entered the Institute, showed that this was their opinion as well. I cannot say if, in normal families, food was better and more abundant or not.[734]

 

Br Felix Muscat agreed with Attard as regards the poor situation of food at St Joseph’s, but added that the Director did his best to keep the boys healthy:

As regards food, I cannot say that we suffered hunger, but at the same time we did not have more than the necessary. De Piro did not like innovations, not even in food. I should think that he was so cautious about food and clothing because he was afraid of a shortage of money. That is why he was reluctant to introduce new things. It is to be remembered that at that time his intention was to enlarge the Institute. It is to be noted that he was careful not only about the boys but also about himself; he lived a poor man. His clothes were made of the same material as that of the children’s clothes. Again, he wished that the children were better. When he went abroad he did his best to bring them, for example, some crate of the best olive oil. He used to say that oil shows in the face. In a few words when he was careful with money he did not do this out of stinginess but because he was aware that money was limited or to avoid wastage, or to train the boys to live frugally and disciplined.[735]

 

Br Venanz Galea was more positive than Muscat and added that De Piro improved the situation he found when he took over in 1922:

De Piro made arrangements with the cook regarding the food for the priests and Brothers whilst Br Jerome was in charge of the food for the children. However, this does not mean that the Director did not care about the food of the children. On the contrary he was very careful to see that they had enough good food. Once he said that olive oil was very nutritious for children and he ordered to have it in stock. Food was abundant. Before De Piro went to St. Joseph’s it was said that there had been little food.[736]

 

George Wilson, the bookbinding instructor at St Joseph’s, confirmed Galea’s interpretation:

Before he came to St. Joseph’s, the general sitituation there left much to be desired. The boys’ evening meal, for instance, was very meagre indeed. This was because Fr George Bugeja, De Piro’s predecessor, was of the opinion that as the boys there came from poor families, they would not have any fine foods when leaving the Institute. Therefore Bugeja was against having good food served to the boys so that they would not miss it (and suffer more) when they left. I can say that Mgr De Piro changed all this. He improved the quality of the food and conditions in the dining room.[737]

 

Unlike Attard, Muscat, and Galea, Dr Cachia Zammit was never an inmate of St Joseph’s. Rather he came from a well to do family and therefore he undoubtedly enjoyed good food at home. Yet he said this about the food at the Institute:

I take the opportunity to say that the food at St. Joseph’s Institute, which was prepared by a Lay Brother, compared well with food at home. Whenever I had occasion to eat there, I remember that I made positive comments to my father, telling him ‘The food at the Institute was good’, meaning that it compared well with food at home. I liked it.[738]

 

Attard also referred to those who provided their food:

Food varied in quantity as well as in quality ... I do not know if Mgr De Piro knew about the situation. The food did not vary wheth­er Mgr De Piro was present or not. The food was given to us by benefactors, either as food (meat, fruit etc.) or in money; the greater the number of benefactors the better was the food, both in quality and in quantity. Food and other donations from the benefactors used to be consumed by us children.[739]

                   - Clothing

As regards clothing Nazzareno Attard said almost the same thing as for food:

The boys’ clothing was poor and of a coarse material, both underwear and outerwear, being made of Malta weave. On this subject of clothing I would add something else. I remember that when I first came to St. Joseph’s, those boys who did not have any footwear at all when they were admitted to the Institute, had a pair of sandals given to them. After Mass these boys had to take off their sandals and put them away in their compartment in the dormitory. Those boys who brought their own sandals with them from their home were allowed to keep them on.[740]

 

Barefootedness at St Joseph’s, Malta, was confirmed by Br Felix Muscat, “At times there were boys who were barefooted.” [741]

But Nazzareno Attard wanted to be just in his presentation, “I must say however that this was the case at the time when I first went to St. Joseph’s. Things began changing for the better after two years or so.” [742]

                   - In sickness

Br Felix Muscat referred to De Piro’s kindness in sickness:

He showed his kindness with us not only in correction or food. When someone was sick Monsignor did his best to give him all the attention needed. He was a very busy man and yet he always found the time to come to see us when sick. He would ask us if we had all the things we needed and if he could be of any service to us.[743]

                   - The academic aspect

Nazareno Attard gave a detailed picture of the academic aspect at St Joseph’s:

We boys received our schooling at the Institute, where a total of four classes catered for our needs. The first two classes were for boys who had not yet started learning a trade while the other two classes were for the boys who had already started the trade classes. In the first two classes the boys attended school both in the morning and in the afternoon. When they came to the third class the boys had to choose the trade they wanted to learn and they applied themselves to this in the morning in the workshops, while in the afternoon or evening they received their schooling. When they came to the fourth stage the boys worked morning and afternoon in the workshops, and attended evening class from five to six o’clock. We were taught arithmetic, English, Italian and Maltese. Our teachers did not belong to the staff of the Institute but came there only to give us lessons.[744]

 

On 18 June 1990 Attard added some other details to what he had said on 16 May 1987:

When I entered the Institute, the school was already there; I do not know if it was started by the Monsignor or not. There were four classes; three of the teachers were laymen. They were paid but I do not know how much. We used to learn Religion, Italian, English and Arith­metic. Prizes were given not only for progress but also for conduct of all the children of the Institute. On the prize day the children took part in various activities. There were various guests, sometimes including the Bishop or the Governor. There used to be even Mr. Alphonse Maria Galea, a friend of Monsignor and a benefactor.[745]

 

Br Felix Muscat said almost the same things as Attard:

At St. Joseph’s we had lessons. Our teachers did not belong to the Institute. At times when these did not turn up, the Brothers would replace them. To stimulate our interest in the school, De Piro organized a prize day once a year. Even outsiders were invited for this occasion.[746]

 

Attard continued by emphasising the fact that school was compulsory, at a time when in the rest of Malta this was not so, and that the boys remained on the premises for their schooling:

School was compulsory, although at that time on the part of the state it was not compulsory. Also, we did not go to other places for our schooling. I do not know why we didn’t go for lessons to other schools, but at the Institute we had the neces­sary schooling. We did not mix with other children…[747]

 

On 15 July 1991 Cachia Zammit did not say anything different from the others,[748] but on 5 August 1991 he emphasised the fact that the Director improved the education system, “He improved those things that were good. He gave a great incentive to education. I myself could notice, in general terms, that great progress was made.”[749]

George Wilson explained as follows De Piro’s interest in schooling:

He insisted on the boys getting good schooling and he engaged qualified teachers for them. This was not necessary before Mgr De Piro became Director at St. Joseph’s because the De La Salle Brothers were present then, and they taught the boys themselves. But after Mgr De Piro took over, the Brothers left for some reason unknown to me and he then took responsability for the boys’ schooling. He also held a prize giving cermony every year.[750]

 

Br Venanz Galea’s testimony resembles almost word by word that of Attard only that the former was more specific about who the teachers were:

As regards the school timetable, there were two sessions, one in the morning and another one in the afternoon. The younger children attended the morning session. As these were still young they did not do any work and were therefore free to attend lessons. The older ones, on the other hand, took a trade, and as they had to work in the mornings, they could not attend the morning classes. Instead, they went for the evening session. In the morning the teachers were Brs. Santi, Karmenu and Glormu, together with Mr. George Wilson. For the evening classes the Director brought an outsider to teach.[751]

 

On 28 May 1990 Nazzareno Attard added something else to what he had already said in 1987, “I do not know if it was possible for one to continue his school­ing, but I know of some who went on with their studies.”[752]

                   - The trades

George Wilson presented himself as having been a bookbinding instructor at St Joseph’s, Malta.[753] This already indicated that at the Institute there was at least the teaching of this trade. Nazzareno Attard indicated that there were more than one trade taught at the Institute, “There were workshops where trades were taught…”[754] In the Tribunal session of 28 May 1990 Nazzareno was still more elaborate about the trades:

When I was admitted to St. Joseph’s Institute, the fol­lowing trades were taught: carpentry, tailoring, shoe­making, printing, book-binding, typography and other items connected with the printing press.

I do not know if these trades were introduced by Mgr De Piro or if they had been already there before his coming. At the time of the Monsignor no other trades, besides these, were introduced. Before we started to learn a trade, we had two years of schooling. In the third year we started learning a trade together with the school. If it happened that too large a number chose the same trade, then the Brother in charge would suggest to us other trades so that there would be a certain balance. In the fourth year, schooling was almost put aside completely; we used to have only one hour of school daily, just not to forget what we had learnt.

To be more exact I would like to add that in the last years of his life Mgr De Piro might have introduced also the trade of electrician. I am certain that im­mediately after the death of the Monsignor I was con­sidering to start learning this trade, and I did not do so because I was soon to leave; I left on 12 May 1934.

To teach these trades there were some laymen who were employed as instructors ... I believe that the Institu­te paid these instructors £1 a week. I cannot assess the ability of these instructors nor can I say if Mgr De Piro organized things in a better way.

All those who so desired could learn a trade... These trades were of benefit to us because they prepar­ed us for life. Besides, they also provided an income for the Institute, especially the printing press and the ancillary trades. Also the shoemakers did work for out­siders. The tailors did work for the children of the In­stitute. Also the carpenters did work ‘on order’.[755]

 

Dr Cachia Zammit mentioned the same aims referred to by Attard, namely that the learning of trades guaranteed a future living for the boys.[756] George Wilson emphasised the fact that the Director was very interested in the boys and their learning a trade, “During working hours he would go round to see the boys working, showing appreciation of their work and encouraging them in what they did. I frequently accompanied the Director in these inspection visits.”[757]

                   - The music band

In his testimony of 16 May 1987 Nazzareno Attard provided a lot of information about the St Joseph’s Music Band.  From what he said in his testimony it is quite clear that he himself was a member of the Music Band:

The Monsignor gave every consideration and every encouragement to the Band of the Institute. Every boy was free to join the Band, but the Director saw to it that those who opted to join had certain incentives. For one thing we who belonged to the Band received more pocket money than the other boys and we also had more money to spend on the Patron Saint’s feastday. Moreover, belonging to the Band also gave us the opportunity to visit many villages and towns.[758]

 

Attard’s words indicate that the Music Band was not limited only to the Institute but performed in various parts of Malta! In the testimony he gave on 4 June 1990 Attard even mentioned some specific places which the Band visited, “I remember various Brothers among them Br. Venanz, who took care of the Oratory. At times we went with the Band to play there. I also remember the laying of the foundation stone of the Motherhouse of Saint Agatha in Rabat …”[759] In fact on 28 May 1990 Attard said that, “We often went to perform programmes for the parish feasts and other occasions.”[760] Attard also said, “I also know that Mgr De Piro had under his care an Institute in Gozo. Once we went to play there…” [761]

In his 28 May 1990 testimony Attard gave more information about the band:

When I entered, the St. Joseph Institute Band had the best bandmasters. First there was Anton Muscat Azzopardi to be followed later by Joseph Abela Scolaro. It was not open for all, but only for those who showed that they wanted to take music seriously. Teaching was done with great assi­duity and seriousness. We were at least 34 members from the Institute only. Besides these, there used to be also some old boys of the Institute. We also used to teach each other. We had an additional distinctive mark on the uniform of the Institute. The Band of the Institute was one of the best.

When I entered the Institute the band was already there, and therefore I do not know whether it was the Monsignor who introduced it.[762]

                   - Money saving

It was only Nazareno Attard who referred to this other aspect in the boys’ upbringing, “We did not receive direct remuneration, but money was sa­ved for us and this was given to us, together with a suit, when we left the Institute.”[763]

                   - Recreation

Attard’s words are quite clear and exhaustive about De Piro’s attention for this aspect in the boys’ life:

The Director also gave due importance to recreation, games and the proper use of free time, and he saw to it that this was given practical recognition. In fact we often had theatricals at the Institute where we also had a hall for indoor games.

Once I find myself talking about this subject of recreation I would like to give details of our annual programme in this regard. We boys always looked forward to the next holiday on the calendar. The first feast of the year was obviously New Year’s Day when, after the recitation of the prayer for the subscribers in the ‘Buona Morte’ Mgr De Piro would lead us to the hall on the upper floor where he would first talk to us for ten minutes or so on the significance of the feast we were celebrating. After that he always gave us gifts. After New Year’s Day we would begin waiting for Carnival. There was a reason after this. During Carnival each one of us received a bag of sweets almonds and sugar almonds. The next event after Carnival was Easter when every boy would have a figolla (typical Maltese cake with almond paste filling). After Easter there came summer, the season for swimming. While during the winter months we were taken to the Stadium Ground to watch football matches, during the summer months we were often taken to the beach for a swim at Ta’ Xbiex or Sa Maison. But the season was inaugurated by an event known among us as ‘the outing of is-Sur Alphonse Maria Galea’. For this outing all the boys packed some thirty or so ‘karrozzini’ or cabs and went to Birzebbugia. We took our band instruments with us which we played along the way. As soon as we arrived at Birzebbugia we would deposit our instruments and other possesions at the house of is-Sur Alphonse and make haste to the beach where we would spend the next four hours or so swimming and enjoying ourselves on the beach. We would then go back to the house where we ate our lunch in the shade of a big tree. The outing ended up with the distribution of toys to all of us.

The next holiday on the list was the feast of St. Joseph which was celebrated at the Institute. This was one of the greatest feasts for us, not only because the refectory was decorated and made to look at its best by Brother Venanz Galea, or because we had good and tasty meals, but for various other reasons. In the morning we attended the High Mass at which Mgr De Piro generally presided. In the afternoon we had Solemn Vespers and a procession with the Saint’s statue escorted by the Band of the Institute. After the Eucharistic Blessing all of us would make our way to the courtyard to enjoy ourselves at a grand fair which was an annual event. On this occasion every boy received one shilling. We Band members had an extra shilling. Along with the money we were also given six fireworks to let off at the appropriate moment. The feast would come to an end with a display of ‘catherine wheels’ and other fireworks.

When summer was over we would begin counting the days till St. Martin’s Day, when every boy would be presented with a bag of almonds, walnuts, hazelnuts, chestnuts, dates, figs and St. Martin’s loaves.

After St. Martin we would start preparing for Christmas. This was the last feast of the year for us. On Christmas Eve we were allowed to play until ll.00 pm. After the games we would don our uniform and proceed to the chapel for midnight Mass. As soon as Mass was over we would all hasten to the refectory where we were given hot cocoa, honey rings, sponge cakes and date-cakes. On this occasion old boys would be present to share with us the joys of Christmas.

I felt I had to mention these feasts because in spite of the fact that those years (1928-1934) were a lean period for Malta because there was a shortage of many things, including foodstuffs, clothing and other items, the holidays and festivities I mentioned were always faithfully observed. This was precisely the period when the Director of the Institute was Mgr G. De Piro.[764]

 

On 18 June 1990 Attard explained more what he had said on 16 May 1987, “The Stadium I mentioned was the one at Gzira, Malta. The owner used to invite the children of the Institute every Sun­day for the football matches. Even at the Institute we used to play football between us, workshop vs. workshop. Mgr De Piro could see us and at times watched us from near his room, which was on the first floor. We also held races.”[765]

On 25 June 1990 Nazzareno added some other information:

Usually we used to go to the beach once a week, on Sundays. We, the members of the Band used to go on a weekday. We used to go at about 3.00 and return to the Institute at about 7.00 in the evening. The beach we went to was suitable and not crowded. Mgr De Piro did not use to come with us. It was the Brothers who used to look after us. We used to be only children from St. Joseph’s Instit­ute. The boys used to walk to the beach, but I, owing to a defect in my legs, used to ride.

We used to go to “Ta’ Xbiex” or “Sa Maison”, apart from the occasion that I shall mention later on.

The ‘outing of is-Sur Fons’ was held when the weather changed and hot days began, ie., in May. We used to be children of St. Joseph’s Institute only. However, the trade instruct­ors used to come with us. Mr. Alphonse Maria Galea defray­ed all the expenses (including the food) of this out­ing. Besides swimming, we used to have other activit­ies including band playing. Prizes were given. For this outing Mgr De Piro was present at times.[766]

 

In his testimony Br Felix Muscat was much shorter than Attard but emphasised again the importance Monsignor put on this aspect. He mentioned the daily recreation, swimming in summer, carnival merry making at the Institute, and film shows.[767]

On 10 June 1991 Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit referred to the feast that was celebrated on Ascension Day by Mr Alphonse Maria Galea at Birzebbugia for the boys.[768] Then, on 15 July 1991 Cachia Zammit made the all inclusive affirmation about De Piro’s attitude towards recreation, “I noticed that Mgr De Piro knew how to take care of, make happy, recreate, etc., the children.[769]

                   - The boys’ relationship with their families

Brs Felix Muscat and Venanz Galea said nothing about the boys’ relationship with their families. Nazzareno Attard was the only old boy to testify about it:

In fact we were allowed to go home once a year, not ne­cessarily on the occasion of the feast of the Parish. It was a rule. I do not know the reason behind it, but it applied to all the children without any exception. It never occurr­ed to us children to ask for a change in the organiza­tion of the Institute. Our families were allowed to come to see us whenever they liked, provided they were prudent as regards the time of their visit.[770]

                   - Reinsertion of the boys in normal life after leaving the Institute

It was Dr Cachia Zammit who gave details about this essential phase in the boys’ life:

Mgr De Piro ascertained himself, as far as possible, that the families of the young men who left St. Joseph’s Institute were able to accept them back. (The girls, who were not otherwise settled, remained in their institute). Otherwise, Mgr De Piro himself saw to it that these young men found a good family. He also helped them find a job and settle in life. He either did this himself, or through others. I also know from personal experience …that Mgr De Piro followed up those who left the Institute.

I cannot say what percentage had their own good family ready to accept them back.

As for jobs, Mgr De Piro tried first to find a job according to the trade the lad had learnt. If he failed, he tried to find some other job compatible with the character, capabilities, etc., of the boy concerned. Those who employed these young men were glad to employ them since they already knew the trade and had a sound formation. By the way, the children who left St. Joseph’s Institute, not only did not suffer from any stigma because of their social condition, but they were easily and happily accepted in society; they did not find it difficult to be accepted for work, or to marry.

When I said that Mgr De Piro followed up those who left the Institute, I meant that he did this in order to see that things were going on well. I cannot say whether he himself sought them out intentionally, or took the opportunity when­ever it presented itself. But surely, in the case I mentioned above, Mgr De Piro himself asked for the Tabone Brothers.

These families were morally good families, who could help these young men, and they were families in which these young people could find their place. Mgr De Piro himself saw to these things. I never heard that it resulted that the choice made by Mgr De Piro misfired, and I feel that I was in such a position that, if anything like that had happened, I would have heard about it, at least from my father.

In finding jobs, I must think that considering Mgr De Piro’s character … the Servant of God tried to find conditions of work that were good, according to the standards of those times.[771]

                   - The end result

Nazzareno Attard had this to say about the boys who cooperated with the formation system as St Joseph’s, Malta, “Those who were willing had every oppor­tunity at the Institute to leave as mature, respon­sible persons, capable of facing life.”[772] These are the words of one who had been at the Institute and who had benefited from the years spent there!

                   - De Piro was not alone

Those who testified at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal confirmed that the Director was not alone in his taking care of the boys at St Joseph’s Institute, Malta. There was mention of the Brothers or the members of his Society,[773] the instructors,[774] and old boys who after leaving the Institute went there to give a helping hand.[775]

                   - To these De Piro delegated responsibilities

During the years he spent at St Joseph’s, Malta, Nazzareno Attard could notice that the Director delegated the various responsibilities related to the administration of the Institute, “I know that work at St. Joseph’s Institute was well organized and everyone knew who was responsible for what.”[776]

                   - But demanded accountability

Fr Joseph Spiteri was De Piro’s assistant at St Joseph’s Insitute.[777] The Director seems to have trusted this member of his Society a lot,[778] but at the same time the Servant of God wanted Spiteri to be accountable. He presented him a three page instruction list, amongst which there was a clause to the effect that the Assistant Director should give the Director a weekly report.[779]

                   - And dignity

In the instructions given to Fr Spiteri, De Piro included a note about his relationship with the boys, “… coi ragazzi mantenga la sua dignità.”[780]

-         Together with an organised good staff, De Piro also had other sources of support

                   - His own family

Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit who was rather close to the De Piro family considered the Director’s family itself as a main source for Monsignor’s goodness and kindheartedness:

I cannot say for sure why Mgr De Piro’s behaviour with the children of the Institutes was as I described above. But I can say that he treated children from the Institutes as he treated me, and as he treated the child I mentioned above, whom my father employed. In my opinion, his family background was such that he grew up as a good and kindhearted person.[781]

                   - Especially his own mother

The process of entry of Nazzareno Attard at St Joseph’s shows quite clearly that there was at least once when the mother of the Servant of God helped him in the running of the Institute:

Mrs. Ursula was the mother of the Servant of God, Mgr De Piro. My mother had not talked to the Servant of God, although at times he was in Qrendi. I do not know why. Perhaps because my mother thought that Mgr De Piro left certain things in his mother’s hand. I am certain that Mgr De Piro (and his mother as well) observed the Institute’s regulations regarding the admissions of the boys. Preferences were not made. And when I was at the Institute I never heard any complaints about this.

My family never had contacts with De Piro’s family. Mgr De Piro was not dominated or led by his mother, but, in my opinion, he respected her word. Also, in my case, it is clear that Mrs Ursula had talked to her son about my case, but Mgr De Piro still followed the regulations. I never noticed or heard that Mgr De Piro was led by his mother or that she tried to dominate him. I do not know other details.[782]

                   - The benefactors

Nazzareno Attard also mentioned the benefactors as a source of sustenance for the Orphanage, “I do not know if Mgr De Piro used to beg alms or not for our needs, but I am sure that he kept certain contacts, e.g. with Mr. Alphonse Maria Galea…, through whom we children of the Institutes benefited a lot.”[783]

Even Cachia Zammit referred to this great help to St Joseph’s:

Besides, there was a man who toured the whole of Malta, collecting alms for St. Joseph’s Institute. People helped St. Joseph’s Institute quite willingly, since all knew that the children there were very poor, and they had no income. Besides, there were various other benefactors, like Mr. Alphonse Maria Galea. For example, there were those who aided this Institute and others, by giving a chance to these children to take a holiday at the seaside in summer. The Bishop, Mgr Caruana, was one of the benefactors.[784]

                   - Himself a benefactor of the Institute

Dr Cachia Zammit was quite clear about this, “He gave all his wealth to the Institute ... It is true that Mr Alphonse helped St. Joseph’s Institute, but the same Mr. Alphonse said that De Piro made most of the contributions.”[785]

                   - More than anything else he believed in Providence

Nazzareno Attard mentioned several activities which helped the Director get the money needed for the Institute. At the same time he referred also to De Piro’s faith in Providence:

The Brothers warned us not to waste the food, which, they reminded us, was given to us by benefactors. When I was young I never noticed if Mgr De Piro trusted in Divine Providence or not, but today that I am older I can better appreciate the goodness, the calmness, etc., of Mgr De Piro in spite of the great responsibility he had, of the 150 children of the Instit­ute, besides the Brothers, the instructors, etc. I learn­t from the collectors of the ‘Buona Morte’, of De Piro’s time, that he insisted that they should collect the month­ly fee. I also mentioned the fun fair.[786]

 

Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit shared a personal experience which showed De Piro’s faith in Providence:

 On one of these occasions, probably that of 1930, my mother had invited Mr. Alphonse, De Piro and Mother Curmi to our house for dinner (the children were outside enjoying themselves). On that occasion my mother was worried because she saw that there was not enough food. She told Mr. Alphonse about this since he was our neighbor. The Monsignor soon realised what was the problem and the common preoccupation. He intervened there and then and told mum: “God’s providence is very great.” He said this because he truly believed in God’s providence, especially in the Institutes. In fact there was enough food to go round.[787]

 

The same Cachia Zammit mentioned the faith of the Servant of God in divine providence another time, “It was natural for Mgr De Piro to trust in God’s providence. And he had to, since he had to take care of institutes, which depended totally on providence. His friend and great collaborator, Mr. Alphonse Maria Galea, himself had a great trust in providence, and this surely influenced also Mgr De Piro.”[788]

                   - With all these De Piro worked miracles

Dr Cachia Zammit tried to be objective and balanced in his judgement as regards De Piro’s administration:

One of the institutes he directed was St. Joseph’s Institute in Hamrun. Although his way of running this Institute was not perfect, he worked miracles in running it. As the government helped the Inst­itute, it had the right to admit children. These were not always the best and they therefore sometimes caused many problems. However, he could manage, and in fact succeeded in running the Institute.[789]

                   - De Piro planned to send St Joseph’s boys to the USA

Fr George Bugeja was the director of St Joseph’s, Malta, from 1905 until his death on 23 November 1922. The Maltese who lived in the USA did not know immediately about his death and for this reason one of them, Costantino Gatt, wrote to him on 4 December 1922. In this letter Gatt sent Fr Bugeja the details about a money collection that was done in San Francisco, California, for the Institute. In this letter Gatt also made a proposal to Fr Bugeja: the Maltese of California were ready to welcome the eldest boys of St Joseph’s if these wanted to go to the USA to work there.[790] Obviously this letter arrived when Bugeja was already dead. Therefore it was Mgr De Piro, the new Director, who handled this offer. In fact, besides the care of the daily life of the Institute, one of the first projects of the Servant of God was the attempt to send the eldest boys of St Joseph’s to the USA.

De Piro gathered together the eldest boys of the Institute and discussed the project with them. These agreed and accepted the offer.[791] But for these boys of St Joseph’s there was the problem of money, because to go to the USA the fare was rather expensive.[792] Therefore the Director wrote to Malta’s Prime Minister and asked him about the possibility of having some governmental financial aid for the boys.[793] We do not know whether the Prime Minister answered De Piro’s letter or not. What we know is that the project did not materialise.[794]

                   - He enlarged the building of the Institute

Another big enterprise was undoubtedly the building of new extensions of the Institute. Br Felix Muscat referred to this initiative of the Director when dealing with the subject of the expenditure of money, “That is why he was reluctant to introduce new things. It is to be remembered that at that time his intention was to enlarge the Institute.”[795]

Nazzareno Attard entered the Institute in 1928. He said that others told him what De Piro had done before he himself was admitted to St Joseph’s, Malta, “I learnt from other people who worked at St. Joseph’s Institute that at the time of Mgr De Piro there was also improvement in the build­ing.”[796]

                   - He provided a house for babies

By 1930 Mgr De Piro was more than busy with the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, but the charity of the Servant of God did not have limits. In 1930 he wrote to the Archbishop of Malta showing his concern about the fact that time was passing quickly and he had done nothing about the building of a new extension of St Joseph’s where he could shelter the babies.[797] Nazzareno Attard referred to another house, very near to St Joseph’s, which the Director had opened in 1925 with the same aim:

Younger children were kept in another In­stitute, a short distance from the Institute of St Joseph. It was in the care of nuns helped by some laywomen, but I do not remember to which Congregation they belonged. It seemed that there was a connection between this Home and that of St. Joseph’s Institute, because child­ren were automatically transferred from this Home to St. Joseph’s.[798]

                   - No limits for his generosity

Dr Cachia Zammit mentioned a case where De Piro showed that there were no limits for his charity:

As regards the case of the children I insist that he did his utmost, so much so that my father said that he knew about four unfortunate boys who lived like animals; they had no food or clothes and much less care of their souls. This was so because their mother had died and their father was busy with his work at St. Lucian’s Tower. My father informed Mr. Alphonse about them. The latter approached Mgr De Piro and asked him to keep them at St. Joseph’s. In fact Mgr De Piro without hesitation accepted three of them in the Institute and took care of them; the fourth one was in the care of my father.[799]

 

The same Cachia Zammit added that, “Through his work in the Institutes, Mgr De Piro came in contact with the families of these children. Reference can be made to the case of the Tabone family I mentioned above. Besides, Mgr De Piro was a person who never shirked the chances of helping families in their material and social needs.”[800]

                   - De Piro was always in solidarity with the boys

George Wilson could go into detail as regards De Piro’s behaviour because he did several jobs at St Joseph’s, Every now and again I used to do the cooking at the Institute, and I can say that Mgr De Piro took the same food the boys had without any difference whatsoever, because he wanted to have absolutely the same treatment they had in all respects.” [801]

                   - The Director was in contact even with the families of the boys

Alexander Cachia Zammit said that through the boys of the Institute the Director maintained contact even with their families, Through his work in the institutes Mgr De Piro came into contact with the families of these children. As an example one can refer to the case of the Tabone family I mentioned above. Besides, Mgr De Piro was a person who never shirked the chances of helping families in their material and social needs.”[802]

                   - De Piro helped the employees of the Institute

As an employee at St Joseph’s, Malta, George Wilson could analyse even Monsignor’s relationship with the employees of the Institute. But not only; he noticed that De Piro was in touch with the situation of the employees’ families and he often gave them a helping hand in their needs:

… he helped in various ways whole families who were in need of financial aid. To mention one particular case, I know that out of his own pocket he paid the wife of a certain Karmenu Abela her husband’s wages because he (the husband) was out of work and a patient at the Connaught Hospital. This I heard from Mrs. Abela herself who also told me that he actually used to give her something more than her husband’s usual pay. Fr. Joseph Spiteri, who was Mgr De Piro’s assistant, told us that the Monsignor would hand the employees at the Institute their wages. Spiteri also said that the Director did this so that if any of them needed any extra money he would provide what was needed himself without anybody knowing how much and what he gave in charity.

He thought nothing of visiting any of the employees who happened to be ill, and I myself have heard him say that he was on his way to visit one or another. Not only this, but according to the members of the families of these employees, he would find out if they were in need of help which he then did his best to provide. If circumstances so reqiuired he would see that they had the services of the doctor. The lay Brother used to say that the Monsignor never had a pair of shoes repaired, because he would always give his shoes to some poor man before any repairs were needed.[803]

                   - De Piro prepared the boys for life

Nazzareno Attard, an old boy of St Joseph’s could confirm from experience that, “Those who were willing had every oppor­tunity at the Institute to leave as mature, respon­sible persons, capable of facing life.”[804]

                   - “An internal feeling tells me that God, from this Institute, wants to form in Malta a Congregation of priests under the patronage of Saint Paul…”

Although Nazzareno Attard lived at St Joseph’s for some five years he did not seem to be close to the Piccola Società San Paolo which had its main House not at the Institute but in Mdina, Malta. Because of this he did not know from where the Founder was recruiting vocations for his Society. What he was sure of was that the Director never pestered the boys of St Joseph’s to join his Congregation, “I do not know the number of the members. Nor do I know where the vocations came from. I do not remember that Mgr De Piro ever tried to persuade us to choose the religious life; his contacts with us were few.”[805]

Br Felix Muscat, who after being an inmate at St Joseph’s, joined the Society of De Piro, was more informed about this:

The Padre, this is how the members of the Society referred to him, greatly desired that some of the boys of St. Joseph would join him. At the same time it was not often that he brought the subject with us. Even less was his insistence that we should become members. At the same time he often asked the Brothers of the Society whether there was any one who wished to join. He encouraged these to help those boys who had the vocation (The Brothers were entrusted with the youths who seemed to be promising. In fact, I remember that, when I made the profession, I took care of those youths for a considerable time). As regards myself I always had the missions at heart. I remember that I had spoken about this to Br. Guzepp who at that time was at St. Joseph’s. Br. Guzepp informed the Padre. I still remember when I met him, and he asked me what was my vocation. I told him that I wished to become a lay brother and added that my mother wished me to become a priest. He was so much interested in this that he sent for my mother to speak to her. I remember that he told her these words: “I am a priest and he helps me. We are together in this, we do the same work. Our Rule says this: ‘The priest and the brother work together.’ He will be of great help to the priest.”

I did not join the Society straightaway. I kept contact with Br. Guzepp who took care of the boys who wished to join the Society. This Brother helped me to meet the Padre by sending me to clean his room. Monsignor, seeing me so interested and keen on my work, was encouraged to accept me. At such times he would start talking to me about the vocation.[806]

 

Br Venanz Galea was another boy who passed from St Joseph’s to De Piro’s Society. Galea said that:

… he (De Piro) paid special attention to those children who were inclined to join the Society that he founded; he took great care of them. He liked to call these to his room, either alone or together, and spent some time talking to them. At times he took them together to the house at Mdina, where there were already the first members, for some feast, like, for example, the feast of St. Paul. Besides the service, the Founder liked to give them something to make them happy. He had even founded what was known as the Congregation of St. Aloysius. Several boys belonged to it, but it was mostly intended for those children who were interested in his Society.. For these he had a medallion made, and they had frequent meetings. Br. Guzepp Caruana was in charge of them. In these meetings the Brother spoke to them about various matters, including the Society. Sometimes also the Founder went to talk to them. The St Aloysius Congregation was a kind of society in which Br. Guzepp could spot children who later on would become members of the Society. Whenever he found a boy who was inclined to join, the Brother soon presented him to the Founder so that he might get to know him better.

I was one who had the wish to join the Society. In 1925 De Piro suggested that Br Guzepp should send me with Father Michael Callus to Gozo, where he was in charge of the Institute of St Joseph. At that time I was about 14 years old. I wasn’t even an aspirant. Although I was still very young I went to Gozo.I was sent there just before the opening of this Institute and specifically to help with the preparations for the opening.[807]

 

(iv)  Director of St Joseph’s Home, Ghajnsielem, Gozo

                   - Gozo : an introduction

The Island of Gozo makes part of the Maltese Archipelago. Because of this it may be thought that what has already been said about the socio- economic situation of the Island of Malta can automatically be applied to Gozo. The reality is not completely so; the two Islands, with some 8 kilometers of sea between them, experienced a bit of a different fate in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. If the socio-economic situation during these years was generally not good in the case of Malta, for many of those years and in many aspects it was still worse as regards Gozo. Because of this it is important here to have at least a look at the Gozitan reality in these years in order to understand better De Piro’ s contribution to this Island and Diocese when he accepted to start, and then direct, St Joseph’s Orphanage there.

                   - The population

Year

Population

1807

12,830

1811

12,766

1814 (plague)

1814-1826 (diminishing agricultural prosperity)

 

13,000

1826

13,136

Just before 1837

14,566

In late 1837 (346 Gozitans perish in epidemic)

14,220

1842 (year of first census)

14,342

1851

14,663

1861 (slow economic recovery)

15,459

1864

16,038

1871

17,391

1881

17,653

1891

18,553

1901

19,790

1911

22,695

1921

22,561

1931

23,837

Table 6 [808]

 

Frederick M. Lacroix, writing at about the year 1835, also noted that “… the population has sensibly increased in spite of misery and emigration”.[809]

                   - Standard of living

It is impossible to say how many lived below or above the normal standard of living. The table below gives an idea of the reality according to the 1861 Census:

 

Occupations in Gozo

Standard of living

% of the population

Artificers and labourers

Reduced to begging in times of want, probably subsisted just below. Lived frugally during most of the year; next to starving during remaining months.

39.59

In agriculture, and

At sea

Had a large measure of self sufficiency and must have led a normal living.

17.55

4.20

Government employees, and

some of the priests

Fared equally well.

0.53

0.86

Majority of land owners, and

many belonging to professional, and commercial classes

Enjoyed a better life.

0.19

 

0.39

 

2.27

Table 7 [810]

In the middle of the nineteenth century the British Government sent to Malta, one of the British colonies, a Royal Commission to study the situation on the Island and present a report. Some of its words revealed the extreme state of impoverishment of the people living at that time: “In Gozo, when there is a want of field-work, about one sixth of the population is reduced to begging”.[811]

                   - The public health system

Here it is enough to quote what has been written on 19 September 1903 by “A voice from Gozo” in one of the Maltese daily newspapers:

A correspondent writes that there is urgent necessity for more esxtensive medical assistance in the Island of Gozo which is at present insufficiently furnished with Civilian Medical Officers, more especially during the summer months where there is a great deal of fever, enteric, etc., prevalent. Casal Nadur (which includes Casal Kala and Ghainsielem) is mentioned as an instance in which district there is no medical assistance available in cases of urgent necessity. When a doctor is required, a telephone message has to be sent to Citta` Vittoria, and great delay, which is unavoidable, is the result, as there is long distance to cover and the doctor may possibly be engaged elsewhere, and even when obtained it is always at great expense, behond the means of poor people. At present the arrangements are that the doctor of Casal Caccia arrives late in the evening on Tuesdays and Fridays, and leaves early on Wednesdays and Saturdays, which means a very short stay for such large villages, the population of which is very scattered. This causes an  extra expense and personal inconvenience which might be remedied by the government establishing a resident medical officer in these villages, which should be compelled to actually reside there and provide a substitute in case of unavoidable absence, that the district would never be left without an available medical attendant.

Several visitors from the Sister Island who have been residing here during the summer months, have complained of their inability to procure medical assistance when required. A resident medical officer is claimed for Nadur, Kala, and Ghainsielem in preference to other districts, because of their having the largest population according to the last census.[812]     

                   - The Institute at Ghajnsielem, Gozo

It has been said that the economic situation in Malta and Gozo had been bad in most of the nineteenth century. During many of the first years of the twentieth century, things, sometimes, though very slowly, changed a bit for the better.[813] Still, there was a good number of children who needed immediate help. Michael Ciangura who was the 17th boy to enter St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo[814] was asked to testify in the 1987 Tribunal sessions. Though in a very few words, he indicated that in his childhood the situation was very poor.[815] Peter Camilleri was the 23rd boy to enter St Joseph’s, Gozo. He presented his childhood days as a time of scarcity.[816] Loreto Rapa, the 3rd boy to enter the Institute was more explicit, “When I was still a small boy there were many poor and orphan children…”[817]

                   - The attempts by the bishops of Gozo

The Gozo parishpriests felt the responsibility to open some house or institute in order to gather the boys in it.[818] There had already been one; it was the Saints Peter and Paul Conservatory. It had been built by Bishop Vincenzo Labini in 1789.[819]  But this was for girls; there was no such home for boys, yet. A hundred years after the opening of the Conservatory, the Bishop of Gozo, Mgr Peter Paul Pace tried to open an institute for boys. He therefore asked the help of Mgr Francesco Bonnici, the founder of St Joseph’s Institute, Malta. But the plan failed because Bonnici could not handle two institutes at the same time.[820]

There were several attempts after the one of Mgr Pace, but again they all failed.[821] The reasons for this lack of success were various: it was not easy to find a place where to gather together the boys. There had to be a lot of money to run it. But the main problem was the direction of the institute. The Church in Gozo asked the Freres De La Salle to run the projected institute. The offer was made to them in 1908. At first the Brothers accepted, but in fact they never went to Gozo.[822]

                   - The Gozo parishpriests sought the help of De Piro

In 1920 the Gozo parishpriests took over from the Bishop.[823] They found an adequate house and succeeded in getting some money from the government.[824] On 17 November 1923 the parishpriests signed a notary contract with which they bound themselves to set up a boys’ institute.[825] Since they were convinced that the failure of the previous attemps was because of the lack of an adequate director they decided to invite Mgr Joseph De Piro to be the first director,[826] who at that time was the director of another three institutes in Malta: Fra Diegu, Jesus of Nazareth and St Joseph, Malta. On 25 December 1924, Fr Joseph Hili, the parishpriest of Fontana, Gozo, wrote to the Servant of God in the name of all the other parishpriests and offered him the direction of the Gozo Institute.[827] For some reason or other De Piro did not answer that letter. Therefore Hili wrote to Monsignor again on 7 January 1925.[828] This time De Piro answered the letter on the 31 of the same month: he wanted to know things more clearly.[829]  Hili wrote to Monsignor on 3 February 1925, giving him more information.[830]

                   - A branch of St Joseph’s, Malta, to be led by the Society of De Piro

De Piro decided to accept. He wrote to the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, and told him about the request made to him by the Gozo parishpriests:

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

Il Canco. Decano Giuseppe De Piro nella sua duplice qualità di Superiore della Casa di San Giuseppe - ist. Bonnici - e della Compangnia di San Paolo, prostrato al bacio del Sacro Anello, umilmente espone a Vra. Eccza. che per tra del Secretario del Parrocato Gozitano, gli veniva ultimamente significato che tanto Monsignor Vescovo, quanto tutti i Parroci di Gozo, consci della necessità desideravano istituire in diocesi un orfanatrofio e che accoglie vero con piacere l’idea di aver diramata a Gozo, una sezione della Casa di San Giuseppe di Hamrun.

 

Che la diramazione di una sezione al Gozo della Casa di San Giuseppe ere già un desiderato di Mgr Arciv. Vescovo P.Pace di f.m.; e se allora per una ragione o l’altra non si era riuscito ad effettuarla, le circostanze odierne persuadono diversamente. La prosperità infatti della Casa di San Giuseppe a lato dello sviluppo della Compagnia di San Paolo che la maneggia, la premura del nuovo Vescovo Mgr Gonzi la disposizione dei Parroci a spallegiare l’opera, l’azione già dagli stessi spiegata in favore, il concorso del Governo Civile coll’assegno di mille lire sterline, tutto contribuisce ad infondere coraggio di por mano all’impresa.

 

Che l’Or… e pertanto, fidandosi sempre nell’aiuto della Divina Provvidenza, osa umiliare a Vra. Eccza. Revma. la domanda di autorizzarlo ad iniziare l’istituzione di questa … diramazione sotto il nome di "Casa di San Giuseppe" - Sezione Gozo-

 

Che della grazia etc.

 

Presentato dal ricorrente il di 3 Febbraio 1925

(f) Sac. Ant. Galea

Cancelliere. [831]

 

One can notice that in the above letter the Servant of God insisted that the future Institute had to be a branch of St Joseph’s, Malta, and not a separate one. Also, De Piro mentioned his Society. Without doubt the Founder was anticipating the introduction of its members in the Gozo Home. De Piro’s petition was accepted by the Archbishop on 3 February 1925. Mgr Caruana approved the affiliation of the Gozo Institute with that of Malta, but he also told the Servant of God to deal the matter with the Bishop of Gozo, “Approviamo purchè l’Ore si metta in relazione all’Eccza Vescovo di Gozo”[832]

De Piro went to Gozo to discuss the matter both with Bishop Michael Gonzi and with the parishpriests. On that day the Servant of God asked His Excellency for the statutes. These were sent to him on 17 February of that same year.[833] Through this latter document De Piro realised that on 6 November 1924 the statutes had already been written and these determined the direction of the Institute.[834] This, De Piro did not know before the meeting with the Bishop and the parishpriests. Also, in the letter of 17 February 1925, Bishop Gonzi told the Servant of God that Archbishop Caruana had to rewrite the decree.[835]

                   - De Piro did not want any interference from the side of the Gozo hierarchy in the administration of the Institute

De Piro did not accept the “Fundamental Statutes”and Gonzi’s other words written to him on 17 February. In fact on the 24 of that same month he told Gozo’s Bishop that the latter had to say only what would happen to the new Institute in case it would not remain affiliated to the one in Malta and in case the Society of St Paul were not to remain in charge of it.[836] A quick look at the Statutes helps one understand the objections of the Servant of God:

Nos, Michael Gonzi, Dei et Apostolicae Sedis Gratia Episcopus Gaudisiensis Eidem Sanctae Sedi Immediate Subjectus.

Attentis expositis in supplici libello in Nostra Curia porrecto nomine Archipresbyterorum et Parochorum Nostrae Dioecesis, qui adprobationem et canonicam erectionem orphanotrophii ab ipsis erigendi, in quo recipi, ali et nutriri debeant pauperes pueri orphani, petunt; itemque auctoritatem a Gubernio Civili summam libellarum sterlingarum mille in subsidium dicti orphanatrophii promissam acceptandi;

Viso exemplari contractus ab iisdem Admodum Reverendis Dominis initi coram notario publico Dno. Josepho Camilleri sub die 17 Novembris anni 1923, quo se obligant ad recipiendos necnon alendos viginti quatuor pueros pauperes orphanos e Nostra Dioecesi;

Visis aliis de iure vivendis;

Nos, qui curam specialem pauperem habere debemus, matura deliberazione praemissa, Christi nomine invocato, auctoritate Nostra ordinaria, tenore praesentis decreti, dictum orphanatrophium pro pauperibus pueris vel orphanis recipiendis alendis et nutriendis, fundamus et erigimus et pro fundato et erecto haber volumus, subconditionibus in subnexis statutis fundamentalibus expressis.

Tenore praeterea presentis decreti dictis Archipresbyteris et Parochis auctoritatem facimus a Gubernio Civili promissam summam libellarum sterlingarum mille acceptandi pro erectione ac dote dicti orphanotrophii.

Et ita auctoritate qua supra, et iure quo possumus et debemus, erigimus et praesens nostrum decretum erectionis in actis Nostrae Curiae et in archivio orphanatrophii canstruendo servari mandamus.

 

DATUM VICTORIAE IN AEDIBUS NOSTRIS PONTIFICALIBUS

DIE SEXTA NOVEMBRIS ANNI MXMXXIV

 

+ Michael, Episcopus Gaudisien

 

 

STATUTI FUNDAMENTALI

 

1.             L’orfanatrofio suddetto sarà appellato "Orfanatrofio Diocesano" e sarà la dipendenza del Vescovo di Gozo "pro tempore".

2.             Il Governo Civile non avrà in detto Orfanatrofio nessuna ingerenza fuorchè quella di invigilare sull’osservanza dell’articolo del contratto del 17 Novembre 1923 già sopra menzionato, cioè chè per lo spazio di anni computabili da un giorno di fissarsi siano ricoverati e mantenuti nell’ orfanatrofio 24 ragazzi.

3.             Se un giorno detto orfanatrofio verrà a chiudersi, tutti i beni mobili ed immobili appartenenti allo stesso, passeranno nelle mani del Vescovo di Gozo pro tempore, il quale ne disporrà pei bisogni della Diocesi.

4.             Tutti gli ufficiali dell’orfanatrofio saranno scelti dai M.R. Arcipreti a Parroci ed approvati dal Vescovo pro tempore.

5.             L’ammisione dei ragazzi si far’ dietro ricorso presentato al Vescovo, il quale lo passerà ai M.M.R.R. Signori sopra menzionati o a chi ne farà le veci per l’approvazzione o meno.

6.             Il Vescovo avrà il diritto di presiedere tutte le adunanze dei R.R. Parroci o di chi ne farà le veci nel governo dell’Istituto per se o per mezzo di un suo delegato.

7.             Vogliamo ed ordiniamo che i sopradetti statuti fondamentali siano esattamente osservati, riservando a Noi ed ai nostri successor facoltà di accrescerli, moderarli e variarli secondo che guidichereremo espediente pel bene di detto Istituto.

 

DATO DAL NOSTRO PALAZZO VESCOVILE, QUESTO DI 6 NOVEMBRE 1924

 

+ Michael, Vescovo di Gozo[837]

 

Fortunately St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo, was being promoted more by the parishpriests than by Bishop Gonzi. Were it not so things would have stopped completely, because until then His Excellency did not seem willing to change his mind while the parishpriests were ready to sacrifice everything in order to accommodate De Piro, something which even the Bishop accepted in the end.

On 4 March 1925 Parishpriest Hili met Mgr De Piro at Fra Diegu Institute, Malta, and assured him of this. Also, on the 16 of the same month Hili wrote to Monsignor and told him about the money that was given them by the Government. He also reassured him that from their side the Bishop and the parishpriests did not want to create any difficulties for the first Director of the Institute.[838]

On 21 March 1925, the Servant of God sent Hili a very important letter where he repeated his previous convictions and presented some other objections for the original statutes:

21 Marzo 1925

 

Casa di San Giuseppe

Hamrun - Malta.

 

Molto Revdo Signor Parroco,

 

Ho ricevuto la sua del 16 corrente. Non posso nascondere la mia gioconda sorpresa tenuto infatti già prima in mia cognizione lo sbanco dell’assegno intero all’avviamento dell’Orfanatrofio e lo sbanco di cui Ella ora mi scrive, senz’altro doveva conchiudere che le trattative erano tra di noi del tutto interrotte e solo aspettava un breve accenno di Mgr Vescovo Gonzi dichiarandomi il fatto. Ma grazie a San Giuseppe non era cosi’; tanto però fu la confusione in cui mi son trovato che ho dovuto fermarmi e tornare indietro per trovare a che punto stavano le cose. Tralascio, per brevità la narrativa della genesi e sviluppo dell’idea di aver un orfanatrofio a Gozo; e solo mi preme rilevare che dall’esame di tutti i fogli passati tra di noi dal Dicembre u.s. mi risultò che effettivamente ci troviamo di fronte a tre distinti progetti sviluppati talmente insieme che mi impedivano di veder chiaro, e perciò anche di poter rispondere alla sua pregma. già sopra menzionata. Ecco pertanto i tre progetti.

1.             Diramazione (Branch) a Gozo di una sezione della Casa di San Giuseppe di Hamrun-Malta-Istituto Canco.Bonnici.

2.             Unione della Casa di San Giuseppe di Malta all’orfanatrofio Vescovile di Gozo già canonicamente eretto con appositi statuti.

3.             Messa in opera dell’Orfanatrofio Vescovile di Gozo già canonicamente eretto, come sopra, indipendentemente dalla Casa di San Giuseppe di Malta.

Il primo è il progetto più antico, suggerito a Don Giorgio, buon’anima, da Mgr Pace di f.m. E tengo quà a dichiarare che i miei affiatamenti avuti a tempo vergine col Rev. Attard e col Parroco di C.Caccia erano sempre importanti a base di questa progettata Branch. Cosi’ anche durante l’attuale corrispondenza mi sono sempre guidato da questa idea preconcetta. Ora se si vuole abbracciare questo progetto reso oggi effettuabile col permesso accordatomi da Mgr Vescovo Caruana, non si ha da fare altro che prendere le vedute da me già spiegate nella lettera a Mgr Vescovo Gonzi del.......

Il secondo progetto lo deduco oggi abbastanza chiaramente da tutte le lettere di V.S. ed anche da quella di Mgr Gonzi del Febbraio u.s. Esso è ben diverso dal primo tanto che lo stesso Mgr Gonzi mi suggeriva di riformare il mio ricorso a Mgr Caruana e conseguentemente il relativo decreto. Ora independentemente da quello che avrebbe fatto in questo caso MgrCaruana; l’unione coinvolta in questo progetto; richiede ancora e prima di tutto, la spiegazione dei limiti per quanto riguarda la parte economica. E quantumque una tale delimitazione non è ancota da me ben concepita, purtuttavia, da quel che posso prevedire, non nascondo il timore, di essere trascinati ad intavolare dei dettagli che possono muovere certe suscettibilità poco conformi ai sentimenti di carità e di fiducia nella Divina Provvidenza a cui deve inspirarsi la contemplata opera di beneficenza. Aggiunga, che perciò che riguarda la parte direttiva già improntata negli statuti, essa è troppo eterogenea allo spirito ed alla pratica che governa la Casa di San Giuseppe;- e non puo essere riguardata con favore prevedendo le difficoltà in cui verrà immancabilmente a trovarsi il personale addetto alla cura dell’Orfanatrofio di Gozo; e lo stato di passività in cui lo stesso verrà immerso a conto della prosperità dell’Opera.

Il terzo progetto, il quale finchè io sappia già stava per essere messo in opera, però riguardarmi come Capo di questa piccola Congregazione nascente di Missionarii,ed allora bisogna ancora iniziare le trattative a base sempri di un’autonomia interna tanto direttiva che economica. Può anche riguardarmi personalmente ed allora tutto può da ora e con piacere a servizio di Mgr Vescovo di Gozo l’esperienza da me finora acquistata nel maneggio di simili Case di Beneficenza.

Nella speranza che queste mie brevi note abbiano a dilucidare l’orizzonte e far adito, come dice Lei, alla Maggior gloria di Dio, al trionfo a San Giuseppe ed al bene delle piccole anime dei ragazzi poveri ...

La prego umiliare i miei profondi ossequii a Mgr Diocesano i miei sensi di considerazione ai suoi colleghi ed Ella gradisca i miei distinti saluti mentremi raffirmo

 

Di Vra.

Mgr G.DePiro[839]

 

De Piro’s letter was received by Parishpriest Hili on 25 March 1925. The latter answered it on the same day.[840]

Further discussions were then held with Mgr Gonzi. Through these, De Piro was informed about the positive decisions that were already taken. Together they saw what remained to be done.[841]

De Piro still insisted on the affiliation of the Gozo Orphanage with St. Joseph’s Home in Malta and the autonomy of its administration. He wanted to obtain the same conditions as those for St. Joseph’s Home, Malta, because he wanted his Society to look after the Gozo Institute. In short he did not want any interference with the way in which he understood his mission. Basically this meant that the Gozo Home would not be dependent upon the Bishop of Gozo. He even disagreed with the condition of the numerus clausus of the entrants as laid down in Gonzi’s foundation decree because, to his mind, that was a sign of mistrust in Divine Providence; for the Servant of God the original Statutes lacked a sense of charity.[842]

De Piro and Gonzi eventually met towards the beginning of April.[843] On the 18 of that month, Mgr Gonzi issued the relevant affiliation decree as De Piro had wished. Gonzi also authorised the transference of all the rights and obligations of the Gozo Diocese and parishes into the hands of Mgr De Piro. Only one condition was stipulated, namely that should the Gozo Branch of St. Joseph’s Home secede from St Joseph’s in Malta, all its rights and property would pass on to the Bishop of Gozo. Here are the new statutes or the decree of affiliation of the Gozo Institute with the Malta one:

Michael Gonzi

Per grazia di Dio e della S. Sede Apostolica

Vescovo di Gozo

alla medesima S.Sede immediatamente soggetto.

 

Vista la supplica presentata dal Revmo. Monsignore Can. Decano Giuseppe De Piro Navarra nella sua duplice qualità di Superiore della casa di San Giuseppe di Hamrun - Istituto Bonnici - e di Superiore della Compangia di San Paolo, nella Gran Curia Vescovile di Malta allo scopo di ottenere dal Revmo. Ordinario di Malta l’autorizzazione per una diramazione della suddetta Casa di San Giuseppe al Gozo.

Visto il relativo decreto emanato da Sua E. Revma. Mgr Mauro Caruana Arcivescovo - Vescovo di Malta che autorizza il prelodato Monsignore De Piro ad effetuare la su menzionata diramazione;

Attesochè noi abbiamo già con Nostro decreto del 6 Novembre 1924 canonicamente eretto un Orfanatrofio nella Nostra Diocesi di Gozo sotto il nome di Orfanotrofio Diocesano ed abbiamo col citato Nostro decreto dato ad esso gli Statuti Fondamentali, riservando a Noi ed ai Nostri Successori la facoltà di accrescerli moderarli e variarli;

Attesochè Ci pare più facile lo sviluppo di detto Orfanatrofio se unito alla suddetta Casa di S. Giuseppe ed affidato a mani esperte;

Colla presente Noi, previo il parere del Nostro Parrocato, affidiamo al prelodato (Superiore) della Casa di S. Giuseppe e della Compagnia di S. Paolo l’orfanatrofio Diocesano di Gozo, trasferendo nella persona del prelodato Monsignore nella sua duplice veste già menzionate tutti i diritti e tutti gli obblighi che spettavano a Noi ed al Nostro Parrocato, in vigore del Nostro decreto sopra citato e dei contratti publicati presso il notaro G. Camilleri in data del 17 novembre 1924 e del 5 Marzo 1925 rispettivamente, con questo però che, se per caso la sezione del Gozo della Casa di San Giuseppe cessi di formar parte della casa di San Giuseppe o non resti più sotto la cura della Compagnia di San Paolo, i diritti acquistati di proprietà di detta sezione debbano passare nelle mani del Vescovo di Gozo pro tempore.

 

Dato dal Nostro Palazzo Vescovile

Vittoria, Gozo il di’ 18 Aprile 1925

(Fto.) Michael Vescovo di Gozo

 

Vera copia

18 Aprile 1925

Cancell.[844]

 

De Piro continued emphasising the affiliation of the Gozo Institute with the Malta one. After indicating it in his very first contact with Malta’s Archbishop, and then with the Bishop and the parishpriests of Gozo, he referred to it even in the addresses he made to Governor Congreve and Bishop Gonzi on 21 May 1925, or in the opening ceremony of the Institute.[845]  And it seemed he wanted to continue emphasising it all along his life. Infact in 1928, St Joseph’s Home, Malta, reprinted a book that had been already published in 1890. It was called “The Greatness of the Glorious Patriarch, St Joseph”. In the introduction to the 1928 edition, the Servant of God put these words:

I remind those who are devoted to St Joseph, and therefore those who love their neighbour, that in Hamrun there is an Institute founded by Canon Bonnici the name of which is St Joseph’s Home. The aim of this Institute is to gather the orphaned and poor boys in order to form them in the fear of God and teach them a trade so that they can get a living for themselves when they grow up. In this Institute besides the Gozo section where there are 23 boys, and the infants’ section where there are 25 boys under the age of seven, there are 134 boys. Because of this one can imagine how much is needed your help.[846]

                   - Inauguration of St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo

De Piro was greatly safisfied with the developments. According to Br Venanz Galea, who at the time of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, was still a boy of 14,[847] De Piro went to Gozo some time before the inauguration and took Galea himself to help in the preparations. Since the house was in a dilapidated state,[848] the Director even asked the help of some boys from Ghajnsielem, Gozo, to clean it and put it in order.[849]

His first wish was to have a private inauguration ceremony that was to be held on 8 May, a date so precious to him.[850] However on 25 April 1925, as De Piro was about to retire to his room on the first floor of the Orphanage in Gozo, the roof slabs beneath him suddenly gave way and he fell about four meters to the ground. Though De Piro hurt himself he suffered no fractures. Still for some days he could not stand up.[851] This incident was interpreted by some as the work of the devil.[852] The Servant of God himself considered it like this.[853]

Monsignor accepted this setback with humour and resignation, but the inauguration had to be postponed to 21 May, the feast of the Ascension. Civil and ecclesiastical dignitaries were invited, including the Governor, Sir Walter Morris Congreve, parliamentary members and the Gozo Cathedral Chapter.[854] On that day the Servant of God delivered two speeches, one in English to Governor Congreve and another one in Italian to Bishop Gonzi. The one to the Governor was read first:

Your Excellency,

 

It is a great honour to me to have to welcome Your Excellency here in Gozo. I am not a Gozitan myself , but my relations in the past with Gozo and the Gozitans in connection with the management of the Casa di San Giuseppe of Hamrun, my intercourse with His Lordship the Bishop of Gozo and the Parishpriests of this Diocese regarding the foundation of this Orphanage, my long stay in Gozo to get cured from the wounds I received in a mishap I met within this house, all gave me the opportunity of knowing better the people of this Island and of learning to appreciate their good qualities, foremost among which their hospitality. Consequently I feel entitled to welcome Y.E. also in the name of all the people here gathered this afternoon to witness with joy the opening of this Orphanage and the realisation of their long cherished desire.

 

Your Excellency,

 

The opening of this new branch of the Casa San Giuseppe of Hamrun was to take place in a rather private manner, without the festival array we see around us. My unexpected long stay here however and the postponement of the ceremony to Ascension Day gave an opportunity to the enthusiasm with which this Branch has been received here, to manifest itself externally, and I was repeatedly asked to have a more solemn ceremony on the occasion of the opening of this Branch. And what was meant to be a private ceremony gradually rose to be the public and solemn ceremony we are assisting at; and while before we did not dare to take the liberty of asking Your Excellency to be present, it seemed to us after a great fault on our part, if we ommited to communicate to Y.E. the event not only but also if we ommitted to invite you - the Representative of our beloved King- to honour us with your presence together with His Lordship the Bishop of Gozo.

 

Your Excellency,

 

To those here present who know the Casa San Giuseppe of Hamrun and what is going on therein, it will be easy to understand what our work in this Branch will be like. Together with a sound and practical knowledge of Religion the boys here sheltered will receive an elementary literary instruction and the knowledge of a trade. The education they receive here will enable them, when grown up, they leave this place, to find work and earn their bread and occupy with honour a place in society; and ordinarily the good qualities, that develop in them while here, will gain for them the sympathy of others, be they masters or equals, not only in these Islands but also in far distant countries, where our people go in search of work and food.

 

Your Excellency,

 

In thanking you most heartily for your kindness in honouring us on this occasion, I ask you to declare this Branch of the Casa San Giuseppe open.[855]

 

Then followed the address to Bishop Michael Gonzi:

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

Terminate le pratiche burocratiche relative all’istituzione di un Orfanatrofio a Gozo, istituzione tanto a coure di V. Eccza., e che nella storia formerà la prima pietra migliaria del suo futuro benefico Episcopato. Era nostro primo dovere di fissare il giorno dell’apertura di questa Casa, intesa ad accogliere ragazzi poveri ed abbandonati e proclivi qual sempre siamo E. R. ad onorarla ed esternarle il culto che conserviamo in cuor nostro verso la Sua Venerata Persona, preso in mano il calendario, la nostra attenzione in sull’istante venne attirata sul giorno della Chiesa dedicato all’apparizione dell’Arcangelo san Michael, e qual dolce sorpresa non fu per noi la coincidenza del giorno universalmente conosciuto per la Supplica meridiana alla Vergine di Pompei. Ma il Signore, pur accogliendo la nostra buona intenzione, prendeva questa volta sotto la Sua immediata protezione l’odierna occorrenza, forse per renderci sempre più perseveranti nel tenere in alto fisso il nostro sguardo ed anche il nostro cuore. Ed eccoci al giorno provvidenziale. In mezzo alla gioia che in questo momento solenne copre il viso di tutti, ci sentiamo oltremodo contenti che spetta a noi l’onorevole ufficio di salutarla per la prima volta in questo luogo che dal saluto prende il nome – Salve a Lei o Presule da Dio benedetto; con me La saluta la Casa di San Giuseppe di Malta; con me La saluta il piccolo gregge di Missionari, che con questo ricovero sente aprirsi a coprirlo e proteggerlo l’ala destra di un altro angelo – Salve a Lei, con me La saluta tutta questa accolta di persone disinte, vuoi del clero che del laicato. Con me La saluta tutto questo popolo festante, qui accorso da Gozo non solo ma anche da Malta ad assistere all’invocazione delle celesti benedizioni su questi umili inizi – Salve a Lei, con me La salutano I tre orfanelli, che nella loro sfortuna di essere I primi ad esser accolti e beneficati.

 

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

Viene detto che l’ingratitudine è un peccato tanto grande, che nessun legislatore umano abbia mai trovato una pena condegna, ma che questa è riservata unicamente al Legislatore eterno. E non sia mai’ che noi su questo foglio omettessimo l’espressione del sentimento contrario. Vivissime grazie pertanto siano rese dinanzi a tutti a V.E. per la generosità ed abnegazione con cui accolse nella sua Diocesi questa nuova sezione della Casa di san Giuseppe di Hamrun. L’azione nobile spiegata verso di noi, sarà per noi e pei nostri successori di edificazione, non solo ma anche uno sprone continuo a corrispondere “ totis viribus” allo sviluppo e completo stabilimento di questo Orfanatrofio. Permetta, eccellenza, di approfittarmi di questa carta per inviare ai benemeriti membri componenti il Governo di queste Isole nonche delle due Camere pel sussidio finanziario assegnato a quest’opera nascente. Ad essi in corrispondenza diamo l’assicurazione che nel nostro intento, anzi è una nostra intima convinzione di oltrepassare, “Deo adiuvante”, i limiti delle condizioni tanto percio che riguarda il numero degli alunni. Vadano le nostre grazie a Mgr Arcivescovo Vescovo di Malta per il favore con cui accolse la nostra domanda ad estendere a Gozo l’opera della Casa di Hamrun. Grazie anche siano date ai Parroci di questa Diocesi, che occupando degnamente il loro ufficio compressare la necessità, ed affianco il loro amato Pastore lavorarono senza lena, per aver la via da ogni ostacolo sgombrato e cosi’ ‘quam primum’ istituita l’opera, che oggi con nostra e loro soddisfazione rileviamo esser fatto compiuto. I nostri sensi di riconoscenza giungano all’orecchio di un numero discreto di benefattori che quale schiame di api, qui’ si aggirano attorno a noi, studiando il modo di opportarci e cera e miele per rendere ques’arnia sempre più atta ad avvantaggiare i poveri ragazzi di Gozo.

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

L’Orfanatrofio di Gozo anche in questa modalità ha formato per anni il desiderato di molti e sentiamo di compire un dovere nel mandare il nostro saluto all’anima buona di Mgr Vescovo Pace, all’anima del nostro predecessore Don Giorgio Bugeja ed a tutti quelli, che prima di noi vagheggiarono l’idea di aver a Gozo un Orfanatrofio. Ed Ella, Eccellenza, gradisca le nostre più sentite congratulazioni per essere da Dio scelto ad inaugurare l’opera, quantunque il suo principio si presenta ai nostri occhi piccolo e povero.

 

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

Fedeli al savio principio del santo Curato di Ars che “Il bene non fa chiasso ed il chiasso non fa bene” colla E. Revma eravamo d’intesa di evitare ogni pompa ed ogni solennità e di dare invece a quest’opera un inizio umile e modesto, quale che fu quello del magnifico odierno, sempre crescente organismo, imminentemente benefattore dell’umanità – la Chiesa di Gesù Cristo – ed infatti il nostro divisamento era punto impossibile, perche se l’opera della quale tocchiamo il principio era conosciuta per necessità di cose dal numero ristretto di persone che investono l’Autorità vuoi ecclesiastica che civile, purtuttavia essa era ancora quasi del tutto ignorata, non solo a Malta, ma vuoi anche a Gozo stesso. Ecco il momento propizio al nemico di ogni bene, approfittandosi del nostro intento e maliziosamente secondando lo stesso, divisò di seppellire, tra le macerie,la opera anche prima, direi che fosse nata,e cosi impedire perfino un grido infantile ad una piccola batteria che veniva costruita contro il suo campo. Ma viva a Dio che innanzi a Lui umiltà non significa distruzione; la parte comica della diabolica manovra superò la parte tragica, ed il sentimento di riconoscenza che occupò il nostro cuore in sull’istante traboccò nel canto triplice dell’Inno Eucaristico.

 

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

Priva ancora l’opera di tante cose non recherà meraviglie ad alcuno se essa difetti anche di campane, che in questa occorrenza ci avrebbero tanto aiutato particolarmente ad ossequiare l’Eccellenza Vostra. Ma Provvidenza di Dio, il suono di tegole e lastre di pietra nostrale, che dolcemente l’una contro l’altra battevano, mentr’ io con loro in fondo sdrucciolava, è rimasto vivo alle mie orecchie non solo, ma pervenne a quelle di altri parecchi, che qui oggi tutti raccolse in gran numero, meglio forse e che non avrebbe fatto un doppione di un formidabile campanile.

L’uomo propone e Dio dispone. Noi avevamo proposto di aver una benedizione direi quasi privata e iddio volgendo in bene il male tutto mirabilmente dispone perchè la cerimonia, relattivamente ai preparati vi riuscisse splendida, magnifica e popolare forse più di qualsiasi altra del genere.

 

Eccellenza Reverendissima,

 

Coll’augurio di un rapido sviluppo e di ogni migliore prosperità nell’opera, che vede la luce sotto gli auspicii del Partiarca San Giuseppe pongo termine al mio indirizzo, mentre La prego a voler degnarsi di benedire e di invitare tutti i presenti a vociare alla stessa un fervido “evviva”.[856]

 

On that same day the first three boys were accepted in the Home,[857] and soon their number began to increase.[858] The Servant of God was confident that benefactors would continue to support the Home.[859]

One of the first problems De Piro had to face was the procrastination on the side of the government in honouring its pledge to contribute £1000. Indeed the months dragged by until the contract was eventually signed.[860] On 16 October 1926 he was asked to withdraw the agreed subsidy.[861] The government on its part insisted that at least 20 boys be kept for the first four years.[862]

Although the official superior of St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo, was the Servant of God, the person chosen by Monsignor De Piro to administer the Home was Fr Michael Callus, one of the first priests to be ordained from within the Society of St Paul.[863] Some time later Fr Karm Azzopardi, another priest of the Society, replaced Callus.[864] Mgr De Piro always kept in mind the particular needs of the Gozo Home and regularly sent all possible help.[865]

                   - The admission of the boys at St Joseph’s, Gozo

Peter Camilleri said that he had been the 23 boy to be admitted in the Institute.[866] Loreto Rapa who had been one of the first three boys to enter St Joseph’s, said that only 21 boys were admitted, “…because that was the number of beds in the dormitory”.[867]

And he gave other information:

Those who wished to have their children admitted at the Institute came to talk to the Superior. In the absence of the Servant of God, they used to see Fr. Michael Callus, but when Mgr De Piro was there, it was he who received them. There were cases when it seemed to Fr. Michael that it would be better if they spoke to Monsignor and so he left the parents waiting until the Servant of God came to Gozo. There was a waiting list of the children who wished to be admitted, but there were no vacant places. Then, when someone got fed up or left another one immediately took his place. In my time there were five who left, certainly not because of some fault of the administration of the Institute.”[868]

                   - The Director, a very busy man

In his 1987 testimony, Michael Ciangura, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, indicated that at the time of the direction of the Gozo Institute, the Servant of God was busy with several other responsibilities.[869] Loreto Rapa was more explicit:

When he came, he would leave his other commitments in Malta, which commitments were not few. In fact he was responsible for about four Institutes.  The largest was St. Joseph’s, in Hamrun, which had about 100 children. Besides these commitments De Piro was also involved in the political life as a member of the Senate, and in some mediations.[870]

 

Other testimonies confirm that the old boys knew about De Piro’s involvement in the direction of several other ecclesiastical charitable institutes.[871]

                   - De Piro’s visits to St Joseph’s, Gozo

According to Carmelo Gauci, a cook at St Joseph’s, the Director did not visit the Institute frequently, “When I was there Mgr De Piro did not come often. He might have gone more often before 1928, but after this date he would visit the place three or four times a year.”[872] In 1987 Loreto Rapa did not agree with Gauci, “… he often came to St. Joseph’s.” [873] On 11 September 1990 Rapa was more explicit, “The Monsignor did not come to Gozo regularly; roughly he came once or twice every two months.[874] Michael Ciangura, Peter Camilleri and Philip Gatt, all old boys of St Joseph’s, agreed that the Director visited the Institute once a month.[875]

Ciangura, Camilleri and Gatt said that when the Servant of God went to St Joseph’s he stayed two or three days.[876] Loreto Rapa said that De Piro stayed much more, even a fortnight,[877] though afterwards he mentioned the same number of days as the others.[878]

Loreto Rapa hinted to the means of transport available in those days, “At that time travelling by sea wasn’t easy or comfortable. As means of transport there was the ferry that left from Valletta and one could use also small passenger boats, which were more uncomfortable. The Servant of God came to Gozo by ferry. When he came he would stay for about two days.”[879]

                   - In his visits De Piro mostly talked to the Fathers

Carmelo Gauci, an ex-cook, referred to what the Director did in his visits, “… when he did come he would not spend the time visiting the Home; he wanted to check the registers, talk to the superior, etc. Again De Piro was reticent and so he would not waste his time talking.”[880]  Loreto Rapa confirmed what was said by Gauci, “During his visit he liked to meet Fr. Michael and also Fr. Guzepp Rapa and Fr. Alphonse Mizzi; he spent a lot of time talking to them. Certainly we children did not take part in these conversations, nor did we talk to the Director for long at other times.”[881] Peter Camilleri said almost the same things.[882]

                   - No small talk on the part of the Director

Carmelo Gauci presented Monsignor as reserved,[883] while Michael Ciangura and Peter Camilleri talked of him as “… a very serious person…”.[884]

                   - At the same time the Director was very affable

Most of those who presented the Servant of God as serious and non talkative were at the same time very attentive not to give a bad impression of him; in the same sentence where they would have mentioned his non talkativeness, or imediately in the following sentence, they also talked of him as very affable. Fr Raphael Azzopardi OSA, one of those who gave their testimony at the Gozo Tribunal, had this to say:

When I say ‘recollected’ I mean that he was …most affable. He wasn’t distracted or frivolous. Nor was he monotonous; he was of a cheerful disposition.” [885]

 

Although I never spoke to him personally because I was always with my companions and we spoke to him together, I had the impression that he was sincere and he inspired confidence. He wasn’t reserved. On the contrary he was easy to approach and talk to.[886]

 

Carmelo Gauci spoke about De Piro’s behaviour specifically at the Institute:

I remember, however, that although the Monsignor was reserved, he always wanted to meet the children everytime he visited the Institute. He made it a point to see them every time he was there. Each time he was in Gozo he made it a point that after meals he would talk to the boys and give them sweets. It is true that he was always quiet and taciturn, but he was not conceited.[887]

 

Michael Ciangura and Peter Camilleri said almost the same thing in their 1987 testimonies.[888] On 12 September 1990 Camilleri was more eplicit than in 1987, “When I describe the Monsignor as a serious person, I mean that he did not talk much; he was collected and absorbed in his work. He wasn’t a strange person, but his words were sweet. He was an affable person.”[889]

                   - Because he was humble

As regards De Piro’s humility in his relationship with the boys of St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo, Carmelo Gauci said this, “He was so far from being proud that he was never gruff or angry with the children or workers of the Institute.” [890] Peter Camilleri noticed the Director’s humility especially in two particular moments:

He was not concieted, so much so that he ate the same food as the children, although he had his meals in another refectory with the members of his Society. Every time he came he brought sweets and he himself would give us the sweets. Whilst giving the sweets he liked to ask us, “What have you learnt?” Because of this we were not afraid of him.[891]

 

Philip Gatt and Loreto Rapa said almost the same things as Camilleri.[892] But Rapa added somthing that happened to him:

The Monsignor came from a wealthy family. In fact they had many fields rented to Gozitans. I often went to St. Joseph’s Institute in Malta and there I met the Director’s mother. I always saw her there and I had the impression that for some time she lived there. Once I remember I took an embalmed hen to the Servant of God, as a present from Karmnu Garella, from Ghajnsielem. The Monsignor was much pleased when he saw this present because he had long desired a hen like that. Excited as he was, he took the hen and went into his office whilst I remained standing outside. Then his mother entered (I do not remember her name) and scolded her son, the Servant of God, because he had not given me a chair to sit on. She said to him: ‘You are of little intelligence, you left this boy standing.’ At these words, the Servant of God, started crying and apologized to me.[893]

 

Even Michael Cinagura referred to Monsignor’s sense of humility.[894] Maria Concetta Sciberras who at the time of the opening of the Institute was still a young girl, came from a family of benefactors of St Joseph’s. Even she noticed De Piro’s humility, “He wasn’t conceited. He was the picture of humility. In fact he welcomed us and was very pleased with our presence.”[895]

                   - The Director’s contact with the boys

While referring to De Piro’s humility, reference has already been made to his contact with the inmates of St Joseph’s, Gozo. But the witnesses presented other testimonies regarding this aspect of his life. Michael Cinagura narrated a personal experience:

Every visit he stayed for two or three days. I used to serve him at Mass and in summer I used to go with him to the ‘Xatt l-Ahmar’, a beach. In fact once he took me with him and he suggested that we should pick sea-anemonies. When the Monsignor was a little dtstance away I tried to taste one of these and this caused a burning sensation on my lips. De Piro soon realized what I had done and said to me, ‘That’s not the way; first we cook them and then you taste how good they are.’[896]

 

Loreto Rapa confirmed Ciangura’s words.[897] Peter Camilleri was quite convinced of De Piro’s wish to be near the boys:

I think that the Servant of God, and the other members of the Society had their meals in a separate room for the simple reason that there wasn’t enough room in the refectory where we dined. I do not think that the Servant of God, dined apart to escape from the children, or because their noise annoyed him. In fact the Servant of God, was not the type of person who put us off. On the contrary he loved to be near us.[898]

 

We did not eat sweets every day, and we looked forward to those that the Servant of God gave us. According to the Brothers, the Monsignor bought the sweets from his own money. He gave the same to each boy. I still remember that he would take a handful of sweets and distribute them to us without even lifting his eyes. He could have given the sweets to Fr. Michael to give them to us, but I guess the Servant of God, took the opportunity to meet each child and speak to him.[899]

                   - A holistic care of the boys

In a very few words Loreto Rapa summed up this type of formation imparted by the Director, “He paid great attention to us and he always saw that all our needs were satisfied and was always ready with his help.” [900]

                   - The spiritual aspect

Carmelo Gauci did not benefit from the formation given to the boys at the Institute; he was there only as a cook. But he could notice quite easily what type of upbringing the boys had, “As regards the children, he showed them that he was interested in their souls …” [901] Michael Ciangura presented the elements which made up the spiritual aspect of the life of the boys at St Joseph’s, “In the morning we had Mass. Then at 11.30 am. the pray­er of the “Buona morte”, and in the evening the Rosary and Eucharistic Benediction. This was the prayers programme at the Institute.” [902] Loreto Rapa said that,“He said mass for us …” [903] Even Peter Camilleri made reference to De Piro’s mass and the way he said it, “When he was at Ghajnsielem he always wanted that the Mass for the children should be celebrated by him. He said Mass with great devotion and this impressed the children. I used to serve him at Mass.”[904] Michael Ciangura confirmed the words of Camilleri regarding the way the Servant of God said the mass to the boys.[905] Besides mentioning the mass De Piro said to the boys, Philip Gatt referred also to the blessing the Director gave them before their going to bed.[906] Even Peter Camilleri referred to the benediction.[907] Loreto Rapa was more elaborate:

The Monsignor saw to it that the words, ‘God sees you’ were written everywhere. The improving of the chapel was his first priority. He even brought workers from Malta and these built an altar and made a frame for the titular painting. He ordered some gilt work and brought a ‘Via Crucis’. He had a bell-tower built and made a statue of St. Joseph on the wall of the Institute.[908]

 

Michael Ciangura said that he did not remember De Piro confessing the boys, but, “If I confessed to Mgr De Piro, I would today consider myself very fortunate to have confessed to a saintly priest. As a rule, the members of the Society asked another priest to come to confess us.”[909]  Loreto Rapa said that he confessed to the Director only once,

“… and anyone could confess to him. I remember I confessed to him only once and I was not afraid. Usually as penitence he gave three Hail Mary and an Our Father in honor of St. Joseph.”[910]

St Joseph was mentioned three times by Rapa as being loved a lot by De Piro. The penance mentioned above is already a proof.[911] At another moment Rapa said that, “When the Institute was inaugurated, the chapel was ready to be used and it was dedicated to St. Joseph according to the wish of the Servant of God. The Monsignor was a great devotee of this Saint. On various occasions he spoke about him in his sermons”[912] Also, “…he told me to entrust myself in the hands of St. Joseph and to pray to him to heal me.”[913] Peter Camilleri confirmed this devotion of the Servant of God towards St Joseph:

He was a great devotee of St. Joseph. In fact it was the Servant of God, who wanted the chapel of the Institute to be dedicated to St. Joseph, and the image of St. Joseph fixed on the external wall of the Institute was made according to the wish of the Servant of God. As I have already said the painting he had in his room included the figure of St. Joseph.[914]

                   - The physical health

A personal experience of Loreto Rapa shows how attentive the Director was about the physical health of the inmates of St Joseph’s Home, Gozo, “Once I fell ill and went to hospital in Victoria. Fr. Michael came to see me everyday and when the Servant of God, was in Gozo he always paid me a visit. I felt rather poorly and I remember that the Monsignor always encouraged me…”[915]

                   - Food

According to Philip Gatt, Loreto Rapa and Peter Camilleri at the Institute there was never lack of food.[916] Michael Ciangura was more descriptive, “I remember that during my stay at the Institute food was varied and abundant. The people were generous with us and the management of the home could provide us with this food. I remember that on Sundays we had meat. Fish was not something rare.”[917]

                   - Clothing

Michael Ciangura had this to say about clothing, “… clothes were good ... De Piro was deeply interested in our welfare. He also introduced our uniform. We always wore the uniform when we went to visit the villages for charity. When the people saw us they gave us contributions. Certainly those were different times for all.”[918] Philip Gatt confirmed Ciangura’s opinion: considering the first years of the twentieth century and the Gozitan socio economic situation, the boys at St Joseph’s did not fare badly in their clothing.[919] On 10 September 1990 Michael Ciangura was called again by the Ecclesiastical Tribunal to give his testimony. On this day he repeated what he had said before as regards clothing and added something else:

Although when one joined the Institute as an intern he was accepted with the only clothes he was wearing, no one of the children lacked suitable clothes. The Superior of the Home provided us with clean and smart clothes. When we went out we wore a khaki uniform made at the Institute. The uniform also included a cap. We were happy with this uniform. When people saw us they soon concluded that we were children of St. Joseph’s. As footwear we had shoes or slippers; I do not remember that there were cases of barefooted children, not even when we were indoors. In comparison with other children we lacked nothing.[920]

 

Even Loreto Rapa and Peter Camilleri referred to the uniform in their testimonies.[921] The former then elaborated a bit on the other clothes the Institute’s boys wore, “As regards the clothes, besides the uniform, we had enough clothes to change. We had clothes for work and others to change. The members of the Society insisted on us to keep clean and smart.”[922] Camilleri said the same thing:

On Sundays, when we went for a walk, we put on our uniforms. We also wore uniforms when we went to hear mass in the Parish Church of Ghajnsielem or when I went for the feast of Mnarja, the feast of my Parish. Clothes were not lacking; those who did not have their own would put on clothes which the people gave us. I do not remember that shoes or sandals were lacking. Although it was a time of scarcity we did not suffer.[923]

                   - Cleanliness

This aspect has already been implied in the previous dimension, but Michael Ciangura said something specifically related to this effect, “We had all the facilities to keep ourselves clean.”[924]

                   - Academic formation

It has already been said that the situation of the school attendance in Malta and Gozo according to the1903 Census was the following:

 

Children 5 to 9 years inclusively:

 

 

Malta

Total number

In schools

%

Not in schools

%

Males

9,738

4,486

46.1

5,252

53.9

Females

9,445

4,856

51.4

4,589

48.6

Total

19,183

9,342

 

9,841

 

Gozo

 

 

 

 

 

Males

1,144

689

60.2

455

39.8

Females

1,168

665

56.9

503

43.1

Total

2,312

1,354

 

958

 

Both Islands

 

 

 

 

 

Males

10,882

5,175

47.5

5,707

52.5

Females

10,613

5,521

52.0

5,092

48.0

Grand total

21,495*

10,696

49.7

10,799

50.3

Table 8

 

Children 10 to 14 years inclusively:

 

 

Malta

Total

Number

In

schools

%

Not

in schools

%

Males

8,810

2,890

32.8

5,920

67.2

Females

8,519

2,102

24.6

6,417

75.4

Total

17,329

4,992

 

12,337

 

Gozo

 

 

 

 

 

Males

1,145

461

40.2

684

59.8

Females

1,043

170

16.3

873

83.7

Total

2,188

631

 

1,557

 

Both Islands

Total

Number

In schools

%

Not in schools

%

Males

9,955

3,351

33.6

6,604

66.4

Females

9,562

2,272

23.8

7,290

76.2

Grand total

19,517*

5,623

28.8

13,894

71.2

Table 9[925]

From the first part of the table one can easily notice that in Gozo the school attendance of the 5-9 year olds was bigger than that of Malta. Then, comparing the first part of the table to the second part, one easily notices that the Gozitan 10-14 year olds attended school less than the Maltese children of the same age. Loreto Rapa said, “At my time, school attendance was not compulsory; there were children of our age who did not attend any school.”[926] Peter Camilleri mentioned one of the reasons, “In those days, it wasn’t easy to find teachers.”[927]

Facing this situation De Piro did his best to give the boys in Gozo’s St Joseph’s Institute the best education possible. Loreto Rapa said this, “The Director had managed to give us lessons at the Institute. During the day Fr Michael Callus gave the lessons and in the evening a teacher from the Ghajnsielem school came to teach us. The subjects were English, Maltese and Arithmetic.”[928] Philip Gatt, the sixteenth boy who entered St Joseph’s, Gozo,[929] gave the impression that as time passed by the situation did not remain so good, “As regards schooling we had a few lessons at the Institute, just a few lessons. We used to learn how to read and write”.[930] Michael Ciangura, the boy who entered the Institute just after Gatt [931] corrected this impression, “As regards schooling Fr Michael gave lessons during the day and a certain Guzeppi Sapiano did come in the evening. All lessons were held in the Institute and the subjects were English, Maltese and Arithmetic.” [932] Peter Camilleri, another of the first boys who entered St Joseph’s, Gozo, almost repeated the same words to the 1987 Ecclesiastical Tribunal.[933]

                   - A trades school

C. A. Price has been quoted as saying that it was a current complaint that during the neneteenth century numerous young tradesmen could never rise beyond the level of unskilled labourers as they sat up on their own far too soon, and with little training.[934] Things did not change a lot during the first years of the 20 century. In fact Loreto Rapa had this to say, “…the other children, for these did not have such training. As a rule, no boy who did not belong to the Institute learnt a trade.”[935] Facing this situation De Piro did his best to give the Institute’s boys a formation which included even their preparation for work. All four old boys of the Institute, Rapa, Ciangura, Camilleri and Gatt, when interrogated by the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, mentioned the fact that at St Joseph’s, boys were taught either carpentry or tailoring or shoe-making.[936]

It was the Director himself who mentioned the trades at the Institute. On 29 October 1927 he wrote to the Honourable Minister of the Treasury giving him the yearly report about the spending of the £1000.00 subsidy given by the Government to the Institute. In this same letter De Piro added, “I can indeed add that of late the techinical school was adjoined, and three shops already started, ie., tailor, carpenter and shoemaker”[937] Not to mention some of the words of the inaugural speech De Piro himself addressed to Governor Sir Walter Morris Congreve at the opening of the Institute! Here the Director assured the Governor of a good teaching of the trades.[938]

Not only this. Having referred to the teaching of trades at St Joseph’s, Gozo, Loreto Rapa continued saying that, “When he noticed that someone was keen on his studies he would take him to Malta for further teaching.”[939] Michael Ciangura was one of the boys who was sent to Malta for further trade studies, “De Piro was so interested in the learning of the children that when he saw me progressing he even transferred me to St Joseph Institute, in Malta… for De Piro greatly encouraged the teaching of trades in the Institute.”[940] Philip Gatt and others said the same thing. [941] “In a certain sense we were in a privileged position compared with the other children, for these did not have such training. As a rule, no boy who did not belong to the Institute learnt a trade,” admitted Loreto Rapa.[942]

                   - The music band at St Joseph’s – Background

During the first half of the 19 century there were groups of men who knew how to play some music instrument but did not make part of any sort of band or other group. On particular occasions these were called together by some individual or organisation in order to create a merry atmosphere by their music.[943] Some years after, during the last half of the 19 century, music bands began to crop up. They were mainly started in order to play on the town or village feast days and at the Good Friday and Easter processions.[944] After a short while these bands made part of organised clubs, with written statutes, elected committees, members and even a meeting place, many a times very prominent in the town or village.

These bands came at a time when in Malta there was a lot of illiteracy. Many of the bandsmen themselves did not know how to read anything. The club taught them to read at least the music scores. Also, during the last half of the nineteenth and early years of the twentieth centuries the means with which the people could live the cultural aspect of their life and their leisure time were very scarce and many could not afford going for the very little that there was. These music bands provided the cultural activities and were at the reach of everyone. In the Island of Gozo there were only two such bands until 1928, the Philarmonic Society La Stella and the Leone Band, both of them in the city of Victoria, or Rabat.

                   - De Piro started the music band at St Joseph’s

When the Servant of God started the St Joseph’s Institute in Gozo, he made it a point that the same holistic formation given at St Joseph’s, Malta, be imparted also in the Gozo branch: if there was a music band at Santa Venera, De Piro did his best to have a similar one at Ghajnsielem, “The boys were really surprised when they saw Monsignor De Piro coming up to the Institute… carrying a big packet. Their curiosity was immediately satisfied because soon after they found out that the Director had bought some music instruments in order to start a band made up of boys.”[945]

In fact the director did not want to start a band club; he wanted the Institute’s boys to learn music and be the musicians who played the instruments he himself provided.[946] The St Joseph’s Band was started in 1928. A certain Anton Muscat Azzopardi, himself an old boy of St Joseph’s, Malta, and who had been helped by De Piro to become a professional bandmaster, was asked by the Servant of God to teach music to the boys.[947]  After a while another bandmaster, Michael Farrugia, was asked by the Director to take over.[948] On 17 May 1931 the Band went out of the Institute. It played just in front of St Joseph’s;  it was the sixth anniversary of the foundation of the Institute. In this first public debut the Band played Omaggio al Superiore Mgr Giuseppe De Piro.[949] The people of Ghajnsielem followed the Band’s progress with great interest and attended numerously, together with other Gozitans, for this first appearance.[950] Then the Band played at the feast of St Anthony, at Ghajnsielem itself. It also played on the feast of Our Lady of Lourdes, again at Ghajnsielem, and on the occasion of the blessing of the bells of ‘Ta’ Savina Chapel’, in Rabat, Gozo.[951]

                   - Recreation

The St Joseph’s Band was already a means for the recreation of the boys but there were other means and moments which helped towards this. Michael Ciangura mentioned a daily rereation, “After lunch we had some time for recreation and we played together in the yard of the home.”[952] Loreto Rapa said almost the same thing, only that he mentioned another time in the day which was reserved for recreation immediately after 5.00pm.[953] Then coming to the summer months he also mentioned swimming, “The Monsignor also thought of allowing us periods of rest and holidays. He himself loved to come with us to the Xatt l-Ahmar, beneath the Institute, where we went to swim.”[954] Peter Camilleri corroborated Rapa’s words.[955]

                   - Preparation for life

Loreto Rapa said this as regards the aspect of trades, “When someone left the Institute, one had the required basis to open one’s own workshop and earn a living, as in fact many did.”[956] But Rapa referred to their preparation even as regards life in general, “I feel that the Institute prepared us for life; when I was sixteen I emigrated to England and, with the formation I had received from the members of the Society, I could manage well. They taught us how to deal with people and they also taught us how to plan for the future.”[957]

                   - De Piro, the man who always had new projects in mind

A short time after the opening of St Joseph’s Institute, the original house was becoming too small for the possible developments that De Piro had in mind from the very start. He had no sound financial means, but he trusted so much in Divine Providence that on 12 January and 15 March 1930 and 9 February 1932 he requested a plot of land from the government where he could concretise his other dream, the building of a new institute.[958] After protracted negotiations, on 17 November 1931[959] and 15 February 1933[960] he was granted the lease of a large plot of land.[961]

The extension project hit a snag when a farmer who cultivated part of the land, refused to give up his property. [962] Mgr De Piro actually died on 17 September 1933 and the Society eventually renounced responsibility for the Home on 2 October 1935.[963]  The extension never materialized but De Piro had seen the Home through its first difficult years.

                   - The means with which De Piro directed the Institute

                   - De Piro’s administration

Loreto Rapa was convinced of the Director’s good administration of the Home, “In my time there were five who left, certainly not because of some fault of the administration of the Institute.”[964]

                   - His determination, courage and orderliness

For Rapa, the Monsignor had another three virtues which helped th good running of the House: his determination,[965] his courage,[966] and his methodical character.[967]

                   - The members of his Society

As in the case of St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God introduced the members of his Society even in Gozo. In relation to the opening of the Institute, besides the Director himself, Loreto Rapa mentioned two members of the Society of De Piro, “Mgr De Piro, Fr. Michael Callus, a member of De Piro’s Society, and Censu Galea, a young man who later joined the Society, came from Malta to prepare for the opening. They went a few days before the opening to make the necessary preparations.”[968] Some time after he also said that, “On the inauguration of the Institute, the members of the Society organized a big feast.”[969] Michael Ciangura mentioned several names of members who ran the place:

In the absence of Mgr De Piro, we were in the care of Fr. Michael Callus, Br. Venanz Galea, Fr. Karm Azzopardi and Br. Ruzar Buhagiar; the last two came with us when Fr. Michael and Br. Venanz went back to Malta. In general Mgr De Piro left two with us: a priest who could celebrate Mass, and a Brother. In my opinion they were dedicated to their work, and I noticed that they were well prepared.[970] 

 

Ciangura also referred to “the members of the Society” when talking of the fair organised by the same members at the Institute.[971]

With these, the Servant of God had the best relationship. Loreto Rapa referred to the respect Fr Michael Callus, the superior of the House, had for the Director. [972]

Carmelo Gauci witnessed to the sorrow felt by one of the members of the Society at the death of the Director:

It was Fr Karm who told me about De Piro’s death. He said to me, “My father has died.” I thought he was referring to his natural father and to console him I said that sooner or later death was inevitable. Fr. Karm showed me that he was referring to De Piro who was like a father to him because he was of great value to him.[973]

 

Peter Camilleri was more explicit about this respect for De Piro:

I always had the impression that the relations between the Servant of God and the members of the Society who were with us at the Institute were very good. In fact, I noticed that the Brothers were happy when the Monsignor visited us. I remember Br. Ruzar saying that the Servant of God, had confessed he wished to come to Gozo more often but his work in Malta did not allow him.[974]

                   - On his part the Servant of God respected the role of those responsible for the House

Carmelo Gauci said that the Director, “… did not like to interfere with the administration of the Home, but left it to the superior who was in charge.”[975] Michael Ciangura agreed with Gauci, “As regards the rest, the Servant of God, did not interfere in the things mentioned; it was more pro­bable that he gave a free hand to those responsible for the running of the Home.”[976]

                   - De Piro’s relationship with the employees at the Institute

Together with the members of De Piro’s Society there were some lay employees in the House. Carmelo Gauci was the cook at St Joseph’s. He could say how the Director behaved in relation to the employees at the Institute, “Another time I suspected that certain individuals were meeting the Administration of the Gozo Curia to dismiss me. De Piro showed me that he was aware of this, and he assured me that he would help me to keep my job.”[977]  Gauci added something as regards the Director’s love for the sick employees:

He also showed interest in the health of his employees. In fact when I was at the Institute and fell ill, De Piro came to see me in bed. He inquired about my illness and in order to see what could be done for me he said he was ready to take me to a doctor, who was a relative of his. As a result a short time after this Fr. Karm took me to Malta to see a certain Professor Debono, who though not related to De Piro, examined me very carefully and gave me the necessary help.[978]

                   - Fundraising

Fr Raphael Azzopardi OSA had nothing to do with anyone of the Institutes directed by the Servant of God, but he could say that, “At that time the Institutes depended completely on charity and the person responsible for them was responsible to provide for the livelihood of the children.”[979] In fact as a source of income for St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Director encouraged various types of fundraising activities. Michael Ciangura mentioned the fair:

The annual fair of the Institute, which was held on the first Sunday after Ascension, was a big feast not only for us at the Institute, but also in the calendar of celebrations in Gozo. Many people attended this fair. The people donated to us all the articles we used at the fair. The members of the Society did their very best to make the fair a success. I remember that the first time our band took part before the public was precisely at one of these fairs and, on that occasion the Servant of God was present.[980]

 

Also, the boys went regularly to the towns and villages on the Island begging alms.[981]

                   - The benefactors

Loreto Rapa mentioned the benefactors as another means with which De Piro could run St Joseph’s, Gozo, “Besides, one must not forget that he had a number of benefactors who cont­ributed to the life of the Institute.”[982] Even Peter Camilleri made reference to these:

At my time, the Institute was still in its first phase and therefore was not well known by people. In no way do I want to mean that this lack of popularity was due to carelessness on the part of the Servant of God, or of the members of the Society. However, those who knew about us were very generous with us. De Piro was the friend of certain Monsignors in Gozo and these contributed to our maintenance.[983]

 

According to Loreto Rapa, the Servant of God was very grateful to the benefactors, “De Piro was a grateful person and appreciated very much the help offered by people to the Institute.”[984] Concetta Sciberras, who herself came from a family of benefactors of the Institute, [985] still remembered that, “… he welcomed us and was very pleased with our presence. He said that the Institute owed its existence to us. In a few words he showed a great appreciation for our work in favour of the Institute.”[986]

                   - But his faith in Providence, over and above anything else

Loreto Rapa was quite explicit about this, “This courage of the Servant of God, was not only a natural quality but it was the effect of the faith he had in divine providence. Sometimes he told us not to be discouraged when facing difficulties, for God knew what he was doing and would not leave us alone.”[987]

                   - De Piro was therefore loved by the boys and all

Loreto Rapa was quite clear about the respect shown to the Director by the boys, “We were attracted to him because we saw in him a priest who loved us. Child­ren as we were, he would give us some useful advice. I have never changed this impression I had of the Servant of God, not even when I became an adult.”[988] Carmelo Gauci referred to the reaction of the boys at the death of the Servant of God, “As a matter of fact at the Institute everyone, children and employees, wept for him.”[989] The same words were said by Ciangura, Camilleri, Gatt and Rapa.[990] George Pisani[991] was never at St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo, neither as a boy nor as an employee. But he heard a lot about Monsignor from his mother, and he happened to be with the latter at the Addolorata Cemetry at the time of the funeral of De Piro. He was so much impressed with what he saw that returning home he immediately wrote a poem about the Servant of God:

For some reason or other, which I no longer remember, it happened that on the day of Mgr De Piro’s funeral my parents and I were in Malta. On that day my mother wished to visit the Addolorata Cemetery and I went with her. Unexpectedly we found that there was the funeral of Mgr De Piro. I was struck by the cortege, the presence of children and other people, who were numerous. Because of this, when, after the funeral, I was back in Gozo, I felt the need to put to paper the emotions I felt during the funeral. It was at that time that the poem came out naturally and spontaneously more from my heart than from my mind. It was the poem about Mgr De Piro “On the death of Mgr De Piro (at the Addolorata Cemetery)”. I must say that this poem came out naturally like the water that springs out from the rocks of the plains. This poem was included in the first volume of my poems, entitled “L-Ghid taz-Zoghzija.’ (The feast of youth). It has been read by thousands of students, and others. Besides, at home, Mgr De Piro was well known by other people in Gozo. It was well known that he came from a noble family. He had many beautiful gifts as well as a strong intellect, not to mention his great goodness. He utilised all this to help unfortunate children, whom the world abandoned.[992]

 

Here is Pisani’s poem:

In the burial place, full of flowers,

Of Our Lady of Sorrows,

The last sweet abode

Which welcomes the Maltese,

 

I heard a thousand boys crying

In sorrow for their father,

And with that crying they effected

All those that heard them.

 

But I saw a small, small, tear

Of a boy who was near me,

Fall gently

On a flower near my feet.

 

I cut that flower

With the tear on it

And I heard this song coming out

Although a bit hoarse:

 

“I am not the tear of fear,

I am not a tear of mercy,

I am not a tear of sorrow,

I am not a tear of contrition;

 

I came out of the heart of a boy

Grown up in the greatest peace,

Who knows as his other Brothers

That when the day starts

They are all orphans” [993]

 

 

                   - Vocations recruitment at St Joseph’s, Gozo

If De Piro considered St Joseph’s, Malta as a source of vocations for his nascent Society,[994] the same applied to the Institute in Gozo. Loreto Rapa said that he had the impression that the members of the Society wanted to be near the boys of the institutes precisely to recruit vocations.[995] Michael Ciangura narrated his personal experience:

At St. Joseph’s I was learning tailoring. De Piro was so interested in the learning of the children that when he saw me progressing he even transfered me to St. Joseph Institute, in Malta. I believe that De Piro aimed at making me a member of his Society. In fact he made the suggestion and at first I accepted; I even went to the Oratory of B’Kara and joined the aspirants for two months. After this short period I realized that this was not my vocation, and so I returned to St. Joseph’s at Hamrun, to resume my trade.[996]

 

In his 10 September 1990 testimony, Ciangura was more explicit about De Piro’s attempts to persuade him to join the Society, “The Servant of God, was keen on having new members. When I was at the Hamrun Institute, Mgr De Piro tried to persuade me to join the Society. He made me the invita­tion several times…”[997]

                   - But he never used any pressure on the boys

Michael Cinagura confirmed this, “De Piro had encouraged me to join the Society, but he never exerted any pressure. Also when he realized that I was not made for the Society he still helped with my tailoring.”[998]  Later on Ciangura added, “… but he was always prudent and never insisted too much.”[999]

 

(v)  Director of the new Home for little boys, Santa Venera, Malta[1000]

New responsibilities were accumulating on Mgr De Piro. He was already director of four charitable institutes: Fra Diegu, Jesus of Nazareth, St. Joseph’s Home, Malta, and St Joseph, Gozo. His love and understanding of the children entrusted to him made him consider a new project: the opening of a Home for the younger boys in a house next to St Joseph’s, Malta.[1001] Here he sought the help of Miss Guzeppina Curmi and her collaborators. They answered positively to his request and a small group of them went to Sta. Venera to care for boys between three to seven years of age. On 30 July 1925, Miss Curmi was asked to sign a declaration accepting the care of the new Home and entrusting it to the young women who worked with her.[1002]

 

(vi)  Director of St Francis de Paul Institute, Birkirkara, Malta

A certain Miss Guzeppa Psaila undertook to open a small house under the patronage of St. Francis de Paul for orphaned girls. This Institute was placed under the tutelage of the Church of Malta, and Mgr De Piro was chosen as its Diocesan Director in 1927.[1003] The first step taken was to provide better accommodation for 20 girls who had been gathered in the house.[1004] Documents regarding this charitable Institution are lacking, but we know that while the Director was struggling to obtain ecclesiastical approval for the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth, he was also doing his utmost to entrust to them the orphans’ Home in Birkirkara.[1005] According to a letter written by De Piro to Mgr La Puma, Secretary of the Congregation for Religious, on 7 July 1933, the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth were only in two houses until July 1933.[1006]

 

(vii)  A beggar for the children of the institutes

The Servant of God was not satisfied with only giving nearly all he himself had to the poor, but he, the son of one of the noblest families of Malta and canon of the Metropolitan Cathedral,  reduced himself to great humiliation when begging money and goods for the sake of the poor children of the institutes. This is what Fr Joseph Tonna, a priest from Rabat, Malta, said:

Sometimes when he wanted money for his institutes, he used to pass even twice from the same road. He never asked anybody, but walked with his head bowed down. People became accustomed to this and whenever they saw him walking with his head bowed down, they always gave him money for the institutes he administered.[1007]

 

Fr John Vella, an ex member of De Piro’s Society, testified that, “Every Thursday the Founder used to go to the rich families and ask them alms for the institutes.”[1008] Often the Servant of God turned to his understanding mother who used to call him “my poor one”[1009] and who was sincerely worried that he would neglect himself for his beloved orphans.

 

(viii)  De Piro’s testamentary will and the Institutes

What has been said is already enough proof of the bond that existed between Joseph De Piro and the institutes under his care. His testamentary will amply confirms this close link. The second article of the said will goes like this:

Relativamente alle diverse amministrazioni da me tenute, di Istituti caritatevoli e di beneficenza, tengo appositi libri per ciascuna amministrazione. E per ogni buon fine dichiaro che nei vari Istituti da me diretti, siano essi missionari o di beneficenza, non si trovano mobiglio o quadri o vasi sacri o altre argenterie, o abiti ed insegne sacre di mia proprietà, dovendo significare la esistenza ivi di qualsiasi tale oggetto la donazione da me fattane a tale Istituto.

Tengo inoltre a dichiarare di non voler essere rimborsato per diritti di amministrazione personalmente dovutimi, come nè anche di qualsiasi spesa fatta o da farsi in qualsiasi Istituto sotto la mia direzione, [1010]

 

After saying what he left to the Society of St Paul, his mother, Bishop Caruana, the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth, and St Ursola House in Qrendi, in articles eight and nine of the will he leaves something to the Institutes : Fra Diegu, Jesus of Nazareth, and St Francis de Paul:

Articolo Ottavo

 

Lascio ancora a titulo di prelegato all’Istituto Fra Diegu del Hamrun un titulo di fondi pubblici, del valore di lire cento nominali, che attualmente fruttifichi non meno di lire sterline quattro l’anno; il quale interesse servirà per la ricreazione dell’Albero di Natale, alle ragazze di detti Istituto, coll’obbligo però, della celebrazione di una messa letta annuada da essere fatta il di’ tredici Gennaio di ogni anno in suffragio dell’anima del fondatore e successori nella direzione, sacerdoti operarii e Suore Istitutrici, benefattori e benefattrici e delle ricoverate di detto Istituto, passati, presenti e futuri. La presente disposizione sarà però considerata di nessun effetto, qualora avrò già provveduto durante la mia vita, sia mediante deposito presso la cassa diocesana delle Pie Amministrazioni, sia in modo diverso.

 

 

Articolo Nono

 

Lascio ancora agli Istituti S.Francesco d’Assisi-Fra Diegu di Hamrun -Gesù Nazzareno -Curmi - di Zeitun,- S.Francesco di Paula - Psaila - di B’Cara uno per ciascuno dei più bei merletti che saranno in mio possesso al momento della mia morte, a scelta e nell’ordine suddetto, della Reverenda Madre Superiora di ciascun Istituto. Raccomando intanto ai miei successori, nelle varie direzioni di usare ogni premura per conservare la missione sociale di dette pie opere quale intesa nei primordi delle varie fondazioni cioè a favore di ragazze povere, orfane e pericolanti ed in alcuni casi in riparo all’onore del prossimo.[1011]

 

(ix)  De Piro’s care for the old boys and old girls of the institutes

                   - Director of the Sacred Heart Laboratory, a workshop for unemployed girls, Valletta, Malta

Mgr De Piro never stopped thinking what more could be done for the Institutes under his care. It was exactly this dedication that made him enlarge, refurbish, or change some part or other of their buildings. It was again this interest in the institutes that continually encouraged him to introduce new ways how to run these charitable institutions. It was because he wanted to also help the girls who had left the institutes and who had no one to welcome them that he thought of the Laboratory of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.

In 1927 De Piro had already aired a project with government officials that would consist of a workshop for poor and needy girls in Valletta:

 

“Casa di San Giuseppe-Bonnici

Hamrun

 

17th December 1927

 

Sir,

 

Referring to our conversation about the difficulty. I am writing to find available place within Valletta for the object to start a "Laboratory" in favour and in aid of poor and unemployed girls, I dare ask, if it is possible to have a spare room or two in any of the government buildings.

I can add besides ,as I have been informed just now, that a small house, seated near the Lower Barracca, and belonging to the government, is at present subject to disposal. If not altogether free, perhaps, some favourable arrangement can be met with.

Thanking you in advance for your valuable aid, and asking pardon for the trouble I am giving you.[1012]

 

He had the idea of siting this Laboratory or Workshop in a small house near the Lower Barracca, Valletta. Nothing emerged from this particular plan, which consisted of providing a moral and technical education to needy girls. Rather than founding an institute, he had in mind to set up a workshop where girls could work and get paid for whatever they produced.[1013]

Early in 1928 the government offered him temporary accomodation. The Servant of God refused it, owing to the fact that he had in mind a place he would not be turned out from.[1014] Another accomodation was found and the official opening took place on 11 April 1928. The house De Piro rented was at 101, St. Christopher Street, Valletta, Malta.[1015] In order to subsidise the high rent he was asked for, De Piro asked for and was granted permission to hold lotteries to raise some money.[1016]

The Servant of God found an assistant, Maria Assunta Borg, who, after having been legally separated from her husband, administered the Laboratory in which she even resided permanently.[1017] The girls were being instructed in sewing and other similar crafts.[1018]

After working from 1928 to 1931 together, relations between De Piro and Borg started becoming strained. While Borg desired to open the Laboratory to all girls living in moral danger, De Piro preferred to have it reserved for girls coming out of the orphanages he was looking after. The words of this notice[1019] give proof of this:

Trattandosi di un’ Istituzione nuova, che conta appena un anno, sarà utile il sapere che il Laboratorio, spiega l’opera sua in un locale molto ben attrezzato in Str. Cristoforo 101. Esso ha per scopo il bene di ragazze disoccupate e particolarmente di quelle uscenti di fresco da entro le sacre pareti dei nostri varii Istituti di Beneficienza ove per la generosità dei Signori Benefattori e per l’ abnegazione del personale dirigente vengono allevate, istruite e sopratutto educate nel Santo timore di Dio. È appunto in questo pangente, che a loro, spesse volte, manca ciò che maggiormente ocorre, una mente più esperta della loro che le aiuti a dare i primi passi in mezzo all’ aria libera di questo povero mondo, per loro tutto nuovo, ed una mano più vigorosa della loro che conduce attraverso le prime lotte per la vita.[1020]

 

Moreover, Borg started thinking that only she was responsible for the Laboratory while De Piro felt that he could even remove her from her office if needs be. The disagreement between the two had arisen because Borg started seeking advice from Mgr Enrico Dandria[1021] who advised her to listen to De Piro insofar as the administration of the Laboratory was concerned and to Dandria himself where problems of conscience were involved.[1022]

Matters came to a head in November 1930 when De Piro ordered Borg to leave the Laboratory and move to her residence in Hamrun, Malta. In February 1931 she complained to Dandria who advised her to contact the Archbishop. Instead she went to De Piro who was obviously displeased that anybody had dared interfere in the running of the Laboratory. De Piro wanted to remove Borg who was even told off by Dandria for not having listened to his advice. Borg only went to the Archbishop in March 1931 and he told her that he would personally discuss the whole thing with De Piro.[1023]

When De Piro got to know about her encounter with the Archbishop, he informed Borg that he had lost all confidence in her and that she therefore would have nothing more to do with the Laboratory. De Piro also let the Archbishop know of his decision.[1024]

This clash of opinions had its repercussions on the Laboratory. Indeed to avoid legal problems it was decided that the Laboratory of the Sacred Heart of Jesus be publicly proclaimed closed and a declaration to that effect was drawn up by Mgr Joseph De Piro and Maria Assunta Borg on 14 August 1931.[1025] To show that there was no bad blood between them, De Piro entrusted Borg with the small sum of money that was left over after the dissolution.[1026]

Though the Servant of God was greatly saddened by the whole outcome, the events prove how strong-willed and decisive he was whenever he felt he was in the right. Still, the failure of the project upset him deeply because he was quite conscious of the magnitude of the problem of the young girls who had to leave the shelter of the orphanages without having anyone to provide them with a home. He dearly loved to found some other charitable institution in its stead. Maria Guzeppina Curmi, the Foundress of the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth was to be the alternative. She died on 27 December 1931, but the members of her Congregation concretised what De Piro had dreamt.[1027] As Monsignor was drawing up the statutes, he suggested the insertion of the care of girls who left orphanages as one of the secondary aims of the Sisters’ Congregation, “Il fine speciale dell’Istituto è di prendere cura, in Malta ed altrove specialmente in terra di missione…e di estendere poi in modo secondario e subordinato, la propria azione a favore delle giovani uscenti da Istituti…”.[1028]

                   - De Piro’s second intervention in the Third Maltese Parliament in favour of the old boys and old girls of the institutes

On 30 April 1921 Governor Lord Plumer promulgated the Letters Patent of a new Constitution for Malta, which had to come into force on 16 May 1921.[1029] This gave the Maltese people the possibility to have self government.[1030] Matters of Imperial interest were to be controlled, with the advice of a Nominated Council, by the Governor, as the nominee of the Crown, whilst all matters of national and local interest were to be under the full control of the elected representatives of the people of Malta[1031] As regards local affairs Malta was led by a diarchy with a bicameral system: the Senate and the Legislative Assembly.[1032]  The Senate consisted of 17 members of whom 10 represented special classes, and the others, known as general members, were chosen by the general electorate. The 10 special members represented the Clergy, the Nobility, the University, the Chamber of Commerce, and the Trade Union Council, two each. The clergy representatives were chosen by the archbishop while the other special members were chosen by the group they represented. The Legislative Assembly was made up of 32 members, elected, as in the case of the general members of the Senate, according to the principle of proportional representation, each voter having one transferable vote.[1033]

Matters of Imperial interest were: the public safety and defence of the Empire; the general interests of British subjects not resident in Malta; such matters as the control of naval, military and air forces; the defence of the Island; aerial navigation; surveys for naval, military or aerial defence purposes; submarine cables, wireless telegraphy, etc; lands and buildings used or required for naval, military or other purposes; the buildings in the offical occupation of the Government; trade with any place out of the Island; the importation of goods or animals for the use of the naval, military or airforces; coinage; immigration; naturalisation; postal and telegraphic censorship; passports; the appropriation of any revenues accruing to the Crown in respect of any reserved matters; and treaties with foreign states.[1034]

The above mentioned general limitations were by Letters Patent of 26 June 1930 extended to matters touching the general interests of British subjects resident in Malta and the preservation and continuance of peace, order and good government therein in the event of such interests and such peace, order and good government being endangered, or the carrying on of responsible government being prejudiced, by reason of any grave emergency to the satisfaction of the Secretary of State having arisen and continuing to exist in the Island.[1035]

On 11, 12, and 13 June 1932 Malta had its general elections and therefore a new Senate and a new Legislative Assembly. Mgr Joseph De Piro was chosen by Archbishop Mauro Caruana, as a special member, to represent the clergy in the Senate.[1036] This Legislature did not last too much, only from 17 October 1932 up to 23 July 1933.[1037]

During the parliamentary sessions the Servant of God intervened only twice. On 18 November 1932 he approved the proposal of Notary Salvatore Borg Olivier regarding the amandment of the mortmain law.[1038] Then it was on 21 February 1933 that De Piro made his memorable speech about the morality, especially of the young girls who worked in the bars or taverns:   

  Mr. President, I very much regret that the question of morals - so close to the heart of each one of us - and for which we should be working hand in hand - has been dragged into the political field. Regarding political points which are confusing and which I am not acquainted with - I feel I cannot speak - but I feel it is my duty to speak about the motion we have before us. I am sorry that my first speech in this House has to be about this matter. I would like to convey to the Hon. Members of the Senate my great wish to see all signs of immorality removed from our Island.[1039]

 

Approval was expressed by the Hon. M.A. Borg.[1040] Monsignor continued:

We have to think not only about our unfortunate girls, but also about so many young men. Our wish is to see them grow up morally and physically healthy, to be able to face in the future the hardships of life - which all of us have to go through.

Mr. President, having heard the reasons put forward by the Hon. Minister of the Police Force, I do not want to enter into the question of the age of girls serving in bars. On my part I feel no stone should be left unturned until we remove these young women from these bars - which are a common danger for all.[1041]

 

Lord Strickland from the Opposition expressed his approval.[1042]

Mr. President”, Mgr De Piro resumed, “after hearing the reasons expressed by the Hon. Minister of the Police Force, I gauged by his words his good intentions regarding the question of morals - although these good intentions were not clearly stated.[1043]

 

Dr. Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici thanked Mgr De Piro for his appreciation.[1044]

Therefore I feel he deserves everyone’s support to continue working in support of public morals in our country; for this purpose I will do my utmost today and ask the Hon. Minister to do all he can to make sure that the laws regulating these bars are strictly enforced by the Department of the Police Force. I think this responsibility falls on him alone, before others.

Mr. President, I trust the Hon. Minister of the Police Force - with strength of will - will use all his youthful energy in this cause”.[1045]

 

Dr. Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici intervened, “I promise you I will go on doing all I am able to do”.[1046] De Piro continued:

I ask him to use his energy and his exceptional intelligence with prudence and wisdom in this delicate matter, that is so urgent, Mr. President. As a Minister and Head of the Police Force, he can exercise his authority so that we may see the Island rid of this social plague, which has developed in a way hard to understand. This problem exists under the name of ‘barmaidism-cabaretism-tabarinism’. All of us must unite in a struggle to lessen - at least - this plague.

Mr. President, I do not expect human nature to change, yet surely we can lessen the ill effects resulting from this sad state of affairs. this is what I entrust to the Hon. Minister of the Police Force: he has the power and the possibility in his hands. I am certain that all are convinced that we, the Clergy, are doing all we possibly can. However, Mr. President - in a family - what is the use of the mother’s effort, if it is not supported by the father’s?[1047]

 

This intervention of De Piro effected to a great extent some of the old girls of the institutes administered by him. Several did not have a family to welcome them and had no job from where to get their living. Therefore they turned to work in bars as a solution.

                   - The old girls of the institutes in his testamentary will

 Even in his will De Piro urged his successors in the administration of the Institutes to cherish this particular aspect of their mission:

Articolo Nono

 

Lascio ancora agli Istituti S.Francesco d’Assisi-Fra Diegu di Hamrun -Gesù Nazzareno -Curmi - di Zeitun,- S.Francesco di Paula - Psaila - di B’Cara uno per ciascuno dei più bei merletti che saranno in mio possesso al momento della mia morte, a scelta e nell’ordine suddetto, della Reverenda Madre Superiora di ciascun Istituto. Raccomando intanto ai miei successori, nelle varie direzioni di usare ogni premura per conservare la missione sociale di dette pie opere quale intesa nei primordi delle varie fondazioni cioè a favore di ragazze povere, orfane e pericolanti ed in alcuni casi in riparo all’onore del prossimo.[1048]

 

(x)  The Birkirkara (B’Kara) Oratory

                   - A Centre for boys

In a petition written by Fr P.J. O’Grady, a Salesian of Don Bosco, and presented to the Archbishop of Malta on 5 March 1910, there was mention of the wish of some Salesian cooperators to build an oratory at (B’Kara). O’Grady told Archbishop Peter Pace that according to the Salesian rules there had to be a chapel before the building of an oratory. Therefore O’Grady asked his Excellency to allow these cooperators to build the chapel.[1049] But in this petition there was an important indication about the scope of this building:

A Sua Eccellenza Revma

Monsignor Arcivescovo Vescovo di Malta

 

Il Reverendo Padre P. J. O’Grady, Superiore dei Salesiani a Malta espone riverentemente che ad oggetto di sottrarre tanti fanciulli e giovanetti agli innumerevoli pericoli che li circondano, impartendo loro al medesimo tempo la necessaria cultura religiosa e civile, alcuni Coperatori Salesiani intendono erigere un Oratorio Festivo Salesiano a Birchircara, su terreno gia da essi acquistato, il quale Oratorio s’intende mettere sotto la direzione dei Salesiani.

Che siccome una tale educazione religiosa, non puo efficacemente impartirsi senza l’erezione di una Cappella perciò il ricorrente chiede pei suddetti Cooperatori il dovuto permesso per tale erezione.

 

Sac. P. J. O’Grady S.C.

 

Presentato il di’ 5 Marzo 1910.

Sac. Fr. Vella[1050]

 

The facts that the project was being planned by Salesian cooperators and that the petition to the Archbishop was being done by a Salesian of Don Bosco already indicated that it was going to be something related to the education of children! The contents of the above letter confirm this.

On 8 March of the same year Mgr Aloisius Attard, the Acting Vicar General answered by saying:

Intementur preces Can Praeposito Parrocho loci Birchircara.

 

Datum in M. Curia Episcopali Melitae die 8 Martii 1910

Aloisius Can. Theol. Attard

Vicisgerens Vic Generalis.[1051]

 

The Birkirkara Canon Provost answered five days later, on the 13 March. Canon Alphonse Borg referred to the aim of the project more than once; it was going to be in favour of the education of the children:

Nella Gran Curia Vescovile di Malta

 In virtù di Decreto dato il di’ 8 corrente dall’Illmo. e Revmo. Mgr Can. Teologo D. Louis Attard D.D. Agente Vicario Generale di questa Diocesi mi venne intimata la dimanda avanzata a Sua Eccza. Revma. D. Pietro Pace D.D.K.C.V.O. Arcivescovo Vescovo di Malta dal Superiore dei R.R.P.P. Salesiani, concorrente l’erezione di una Cappella per un Oratorio festivo Salesiano, che s’intende erigere a Birchircara, e ciò, perchè tanti fancuilli e giovanotti si sottoraggano agli innumerevoli pericoli, che li circondano e lor venga impartita la necessaria cultura religiosa e civile.

 In esecuzione di tale intima, dopo d’aver esaminato i Regolamenti della Pia Società di S. Francesco di Sales riguardanti i catechisti Salesiani, di cui colla presente esibisco copia, sono in grado di dire che l’erezione di tale Cappella per l’Oratorio Festivo sarà certamente di grande vantaggio ai ragazzi e giovinotti della mia Pieve perchè ad essi coll’osservanza dei detti Regolamenti si darà una vera cultura religiosa e civile, e sotto questo aspetto non solo non mi oppongo alla domanda di che, ma anzi la raccomando vivamente alla prelodata Eccza. Sua

Revma. , perchè però saranno riservati i diritti parrocchiali e tanto l’Oratorio Festivo quanto la Cappella in ogni futuro tempo saranno sotto la direzione dei R.R.P.P. Salesiani.

 

Birchircara 13 Marzo 1910

Alphonseeo Can. Prep. Borg

Curato

 

Presentata il di 15 Marzo 1910

Can. S. M. Camilleri

Cancelliere[1052]

 

In fact the building of the chapel was started on 25 March 1910 and inaugurated on 31 July of the same year.[1053] From the contract made by Notary Salvatore Borg Olivier on 26 February 1910 we know that among the Salesian cooperators there was Notary Michael Louis Casolani,[1054] who was also the one who paid for all the building expenses.[1055] This great benefactor was so much convinced that the building was aimed for the formation of children that he wanted that a marble slab be fixed on the main entrance of the chapel, with the words, “Sinite parvulos venire ad me”.[1056]

Also, Casolani entrusted the Oratory first to the Salesians (1910-1912) and then to the Freres De La Salle (1912-1918). These two Congregations had the care of children as their main apostolate.

The Salesians and the Freres had to abandon the Oratory because of lack of vocations.[1057] After 1918 Canon Michael Sammut, who had always been the right hand of Casolani and who continuously helped both the Salesians and the Freres in the administration of the Oratory,[1058] took over. But Sammut was growing in age and could not continue with the care of the Oratory. Therefore Casolani wrote to Archbishop Mauro Caruana on 28 July 1922 asking His Excellency’s advice about how to give the Oratory a stable administration. In this letter the Founder of the Oratory presented again quite clearly the aim of the place, “… and of the boys of Birchircara for whom it is intended, I venture to submit to your Grace.”[1059]

On 15 December 1925 Casolani wrote to De Piro and offered him the Oratory, as a donation.[1060] From this same letter it seems that Casolani had already offered to De Piro, some time before, the direction of the place. In this letter Casolani himself hinted why he thought of Monsignor as director of the Oratory; Casolani knew about the sterling sevice De Piro was giving in the ecclesiastical institutes of beneficence in favour of the children:

41 St. Cristoforo

Valletta 15 Dicembre 1925

 

Reverendissimo Monsignore,

 

Sebbene non abbia avuto ancora il piacere di vederla, mi si dice che Ella sia, da qualche tempo, ritornato dal Suo Viaggio, che spero esser stato proficero alla Sua salute tanto preziosa per quanti hanno a cuore le opere di beneficenza in queste nostre isole.[1061]

 

Monsignor accepted Casolani’s offer and on 4 November 1926 wrote to the Archbishop of Malta asking him permission to accept the Oratory of B’Kara. In this petition De Piro showed Mgr Caruana that the Oratory was intended for young boys:

 

A Sua Ecc.za Revma.

Mgr Dom Mauro Caruana

Arcivescovo, Vescovo di Malta

 

Ricorso di Monsignor Canonico Decano Giuseppe dei Marchesi De Piro, quale, Superiore della Compagnia di San Paolo.

 

Espone riverentemente:-

 

Che il Nostro Michael Louis Casolani e la di lui consorte Signora Giulia si sono rivolti alla nostra Compagnia chiedendo che la stessa accetti in donazione il terreno, con cappella ed altri fabbricati nello stesso esistenti, sito in Via S.Giuliano, Birchircara, perchè tali terreno e fabbriche adibiti, come lo sono stati per gli ultimi sedici (16) anni, quale "Oratorio" sulle orme degli Oratori Salesiani di Don Bosco per la educazione religiosa e civile dei giovanetti che volessero frequentare tale Istituto - e ciò alle condizioni indicate e specificate nell’annessa minuta di contratto.[1062]

 

The Servant of God signed the donation contract on 4 April 1927. Amongst the conditions presented by Casolani, the donor, there was this one related to the aim of the Oratory, “Resta pure stabilito che la lapide con iscrizione ‘Sinite Parvulos venire ad me,’ collocata dai donanti sulla porta principale della cappella non potrà in alcun futuro tempo venire da chiccessia rimossa e l’iscrizione alterata o coperta.[1063] Casolani wanted that the Oratory would be continuously used for the formation of boys.

                   - An Oratory for the sons of the people

When Fr O’Grady, a Superior of the Salesians, wrote to Malta’s Archbishop asking him the permission for the Salesian cooperators to build a chapel for the Oratory at B’Kara, he sent His Excellency a copy of an extract of the Rules of the Society of St Francis de Sales. In Part 1, chapter 1 of these Rules there were these articles:

Art. 1223 - Lo scopo dell’Oratorio , essendo di tener lontana la gioventù dall’ozio e dalle cattive compagnie particolarmente nei giorni festivi, tutti vi possono essere accolti senza eccezione di grado o di condizione.

Art. 1224 - Quelli però che sono poveri, più abbandonati e più ignoranti sono di preferenza accolti e coltivati, perchè hanno maggiore bisogno di assistenza per tenersi nella via dell’eterna salute.

Art. 1226 - Non importa che siano difettosi della persona, purchè siano esenti da male attaccaticcio o che possa cagionare grave schifo ai compagni, in questo caso uno solo potrebbe allontanare molti dall’Oratorio.[1064]

 

After a few years Canon Michael Camilleri wrote an undated letter to Field Marshal Lord Methuen, who was the Governor of Malta from 1915 to 1919. Its contents shows that article 1224 of the above mentioned Rules was being really practiced at the Oratory:

His Excellency

Field Marshal Lord Methuen G.C.B.G.C.V.O. C.M.G

Governor of Malta and its dependencies and commander in chief of the troops serving within the same.

 

Your Excellency,

…the hundreds of poor boys attending the Institution whereof I am in charge …There are hundreds of poor boys who daily flock to our Institution (The Oratory, Via Strada S. Guiliano, Birchircara) …It is heartrending to see so many of our children shivering with cold for want of sufficient clothing and to know that, however we might strain our resources in order to provide for a very bad care …those who are kept away from attending the Government’s Elementary School simply because their parents are so poor that they cannot dress them with even the minimum degree of decency required for the purpose. [1065]

 

Reference has already been made to the letter sent by Casolani to De Piro on 15 December 1925. By the words “… mi si dice che Ella sia, da qualche tempo, ritornato dal Suo Viaggio, che spero esser stato proficero alla Sua salute tanto preziosa per quanti hanno a cuore le opere di beneficenza in queste nostre isole,”[1066] Casolani showed that he was quite conscious about the specific contribution of De Piro: in the ecclesiastical institutes the children were orphaned and poor boys and girls!

The letter from the Treasury, Malta, sent to De Piro on 24 March 1927 proved that the Oratory was known as one for the poor boys:

Doc: D

Registered No

302/122/27                                

 

The Treasury                                                                  

Malta

                                                                                                  

24th March, 1927

 

  With reference to your application dated the 22nd ultimo, I have the honour to inform you that His Excellency the Governor has been pleased to direct that the transfer to the Company of St.Paul of the "Utile Dominium" of the field called "tal Uita" in Strada San Giuliano, Birchircara, together with the Chapel and other buildings erected thereon in order that the said property may be used as an Oratory for the education of the children of the poorer classes, be exempt both from Donation and from Stamp Duty.

 

I have the honour to be,

Sir,

Your obedient servant

 J. Huber

Treasurer.

 

Signed

The Most Reverend

Monsignor Can: G.De Piro,

St. Joseph`s Institute,

Hamrun.

 

fti. G.Can Decano De Piro - G Casolani - Not. M.L. Casolani - M. Can. Sammut - Not. Ed. Calleja Schembri.[1067]

 

In June 1928, as director of the Oratory of B’Kara, De Piro wrote a letter to the Minister for the Treasury. Monsignor introduced the place by these words and was quite clear about who were the boys who attended the Oratory:

Sir,

 

  The "Oratory", Sda San Giuliano Birchircara, is an Institution established in 1910 for the Religious and moral education of the sons of the people, on the identical lines of the Salesian Oratory at Sliema and of the other similar "Oratories" of the Venerable Don Bosco existing all over the world.[1068]

 

In a contract made between Mgr De Piro and the Provost of B’Kara, on 1 February 1930, the same aim was emphasised, “Primo:- Che avendo il Signor Notaro Michael L. Casolani fondato un Istituto inteso alla educazione religiosa e civile dei figli del popolo…”[1069]

In another contract, made by Mgr De Piro and Fr George Preca, founder of the catechetical Society, MUSEUM, in the presence of Notary Louis Gauci Forno, on 11 June 1930, the Oratory was referred to as, “… opera d’educazione, religiosa e civile dei figli della classe operaia, in Birchircara…” [1070]

                   - The formation imparted at the Oratory

On 28 July 1922 Notary Michael Louis Casolani wrote a letter to the Archbishop of Malta, regarding the Oratory. The first words of this correspondence indicated the parameters of the education imparted to the boys who attended the place before De Piro took over:

My Lord,

 

As you are aware, about 13 years ago I took a large plot of ground on perpetual lease in Str. S. Giulano, Birchircara, and erected thereon a Chapel, a teatrino, and two small houses, which, together with a spacious playground, were intended to be used as a Salesain ‘Oratory’ [1071]

 

When Casolani donated the Oratory to the Servant of God he wanted that in the donation contract, written on 4 April 1927, there would be included these words:

Si deviene pertanto al presente atto, mediante il quale i suddetti Signori Notaro Michael Louis e Giulia coniugi Casolani trasferiscono gratuitamente alla suddetta “Compagnia di San Paolo”;

c) Tutti gli oggetti mobili indicati in opposito elenco segnato colla lettera B, che si unisce pure al presente atto perchè sia dietro lo stesso conservato e registrato, i quali oggetti dovranno rimanere per uso esclussivo dell’Istituto e non potranno per qualsiasi ragione essere rimossi dallo stesso.

 

This list B indicates quite clearly that at the Oratory the liturgical, theatrical, cinematographic and sportive aspects were central. [1072]

Through Document C, another one attached to the donation act, Casolani showed what formation De Piro was expected to give to the boys who attended the Oratory:

“Una nota di quanto si va attualmente praticando e che la suddetta Compagnia, (e copatibilmente collo spirito) assumendo la responsabbiltà dell’Istituto, compatibilmente collo spirito della Compania e compatibilmente colle esigenze dei tempi promette di praticare, trovasi annessa al presente atto segnata colla lettera C, perchè sia dietro lo stesso conservata e registrata.” [1073]

 

Doc C

 

Funzionamento dell`Oratorio di Birchircara.

 

1.             Tutte le sere verso le ore 4.30 d`inverno e verso le 5.30 d`estate, i ragazzi si radunano nell`atrio dell`Oratorio e vi si trattengono con guochi ed altro in onesta ricreazione. Verso la prima ‘Ave Maria’ i ragazzi ed i giovanotti sotto la guida dei rispettivi catachisti vanno nelle relative classi e per lo spazio di una mezz`ora si fa loro lezione di catechismo, seguite dalla Benedizione Sacramentale. Dopo questo il Direttore o qualche altro sacerdote, volendo, farà per pochi minuti delle brevi riflessioni dimostrando la bellezza di qualche virtù da seguire o la bruttezza di qualche vizio da evitare.

2.             Il giorno di Sabato è riservato per le confessioni dei ragazzi.

3.             La Domenica in un`ora adatta i ragazzi e giovanetti si riuniscono nella cappella per assistere alla Santa Messa ed accostarsi alla Comunione. Al dopopranzo essi si trattengono nella solita ricreazione nell`atrio; finita la quale, si fa loro una breve spiegazione del Vangelo, seguita dalla Benedizione Sagramentale.

4.             La Compagnia Drammatica "S.Genesio", composta di giovanetti che frequentano l`Oratorio, dà in giorni determinati dalla direzione delle recite nel teatrino, alle quali si ammettono anche i parenti dei ragazzi a pagamento.

5.             Le feste principali dell`Oratorio durante l`anno sono:-

a)      Festa di Natale - la vigilia si dà un trattenimento nel teatro, pure a pagamento, verso le ore 9 p.m. e si finisce verso le 11.30. A mezzanotte si celebra la messa cantata con comunione generale.

b)      Festa di Maria Ausiliatrice - titolare della cappella - si fa la Domenica dopo il 24 Maggio oppure in qualche Domenica susseguente in caso d`impedimento. Il canto ed il servizio all`altare nelle sacre funzioni, compresi i Secondi Vespri, si fa dai ragazzi e giovanetti dell`Oratorio a ciò addetti.

c)      Feste di San Louis e di San Giuseppe, protettori dei giovanetti dell`Oratorio.

d)      Esercizi Spirituali in tempo di Quaresima seguiti poi dalla Comunione Pasquale nella Cappella.

e)      Prima Comunione che si fa ogni anno e Conferma dei ragazzi ogni biennio.

6.             Il Direttore dell`Oratorio ha pure cura di sorvegliare le lezioni di catechismo che si fanno la sera nei giorni feriali nella Chiesa di San Paolo dai catechisti addetti all`Oratorio.

7.             Nelle feste del "Corpus Domini" del S. Cuore di Gesù, e della Beata Vergine sotto titulo della "Dottrina" una larga rappresentazione di ragazzi, giovanetti e catechisti assieme al Direttore o Vice-Direttore prendono parte alle processioni che si fanno nella Chiesa Parrocchiale.

8.             Le funzioni liturgiche negli ultimi tre giorni della Settimana Santa e visite al S.Sepolcro nella cappella dell`Oratorio.

 

fti. - G.Can Decano De Piro - G Casolani - M. Can Sammut - Not. Ed. Calleja Schembri.[1074]

 

Section II

De Piro’s love for the underprivileged through non-institutionalised charity

 

De Piro did not practice his love for the underprivileged only in the ecclesiastical charitable orphanages, in the Sacred Heart Laboratory and at the B’Kara Oratory. He even supported in a non-institutionalised and formal way many and many individuals and families who sought his help.

 

(i)  Financial aid

(ia)  From his own money

It has already been said that De Piro’s contacts with St Joseph’s Institute, Malta, started when he was still in Rome for his studies.[1075]  In the De Piro Archives there are still eleven letters written by Fr Emmanual Vassallo, the director of the Home, in answer to correspondence sent to him by the Servant of God while at the Capranica. In most of them Vassallo thanked Joseph, the seminarian, for his generosity towards St Joseph’s Orphanage,“Di più ti debbo anche ringraziare a nome dei miei ragazzi della generosa offerta che ad essi hai fatta. Che il Signore ti benedica e prosperi.”[1076] “Non so come ti debba ringraziare per tutto quello che hai fatto colla casa di S. Giuseppe, la quale ti rimarrò eternamente grato. Ho ricevuto il Rescritto con qualche altra cosa, che mi giunse in tenuissimo punto. Tante grazie a nome anche dei miei ragazzi che a Dio mercè stanno tutti bene, con un appetito da far paura.” [1077] “Come ti ringraziano i miei ragazzi, perchè ti sei ricordato di loro, anche io mi riunisco con loro ed infinitamente ti ringrazio.”[1078] “Ho mancato grossolatamente verso di Te, a non scriverti ed a non ringraziarti della offerta che facesti a questa Casa.”[1079] “Ti ringrazio prima della limosina che hai fatto a questa Casa e poi della medaglia che mi hai spedito per mezzo di Don Giorgio.”[1080] “Ti ringrazio di cuore della memoria che serbi di me, ed a nome dei ragazzi di questa Casa ti rivolgo i più caldi ringraziamenti pei doni che hai fatto a loro. Il Signore ti premierà ne son certo, della tua carità verso queste poveri orfanelli.” [1081] “I ragazzi di questa casa ti ringraziano del regalo che hai loro mandato nella tua ultima, e non cessano di pregare per te. Ti vogliono tanto bene; essi ti augurano la Buona Pasqua.” [1082] “La bellissima statua del Sacro Cuore di Gesù è arrivata perfettamente sana e già si trova al suo posto nella Cappella della Casa. Grazie del bellissimo dono. Grazie dunque di questo dono grandissimo e graditissimo.”[1083]

Although still very young, in his studies, and with no means of income, Joseph De Piro was very regular in sending these donations to the poor orphaned boys of St Joseph’s Institute, Malta!

The Servant of God was ordained priest on 15 March 1902. In August of that same year he went to Davos, in Switzerland, to recuperate his health. After eighteen months he returned to Malta to stay.[1084] In his Diary Fr Joseph wrote that on 16 January 1905, having finished his spiritual exercises, he met Fr Emmanuel Vassallo of St Joseph’s Home, Malta, and for the first time he shared with him his wishes about the setting up of the Society of St Paul. Then he continued saying that, “Tengo nota che mentre oggi parlavamo o avevamo parlato di questa cosa, prima di separarci un mendicante domandandoci l’elemosina ci augurò l’aiuto di San Paolo, cosa non solita in simili circostanze, tanto che D.Emmanuele vi fece sopra qualche osservazione.”[1085] Although the Servant of God did not say that he and Vassallo gave anything to the beggar, but from the beggar’s way of comportation it seemed that he was given something!

When called by the Ecclesiastical Tribunal to testify about De Piro, George Wilson, a bookbinder at St Joseph’s Home, Malta said this, “Mgr De Piro was a very charitable man and he could always be seen giving alms to the poor who would be waiting for him in the street, as I myself often noticed. He used to say that he would never forget the poor.”[1086]

The ex Vicar General of the Archdiocese of Malta, Mgr Carmelo Xuereb, narrated a similar story to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal:

I greatly admired this priest and I was struck by his saintliness and charity. These qualities helped me to make up my mind about the priesthood at a time when I was still not certain about my future. In fact an act of De Piro had a great influence on me. I was still a young man when once as I was going down Kingsway (Republic Street), Valletta, exactly in front of the Museum of Archeology, I saw a poor man. He was walking in front of me and suddenly he crossed to the other side where he saw Mgr De Piro. This man said something to De Piro who, without a lot of words, put his hands in his pocket, took out all the money he had, and gave it to that man.[1087]

 

The fact that the pauper saw the Servant of God and crossed the road to talk to him, meant that he probably knew that Monsignor was a one who would give him what he needed! Also, keeping in mind what De Piro himself wrote in his Diary regarding his giving alms to the beggar in Valletta, when accompanied by Vassallo, one can conclude that it was not infrequent that the Servant of God gave money to poor persons.

Among those interviewed by Aloisius Aloisio there was Fr John Vella, one of the first two youths who joined De Piro’s Society and then became the first priest of the Society. Fr John had accompanied the Servant of God when the latter was asked by the Archbishop to go to the Gudia parish, Malta, at a time when no one could be found to be a parishpriest. Vella said that:

“One, day, while we were in the parish house, a poor man came to us asking charity. Br Joseph opened the door and told him, ‘God will help you’. And closed the door again. Monsignor who was inside heard the words and called Br Joseph. ‘What do you mean by ‘God will help you? At the moment, we are the parishpiriest and that poor man has come to his father. We are God for him and we have to help him’.”[1088]

Camillo Aquilina, a member of De Piro’s Society from 1918 to 1920,[1089] and another one inteviewed by Aloisio, said that,“Many people came to him for charity. From the type of people who came to him to ask him alms the students could know that he was giving charity.”[1090]

(ib)  From the money of Fra Diegu Institute and St Joseph’s Home, Malta

Madre Pacifica Xuereb, one of the superiors of Fra Diegu Institute at the time of the Servant of God, witnessed this:

He was a man of great charity and whatever he gave he did it in secrecy and silence. For example, some of the children’s mothers used to come and visit them; he used to give them some money himself was going to spend. He used to say, ‘I am giving them alms but please keep it a secret. Charity should not be spoken about.’[1091]

 

If one goes through one of the petty cash books of St Joseph’s Institute, Malta, one realises that it was Monsignor who registered all the income and expenditure of the Home; all entries are in his own handwriting. From these records one realises that the Servant of God helped even the relatives of the boys who were at St Joseph’s, Malta. In the register mentioned above one finds such entries as,“Alla madre di un ricoverato per aiutarla a viver bene,” [1092] “Alla madre dell’alunno Gialanze,”[1093] and “Allo zio del detto alunno per comprargli …”[1094]

The petty cash book even shows that De Piro did not abandon the boys who had been at some time or other at St Joseph’s, Malta.  On the contrary one finds such entries as, “All’ex alunno… per vestiario,”[1095] “A Nazzareno Micallef già alunno essendo disoccupato,”[1096] “All’exalunno Raffaele Fenech per emigrare,”[1097] “All’exalunno Nazzareno Micallef…,”[1098] “All’exalunno Desiderio Farrugia per comprare strumenti del suo mestiere,”[1099] “All’exalunno Zaru Catania,”[1100] “All’exalunno povero e malato Desiderio Farrugia,”[1101] “All’alunno Tabone uscente…”[1102] “All’exalunno Gioacchino Benedetto disoccupato,”[1103] “All’exalunno Gius Muscat per… che ha dovuto avere da uno dei prefetti della Casa.”[1104]

In the same petty cashbook one also finds such words in relation to the old boys “Alla madre di Bonello di recente uscito,”[1105] “Il padre di Gibson,”[1106] “Alla madre dell’ex alunno Giuseppe Bajada,”[1107] “Alla madre di un ex alunno Bianchi,”[1108] “Alle sorelle di un nostro exalunno…,”[1109] “Alla madre dell’alunno… uscente,”[1110] “Alla madre dell’exalunno… pel fitto,”[1111] “Alla madre dell’exalunno Muscat,”[1112] “Alla madre dell’alunno Cutajar uscente sotto età,”[1113] “Alla famiglia dell’uscente ragazzo Antonio Vella … e soggetto a convulsioni …” [1114]

Donations were also given to relatives of employees at St Joseph’s, Malta: “Alla figlia dello stampatore della Casa… in occasione della morte della madre,” [1115] “Al nostro falegname per i funerali della madre di sua moglie da questa Casa soccorsa durante la vita,” [1116] “alla madre del porinaio.”[1117]

Madre Pacifica Xuereb witnessed that, “There used to be beggars knocking on the door of Fra Diegu as well. ‘Please give them something from the store,’ he used to tell the Superior.”[1118] Monsignor helped also those individuals who came to the door of St Joseph’s, Malta, begging alms: “Elemosina alla porta.” Generally this donation was made up of substantial amounts, at least for the time of De Piro. It can be seen more than once in many of the pages of the register.[1119]

Donations were given also by the Servant of God to help girls become religious. In the petty cash book one fnds such entries as, “Alla madre dell’alunno Sammut, per sua figlia, che sta per essere ammessa alle Suore,”[1120] “Per viaggio di una ragazza di Hamrun per… a seguire la sua vocazione e farsi suora colle Suore Bianche…,”[1121] “Ad una povera ragazza per suora.”[1122]

Not to mention also donations given to individuals to be married: “Ad un altra ragazza per sposarsi,”[1123] “Alla madre di una ragazza povera pel corredo,” [1124] “Per il corredo di una povera ragazza sposa,”[1125] “Per la dote di una ragazza decaduta,”[1126] “Contribuzione Giuseppe Xuereb… a maritarsi,”[1127] “Ad un povero per maritare sua figlia.”[1128]

De Piro gave donations even to unknown individuals:  “Ad una povera disgraziata”. [1129] In this case there is a substantial sum. “Allo stesso Paolo Calleja per viaggio in Australia,”[1130] “Elemosina ad una famiglia di Casal Paola che soffre fame,”[1131] “Ad una donna idropica,”[1132] “Elemosina ad un disperato per disserti finaziarii,”[1133] “Ad un disperato…”[1134] “Elemosina ad un disperato per disserti finaziarii,” [1135] “Ad un povero disoccupato con numerosa famiglia per evitargli lo sgombramento,”[1136] “A un commerciante minacciato di sgombramento,”[1137] “Ad una povera ragazza,”[1138] “Ad una povera di Casal Paola,”[1139] “Per salvare una persona disperata,”[1140] “A Carmelo Zammit… essendo confuso per non poter pagare il fitto,”[1141] “A Mrs Tomlin per far calze per i ragazzi,”[1142] “Ad un’uomo in grande indigenza,”[1143] “Ad una povera vecchia,”[1144] “Ad una famiglia disgraziata,”[1145] “Ad un disperato per pagare l’affitto,”[1146] “Ad un disgraziato per l’acquisto di croccie,”[1147] “Per una povera donna per accettare sua figlia, [1148] “A due povere giovani avanzate in estrema necessita,” [1149] “Per la redenzione di una povera madre di famiglia da due grandi prigioni,”[1150] “Ad una povera donna di Cospicua,”[1151] “Al Signor Chapman in miseria,”[1152] “Per tramite di Padre Galdes ad una famiglia decaduta minacciata dalla fame,”[1153] “Ad una povera di Sliema per pagare il fitto.”[1154]

 

(ii)  Non-financial help

The Servant of God did not help others only financially. At times people were not in need of money, but lacked other necessities. De Piro provided them with what they really needed.

(iia) Caring for physical health

George Wilson testified about the type of relationship the Director had with the employees at the Institute:

He thought nothing of visiting any of the employees who happened to be ill, and I myself have heard him say that he was on his way to visit one or another. Not only this, but according to the members of the families of these employees, he would find out if they were in need of help which he then did his best to provide. If circumstances so required he would see that they had the services of the doctor.[1155]

 

He used to pay his employees himself. He was a respectable man. He was concerned about their well being and also looked for a doctor when anyone needed him.[1156]

 

Michael Vella Haber was the son of Lucio, a trades instructor at St Joseph’s, Gozo.[1157] Vella Haber said that, in 1928 when he was still fifteen years old he got a bad bronchitis and had to be rushed to hospital. He continued like this:

That evening I was given a bath at the hospital and the following morning I was so much worse that I was administered the anointing of the sick. People from Nadur came to see me and I was slipping into a state in which I began to imagine visions and I was telling the other patients what I was seeing. On that day, unexpectedly, Mgr De Piro came in to see me ... he spoke to me ... but I do not recall replying at all; I know that he knelt down near my bed and prayed. Then he blessed me and left.[1158]

 

In 1928 De Piro was burdened with six charitable institutes, with the foundation of his Society, with the start of the new mission in Abyssinia, and his many other responsibilities. At a time when the means of transport between Malta and Gozo were not that excellent,[1159] he found the time and the energy to cross from Malta to the sister island and pay a visit to Vella Haber who was not even a child of the Institute; he was only the son of an employee there!

(iib) A listening ear

Fr Joseph Tonna, a priest who served at the Cathedral in Mdina, mentioned another type of help given by the Servant of God to others, “He always listened to other people’s advice and he never shut anybody off. He was always so gentle and always said, ‘We will see… well, well’. He used to help people whenever they called for help. Even when people called at night either to confess or to ask for something, he used to come down and give them his help.”[1160]

(iic) Academic formation to youths

During the first years of his Society there were several youths who joined. They depended completely on the Founder for all the aspects of their lives. This was confirmed by Fr George Cassar, a priest who had been a seminarian during De Piro’s rectorship at the Mdina seminary:

On another day I was talking to Monsignor’s mother. While we were talking we mentioned the Society which Monsignor had just started. ‘The Society is improving,’ I told her. ‘I am the one who is suffering because he has impoverished me. At one time he comes here to ask for help. At another time he asks for money. When there is not enough food he takes from here. He also comes to take the bed linen,’ lamented his mother.[1161]

 

After getting a good academic formation some of them abandoned their vocation. There were some people, even priests and religious, who used to comment about this with the Founder. Fr Antonio Buhagiar was one of the penitents of the Servant of God and a parishpriest of Rabat at the time of De Piro. Buhagiar was so charitable himself that he used to give whatever he had to the poor. At the same time he felt angry when he saw that so many members of the Society of St Paul were leaving the Founder alone after getting a good schooling. He told the Servant of God about this. The latter did not react the same way as Buhagiar:

Monsignor used to send the aspirants to St Aloysius College for the Matriculation Exam and then make them wear the habit. School was free of charge, thanks to the Jesuits. Unfortunately some abused this treatment by leaving the Society after their secondary education. They could find a suitable job after getting the necessary qualifications. Once I told him, ‘Can’t you see that you are being deceived? They are only seeking to be educated and be able to find a job.’ He always answered with the usual calmness, ‘ I do not care if they do this. I am happy that they will have acquired formation. That will suit them. Jesus never forced his disciples. Who am I to impose anything on them? God knows how to make use of their formation. The good they received will one day give fruit.’[1162]

 

Mr Lawrence Grixti, the butler of the De Piro family, verified this reality, “At the beginning of the Society many abandoned him. His mother used to tell him, ‘Cannot you see that they want to destroy you! They are also robbing you!’ ‘It does not matter, mum,’ he would answer her. ‘I am doing all this out of charity. I do not care if they are learning out of my own money.’[1163] Madre Pacifica Xuereb, a nun at Fra Diegu Institute at the time of De Piro, narrated a story which confirms this type of charity of Monsignor:

“I was also the Superior at the Convent in Sicily. Whenever he used to be abroad he used to visit us and we used to host him at our convent (The place was Troina, in the Province of Enna). One day he was saying mass and was accompanied by a certain boy named Salvatore Gianblanco.  The Director was deeply touched by the boy’s respectful behaviour. After the Monsignor had his coffee he told me, ‘I would like to see the boy who assisted me during the mass.’ The boy arrived quickly because he did not live far away from the Institute. ‘Would you like to become a priest?’ asked him Monsignor. ‘Oh, yes, I do wish,’ answered the boy. But we are poor and my father cannot pay for my education.’ On hearing this Monsignor sent for the child’s father. When the man came the Director asked him, ‘Are you ready to allow your child to go to Nicosia to learn?’ ‘Yes,’ answered the father, ‘but I do not have the money to pay for his tuition.’ ‘I will pay for it,’ told him the Director. The father promised Monsignor that he would send his son. Therefore they argeed that the boy would go to Catania for his basic studies and come to Malta for his Philosophy. They were both happy with the agreement. When I met Monsignor I told him, ‘You are risking because they are not reliable persons.’ ‘This is all for God,’ he told me. ‘Whether he is a priest in Malta or abroad, whether he marries, or whatever he does, the fact that he is educated is always an asset.’ In fact Monsignor was ready to prepare his dowry, and prepared whatever he needed. He bought him the books he needed, all from his own money. He promised me he would send me the money along the way to cover any expenses incurred. It happened exactly as I had feared. When it was time to start Philosophy, his mother did not want him to come to Malta.  In a word he did not resume his studies and abandoned everything.  I wrote to the Director and informed him about everything. He answered me immediately and told me, ‘Do not ever worry, and tell Saviour not to worry at all. These things are understood only by God.’[1164]

 

Section III

De Piro’s love for the underprivileged through his promotion of justice

 

Justice was a central element in the charity of De Piro.

 

 (i)  Stole-fees to confessors and conference masters

At least here in Malta religious congregations do not usually give money to confessors each time these come to their communities to administer the sacrament of reconciliation. De Piro, although himself needing money both for the Society and the charitable institutes, gave stole fees both to the confessors of the community and to those who confessed the boys at St Joseph’s, Malta. He did the same to those who gave some conference to the members of his Society or to the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta.[1165]

 

(ii)  Justice to the employees depending on him

                   - The employees of the Major Seminary, Mdina, Malta

It seemed that the rectors of the Major Seminary had the duty to present to the Archbishop of Malta a yearly report about the different aspects of life at the Seminary.[1166] The Servant of God presented the one for the scholastic year 1919-20 on 27 August 1920.[1167] Having analysed the academic aspect, Rector De Piro presented the servants’ situation, “12. Gli inservienti si sono tutti, durante l’anno, diportati a nostra soddisfazione, e ci permettiamo di pregare Vra. Eccza. a voler rivedere il loro salario, divenendo lo stesso insufficiente all’attuale stato di cose.”[1168]

                   - The employees at St Joseph’s, Malta

At the time of De Piro there were two groups of workers at St Joseph’s, Malta: the house attendants and the workshop instructors. The former group was made up of the cook, the porter, the bandmaster, the wardrobe master, and a certain Zaru. The printing composer, the printer, the carpenter, the shoemaker, the bookbinder, the tailor, the assistant carpenter and the son of the shoemaker worked in the workshops. In all there were thirteen employees.[1169] George Wilson, a bookbinder at St Joseph’s Home, Malta, at the time of De Piro’s administration, testified about the type of relationship the Director had with the employees at the Institute, “He used to pay his employees himself. He was always cautious to give some extra pay to those who needed it without letting anyone else know about this. He was a respectable man.”[1170]

During the first years of the twentieth century it was very rare that anyone got any social benefit related to employment. It was only in 1920 that Dr Nerik Mizzi, a politician, presented a draft copy of a law about this in the Council of Government. His was “An Ordinance to make provision for the grant of compensation to workmen for injuries suffered in the course of employment”.[1171] At this same time there existed in Malta the Camera del Lavoro, “… il cui fine primario… è precisamente quello di sostenere, nelle prossime elezioni sotto la nuova Costituzione, gli interessi della classe lavoratrice in generale.”[1172] In April 1921 this “Camera”, , made an appeal for the establishment of the “Workers’ Party”. Those who responded positively to the appeal met on 15 May 1921.[1173] Their electoral programme included unemployment, the payment of the employees and their working hours, a law about the compensation of injuries at work, pensions of old age, etc.[1174] In the Legislative Assembly and in the Senate, the “due camere” of the Maltese Parliament, there was never a lack of interest about the legislation of social benefits. On 16 May 1927 Prime Minister Ugo Mifsud presented for the first time the “Widows and Orphans Pension Act”. It was read again on the 23 of the same month. It was approved after the third reading at the end of May 1927.[1175]  In spite of this lack of factual social assistance to those who were injured at work, Mgr Joseph De Piro helped financially an employee who was injured while doing his work at St Joseph’s, Malta, “A … Nazzareno Attard per cura di una malattia contratta mentre a servizio”.[1176]

From the pages which make up the file “Mgr Joseph De Piro : Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri”, it seems that at one time, for some reason or other, the Servant of God decided to entrust one of the priests of his Society, Fr Joseph Spiteri, with the payment of the employees at St Joseph’s, Malta. He therefore wrote down some instructions which could help Spiteri in the execution of his duty. Among these instructions there was mention of the pention of two employees, Sciberras, the carpenter, and the wife of…  To the former Spiteri was instructed to give £1. 10. 00 and to the latter £0. 10.00, a month. [1177] Pension was also given to the wife of one of the workers who probably died while still at work, “Pensione alla vedova del calzolaio Bianco”.[1178]

 

(iii)  Justice during the riots of the Sette Giugno 1919

The socio economic history of the Maltese Islands during the ninteenth and early years of the twentieth centuries has already been presented, at least briefly.[1179] Here I go a bit further and arrive up to the fateful days of the 7, 8 and 9 June 1919 or the Sette Giugno, as it is known in Maltese history. This is done in order to introduce the sad events of that day and the two days which followed.

                   - The socio economic history of Malta before the Sette Giugno

Due to the efforts to implement parts of the recommendations of the Royal Commission of 1911 local economy began to improve immediately before the First World War. In fact, by 1914, the Islands were no longer on the verge of isolation.[1180] Also, with the outbreak of the War employment returned. Malta was used increasingly not only by the Royal Navy, but also by the warships of allied navies, particularly the French. The Dockyard started working at full capacity, repairing and refitting vessels. Malta also became the hospitalisation centre for countries from the Dardanelles and Salonica campaigns and tens of thousands of wounded men were treated on the Island.[1181] However, it has already been said that an economy that depends on wars is a non enduring one.[1182] Also, the War brought with it an increase in the cost of living. Even the price of several basic commodities went higher and higher. The table here shows this quite clearly:

 

Basic

necessities

1914

1919

Rice

1c2 per rotolo

3c6 per rotolo

Sugar

1c8 per rotolo

4c6 per rotolo

Eggs

4c6 a dozen

14c a dozen

Milk

2c per tin

6c per tin

Table 10[1183]

 

To make the situation worse the wages did not increase proportionately. There was a war bonus, but the salaries still did not compare well with the rise in the cost of living. The situation became worse after the War: insufficient wages and unemployment went higher and higher. The strike organised in 1917 by the Imperial Government Workers Union, and in which many Dockyard workers took part, makes the above quite evident. This made the Maltese rely on bread as their staple food, which meant that an increase in the cost of bread would mean nothing but starvation. Unfortunately this is what happened because the London Royal Commission of Wheat Supplies did not want to give Malta the wheat at a moderate price. Rather, in December 1918 the price was higher than the one in England itself.[1184] The table here shows the escalation:

 

 

1913

1914

1917

1918

Bread

per rotolo

 

1c

 

1c5 or 1c8

 

2c2

 

3c2

Table 11[1185]

           

If those who had low wages suffered a lot, the unemployed suffered more and more. The situation was unsustainable and in April 1919 a crowd of people gathered in Valletta, in front of the Casino Maltese, where the rich of the Island usually gathered, in order to ask the intercession of these as regards a reduction in the price of bread. Something was done for a while because from April to June 1919 the price of bread went down from 3c2 to 2c.[1186] This was still high for the poor population of Malta. These two tragic realities, unemployment and the high prices of basic commodities, especially bread, led to the Sette Giugno riots.[1187]

                   - The National Assembly - justice with all the Maltese

In 1918, Dr. Filippo Sceberras started a national movement for greater constitutional liberties. Associations in Malta and Gozo were invited to send delegates to a National Assembly. The 270 delegates were chosen from different walks of life. Mgr De Piro was nominated as one of the four representatives of the Cathedral Chapter and the clergy.[1188]

The National Assembly had its first meeting on 25 February 1919 and a proposal for a greater autonomy in local affairs was accepted. This proposal, which met with half-hearted enthusiasm by the British Colonial Authorities, [1189] served to raise expectations among the general Maltese population.

                   - Saturday, 7 June 1919 - justice with the unemployed and the other poor Maltese[1190]

The second meeting of the National Assembly was held on Saturday, 7 June 1919,[1191] at the Giovine Malta and at a time when there was a considerable tension on the Island owing to the widespread unemployment mentioned above. A fortuitous spark turned the mass of people who went to Valletta on that fateful day into a riotous mob.[1192] The Maltese policemen could not control them and the British soldiers who were called up in their stead lost their heads and fired on the unarmed rioters. Four Maltese men died from gunshot wounds that day, with a furthur two dying in the following days.[1193] All this took place while the National Assembly was discussing a proposal to select a Central Commision to draft a constitution for Malta.[1194] Mgr De Piro in his capacity of Dean of the Cathedral Chapter was chosen as the representative of the Island’s Cathedral Chapter and clergy among the fifteen representatives of the Central Commission.[1195]

The second meeting of the National Assembly was dramatically interrupted when the crowd brought one of the above mentioned wounded men into the Giovine Malta, the place where the members of the National Assembly were meeting. Those who entered the hall asked the delegates to intervene on their behalf with the British Government. Out of the many members present for the second meeting only a few remained to give a hand: Advocate A. Caruana Gatto, Advocate S. Vella, Fr Nerik Dandria, Councillor G. Vassallo, Saviour Zammit Hammet … and Mgr Joseph De Piro. These ran the streets of Valletta, trying to calm down the mob.[1196] An Inquest Commission was set up by the Government in order to establish the facts of that sad event. This was made up of Judge A. Parnis LLD, as President; Dr M. Debono LLD; Magistrate L. Camilleri LLD; Col E.W.S. Broke CMG, DSO; and Lieut., Col., W. T. Bromfield.[1197]  Mgr De Piro was called to give his testimony on 21 and 26 August 1919. Here are the facts as reported by him, and some of the others who accompanied him:

Judge A. Parnis said, “Your name has been mentioned by many witnesses. Can you, please, tell me what you saw on Saturday, 7 June and Sunday, 8 June?” De Piro replied “I was present at the meeting of the National Assembly as Delegate of the Cathedral Chapter. After the discussion had lasted an hour and a half, someone entered the hall of the ‘Giovine Malta Club’ where the Assembly was holding the meeting. The person who came in showed us a hand­kerchief stained with blood and said: ‘See what they have done to us; you must protect us, you must protect us’. After this, order was restored and the meeting was closed. I was asked to find some other members of the Assembly so that we might try to restore peace among the people. I accepted the request. We were six or seven. We tried to find out by telephone where to locate Mr. Robertson, the Lieutenant Governor, and we were informed that he was in the office of the Commissioner of Police. We rang up the Assistant Commissioner of police to give us police protection, to accompany us to the police station; but no help was forth­coming.”[1198]

 

Major Hunter Blair stated at the Inquest, “I was officially in charge of the Government Administration during the month of May right up until 10th June.”[1199] Caruana Gatto stated, “We were in Strada S. Lucia and we thought of crossing the road to go to the Law Courts, as we wanted to see the Officer Administering the Government and the Lieutenant Governor, Mr. Robertson.”[1200] Mgr De Piro continued:

We went on our own and tried to enter the Law Courts by the back door in Strada Stretta, then we could reach the police station; but we did not succeed. We tried again and from Strada Stretta we went on to Strada S. Giovanni, but as we reached Strada Reale we heard a shot. So we turned back to the Club, the ‘Giovine Malta’. Later we learnt that those were shots fired accidentally by soldiers in the Police Station.[1201]

 

Major General Hunter Blair received the following inform­ation:

A telephone message from the Lieutenant Governor who was at the police station informed me that the Delegation wished to see me at my home. I said ‘I am prepared to receive them’. I later got another telephone message telling me the Delegation were on their way to me. However, the Delegates did not manage to make their way through the crowds, and so they turned back to the police station.[1202]

 

Mgr De Piro continued, “In the Club, the ‘Giovine Malta’, we found the Assistant Commissioner of Police waiting for us, and he accompanied us to the police station.”[1203]

The Lt. Governor, Mr. Robertson, was at the Law Courts. So they went through Strada S. Lucia and Strada Reale to enter the Courts. Mgr De Piro omitted in his evidence what occurred there. Advocate Caruana Gatto relates,

The first time we tried to enter the Law Courts, people in the crowd were unfriendly towards us, especially towards Mgr De Piro, and shouted: ‘You are to blame for all this!’. Mgr De Piro replied: ‘Well, well. We are trying to save you, and you are blaming us!. [1204]

 

At the end of his evidence, Monsignor was asked many questions. One of these was, “Did not someone swear at you?” Mgr De Piro answered all the questions, but according to Alexander Bonnici he gave no importance to the above. He did not want to harm his people, feeling that the impatient crowd was not inciting an attack on the clergy. Words, said in anger by persons in a frustrated crowd and addressed to him as a priest, were ignored and omitted in his evidence. How­ever, later, on 9 June, there were evident signs of anti­clericalism in the angry mob.[1205] Mgr De Piro’s equanimity in his evidence again revealed his integrity.[1206]

Mgr De Piro continued:

We spoke to the Lt. Governor , asking him to withdraw troops from the streets, and we guaranteed that the people would be pacified. Robertson was not fully convinced, and several times he asked us the same question: ‘Were we really able to guarantee a peaceful outcome?’ We answered that it was necessary for us to obtain permission to address the crowd from one of the windows of the Law Courts. This was granted.... Advocate Caruana Gatto spoke to the crowd, relating what had passed between us and the Lt. Governor. He asked the people to disperse, thus helping us as mediators to keep our word to the Lt. Governor. The crowd showed signs of co-operation, and we thought we had succeeded in our task. This, however, was not yet to be. The crowd first insisted on the soldiers leaving the Law Courts. This request was passed on to Mr. Robertson, who promised to order all soldiers back to their barracks . . . The excited crowd demanded more than the departure of soldiers from the Law Courts and in loud voices they claimed that justice be meted out to them.[1207]

 

In his evidence, Fr Enrico Dandria, one of the members of the Delegation, said, “We promised them that whoever had been guilty of the shedding of blood on that day would be punished.[1208] Caruana Gatto affirmed the same:

We spoke to the crowd and assured them that those responsible for mistakes made on that day would be punished. We advised the crowd to disperse. Mgr De Piro, Advocate Vella and myself felt they were satisfied and the crowd started to disperse, when unfortunately at that moment, a group of Royal Marines arrived, and the crowd was infuriated again.[1209]

 

De Piro added that it took two and a half hours to calm down the crowd, because the Marines appeared to be heading towards the Law Courts. Whistling and booing became tumultuous and it was feared shooting would start again if the people lost their control. Fortunately this did not ensue. De Piro stated that the Delegation remained there until all the Marines had left the Law Courts.[1210] 

This statement tallies with Fr Enrico Dandria’s evidence, “We went out and told the crowd to promise not to molest the Marines; and we told the Marines to take no notice of the whistling, while they were walking out of the Courts. They felt reassured by our words, and we accompanied them as far as St. John’s Church.”[1211]

                   - Sunday, 8 June 1919 - justice with the unemployed and the other poor Maltese (continued)

The following day, 8 June, turned out to be a day full of turbulence and a time of grave anxiety for De Piro. The Maltese were still restless, and, as usually happens in times of riots, criminals take advantage of the situation for their own interests, and are not in the least concerned with love of country. In his evidence the Servant of God did not refer to his own efforts to move Advocate Caruana Gatto to continue their work of peace, but the words of Caruana Gatto reveal Monsignor as the leader of the mediators, “Sunday morning I was not feeling well. At 8.30, Mgr De Piro came and said: ‘Yesterday we assumed the responsibility of calming down the people. It is our duty to see what we can do to put a stop to this unrest. We must do something this very day’ .”[1212]

Advocate Caruana Gatto was prepared to do his part. He felt it necessary to have the support of Mgr De Piro, because his presence made him feel strong enough to face the unruly mob. That same morning, serious incidents had taken place: an English soldier had been gravely injured, the printing office of the Malta Chronicle had been attacked and there had been abusive shouting in front of the Casino Maltese. Mgr De Piro stated:

On Sunday morning I went with Advocate Caruana Gatto and Advocate Serafino Vella to Dr. Sceberras in Floriana, who came back with us to Valletta and we decided to go to General Hunter Blair, who was the Officer Administering the Government. We wished to warn him that we were expecting trouble, as there was great unrest among the Maltese. A rumour was going round that a British soldier had been killed, and we wanted to stop the riot from getting out of control. I cannot remember exactly what we said to General Hunter Blair; I was very upset like the rest of us. The General ad­dressed the crowd from the Palace balcony. The crowd clamoured for an inquest and the General promised to authorise it.[1213] 

 

The President of the Inquest asked De Piro if he had asked the General to speak to the people from the balcony of the Palace. De Piro answered:

It was the General himself who offered to speak. The crowd demanded that the troops would not be allowed to leave the Island before the Inquest would be held. The General promised he would see to that. We also spoke to the General who promised the Inquest would be held, and further promised that officers and persons involved in the happenings would not leave the Island until the Inquest be closed.[1214] 

 

From the evidence given, it was obvious how serious matters were. In the report at the conclusion of the Inquest, the cause of the riot was commented on, “Before the war, the number of workmen employed at the Dockyard had been around 4,600, and during the war it rose to about 12,000. It was understandable that the same number could not be retained. Discharges were expected, and the local employment market was insufficient for the number of unemployed.”[1215]

Mgr De Piro defended the cause of the Maltese, and in his evidence he added:

I spoke to the General regarding the discharges from the Dockyard because the people were affirming that about 2,000 workmen had been discharged, and I personally felt this was unfair to the Maltese, who had done four years of valid work during the war. The General replied that my statement was not correct; only 500 had been discharged.[1216] 

 

Sunday afternoon brought with it still more turbulence, and Lt. Governor Robertson was again in touch with the mediators, asking them for help. Here Advocate Caruana Gatto said:

On Sunday afternoon, I received a message from Mr. Robertson, sent by the Inspector of Police, saying he wished to see me. I went to the Police Office in the Law Courts building and met Mr. Robertson, who told me he wished me to be with him when he spoke to the people because he knew the crowds were still very agitated. I told him that my presence alone would be useless, and I had to have with me Mgr De Piro and Advocate Serafino Vella. It was necessary for the people to see the same faces they had seen before.[1217]

 

When Advocate Caruana Gatto went to ‘La Valletta Band Club’, he found greater unrest: firing had taken place and the Maltese were being pelted with pennies. Advocate Caruana Gatto met Advocate Vella, and together they went to Robertson, who was at the General’s house. Mgr De Piro entered and gave them the news that the crowd was becoming uncontrollable, and that Francia’s home, facing the Royal Theatre, was being attacked.[1218] Mgr De Piro said, “We must go and tell the people to stop this aggressive rampage; it will only delay and ruin our good cause.”[1219]

The Servant of God minimised his share in the ‘cause’ when he related what happened, “I was asked to join Advocate Caruana Gatto and Advocate Serafino Vella for the same reason: to calm down the people. I accepted, and together we went close to the area of the Theatre.”[1220] Here Monsignor omitted what he had witnessed. Advocate Caruana Gatto said, “Mgr De Piro, Advocate Vella and I were standing on the portico of the Theatre, and from there we assisted at the assault on Francia’s house. People with wooden rods in their hands were trying to break down the front door of the house.”[1221]

Advocate Caruana Gatto made here a relevant comment, “I must say that on that day, the crowd was not made up of the same people as the day before. I saw many faces familiar to me in the Criminal Court.”[1222] 

The President of the Inquest Commission asked Mgr De Piro if he had spoken to the people that afternoon. The Servant of God answered, “No; only Advocate Caruana Gatto tried to speak and later when his voice was not audible because of the deafening noise, and he was inclined to leave the spot, I was asked to tell the people to come closer to us to be able to hear us.”[1223] The President of the Inquest Commission asked De Piro, “Did you not tell them that what they were doing was wrong?” De Piro answered, “I wished to say something, but all I said was for them to come closer”.[1224]

At this point a nasty incident occurred, of which we have first-hand evidence from Advocate Caruana Gatto. It appears Monsignor preferred to keep silent about what happened:

At first the mob abandoned the attempt on Francia’s house, and gathered around us. I told them that attacking that house had nothing to do with politics, and asked them to stop if they wanted our political demands to have a successful outcome. However, the criminal element in the crowd gained the upper hand. They started booing us, swearing and stealing money from our pockets, and returned to Francia’s home to break down the back door. We warned them that if they carried on in this way, the army would be called in again, and there would be bloodshed. Our words, however, had no effect.[1225]

 

Mgr De Piro did not want to refer to this pillage and said simply, “We realised all we were doing was of no avail; the two gentlemen with me (Caruana Gatto and Vella) decided to leave the site, and I went with them.”[1226]

Advocate Caruana Gatto was taken ill and retired to bed.[1227]

Although the members of the National Assembly involved in the mediation between the Government and the Maltese were six people, only three were continually following the events and placing themselves in danger: Mgr De Piro and the two lawyers, Caruana Gatto and Serafino Vella.[1228]

This was not the only task assumed by Mgr De Piro. For that very day, 8 June, a Committee was formed ‘Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919’. De Piro was the only priest member of this Committee, which continued meeting until January 1926, offering help to the families of the victims and to those who had been injured. He was in fact the treasurer of this Committee.[1229]

                   - Monday, 9 June 1919 - justice with the Archbishop

Lawrence Grixti, the faithful butler of the De Piro family, gave evidence, without distinguishing the precise dates of events, and relating everything as if it all occurred within a short time, “We saw a great crowd in front of the Theatre, but their attention was directed to Francia’s house. One could hear shouting, smashing of things, and at times furniture being hurled out of the windows, as well as a piano.”[1230]

Events occurring on 9 June show us how Mgr De Piro endeavoured to prevent the tumult from growing in intensity. Lawrence Grixti mentioned Archbishop Mauro Caruana, Bishop Angelo Portelli and the Servant of God. Some Maltese were plotting to attack the Archbishop’s residence in Valletta. The rumour was so rife that Archbishop Caruana showed partiality towards the English and public opinion unjustly condemned him for not sufficiently supporting the Maltese. On Sunday evening rumours went round regarding people inciting hot heads with hatred saying, “We’ll blow up with dynamite the Archbishop’s Palace and all it contains.[1231]

This menace reached the Dominican Bishop Portelli,[1232] as well as Mgr De Piro. Early on Monday morning the Servant of God went to Valletta to carry on with his mission of peace. He went straight to the Archbishop’s residence, where he found Bishop Portelli and Archbishop Caruana, who had already asked the Royal Marines to withdraw from guarding the premises. The presence of the Marines armed with rifles had infuriated the crowd. Mgr De Piro found a mob in front of the Palace. He asked Lawrence to stay among the people listening to what was being said and then reporting to him. A little later Lawrence related that threats were spreading among the people, directed towards the Archbishop.[1233]

Inside the Palace, the atmosphere was tense as the Archbishop surrounded by a few priests listened to the tumultuous uproar of the crowd outside. One man hung on to the front door bell tugging at it with all his might.[1234]  Both Bishop Portelli and De Piro went out and faced the crowd, addressing the people, “What do you want, my sons?”, Mgr De Piro asked.[1235] Some were heard saying, “We want to burn down the Curia!”[1236] The Servant of God answered, “All that there is here, isn’t it yours? Come. .. Calm down. .. And now quietly move away”.[1237]

The kind tone and approach of Bishop Portelli and Mgr De Piro - two people who had done so much for the Maltese ­brought about a certain lull in the anger of the crowd and Archbishop Caruana authorised Bishop Portelli to speak in his name to the people.

On 1 September 1919, Mgr Panzavecchia stated before the Inquest Commission that Bishop Portelli spoke on the Palace Square and later from the balcony of St. John’s. Those present had been calmed down by what he said.[1238]  The following is an excerpt from Bishop Portelli’s address, “ Do not listen to the few who are inciting you to create trouble. Follow the leaders of the National Assembly: Dr. Filippo Sceberras, Advocate Caruana Gatto and Mgr De Piro. These are leaders you can rely on.”[1239]

The task of Mgr De Piro was rightly mentioned by a writer of our time, on the well known event of 7 June 1919. This event revealed Mgr De Piro as a true patriot, and the same writer highlighted the fact by mentioning “the fruitful task of Mgr De Piro”.[1240]

Malta’s attempt to achieve freedom from foreign interfer­ence was slowly materialising. De Piro was esteemed by the British Authorities; in him they recognised the ideal mediator, who had true Maltese blood running in his veins. As a Maltese patriot, with deep love for his country, Mgr De Piro was of the opinion that we Maltese ought to have the freedom to govern ourselves. His contribution was valuable at a time when it would have been easy for hot-headed patriots or ambitious men to take advantage of the situation for their own selfish interests. His kind and calming words united the Maltese, and the British were ready to under­stand what was expected of them. De Piro’s task, as well as that of those who shared the same ideals for the good of their country, was a great help in the movement towards the approval of a Constitution whereby the Maltese would be granted self government. Mgr De Piro’s mission on 7, 8 and 9 June 1919 marked a step forward, made by a true Christian convinced that, as an active member of the National Assembly, his efforts to help his people would lead Malta to obtain what the Island deserved.[1241] It seems befitting to stress this fact by a statement published eight years later:

Sacerdote integerrimo, esempio vivente di pietà vera e di unzione santa, patriota che conobbe le ansie, i triboli, le tristezze dei moti del 7 giugno 1919 che lo videro tra il fuoco ed i feriti. Fr Joseph De Piro offre alla sua Chiesa ed alla sua Patria il tipo del sacerdote modello e del cittadino patriota, che s’impone all’amore ed all’ammirazione di tutti.[1242]


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter Three

De Piro’s love for evangelisation:

De Piro’s evangelisation to the faithful, his second evangelisation and his first evangelisation

 

Section I

De Piro’s “evangelisation to the faithful” or his evangelisation to the Maltese in Malta

 

(i)  De Piro’s drawn evangelisation in Malta

                   - Introduction: the devotion of the face of the suffering Jesus

A little while after the death of Leo Dupont, an association, the Archconfraternity of the Holy Face was erected by Pope Leo XIII. This association was erected in the year 1885 in order (1) to incorporate “… in the whole world” all those who in venerating Christ’s outraged face, wish to unite themselves to the act of love by which he has saved the world.[1243] This devotion was introduced in Malta by a certain Mgr Sidor Formosa. In fact on 3 August 1889 he wrote an article in order to diffuse this same devotion.[1244] All this could have influenced Joseph since his early youth.

                   - De Piro’s drawing of the face of the suffering Jesus

In Chapter One reference has been made to the discernment carried out by young Joseph De Piro in order to arrive at the choice of his vocation. Joseph did this exercise by putting down the reasons in favour and against his choosing to the priesthood. Reason 5 shows quite clearly that Jesus’ suffering love was a strong experience for this young University student, “Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio avendo Egli sofferto pei miei peccati.”[1245]

Joseph in fact decided in favour of the priesthood. That same year, 1898, he abandoned the law studies and went to Rome for his philosophy and theology.[1246] Some four years passed and Joseph was doing his third year theology in Rome. The Bishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, repeatedly invited De Piro to continue his studies at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica Dei Nobili”, after his being ordained priest. But in fact Joseph had already thought that returning to Malta after ordination he would go to St Joseph’s Orphanage to help other priests with the poor boys of the Institute.[1247] Again, the Servant of God wrote down the reasons in favour and against the “Accademia” and the Orphanage. Even here the sufferings of Jesus for him were presented as one of the reasons for his preferring St Joseph’s Home, “Infatti allorchè per mezzo del mio rettore, mandai’ al Presidente dell’Accademia la negativa, sperimentaì grande consolazione nel pensare di aver scelto la corona di spine con Gesù anzichè quella delle rose.”[1248]

But even before this phase in his life, the Servant of God had shown that God’s love for us expressed in the sufferings of Jesus had been quite vivid for him. I have already said that in his childhood and young age Joseph practiced the art of drawing and painting.[1249] In 1891, when he was only fourteen years of age, Joseph De Piro made use of this talent, and in one of his drawings exteriorised his belief in the divine suffering love.[1250]

                   - A study of the drawing

The drawing presents the bust of Jesus, crowned with thorns. It can be said to be an image of the Ecce Homo. Studying Joseph’s drawing one can notice that the artist has put few thorns on Jesus’ head, and these are put in a rather orderly way. As if the Servant of God wanted on the one hand to be faithful to the Scripture tradition and therefore presented Jesus crowned with thorns, [1251] but on the other hand he did not seem to be courageous to put too many on Jesus’ head. Also, some of the thorns do not even touch the Lord’s crown.

The same can be said regarding the blood coming out from the head and other parts of the body of Jesus: De Piro put some drops of blood but not too many; he only wanted to remind the others of Jesus’ sufferings.

Jesus’ eyes show quite clearly his sufferings; they are broken; the Lord is really suffering a lot. While suffering Jesus looks up; he seems to be communicating with the One above. De Piro seemed to be wanting to remind those who saw his drawing that the Son and the Father are one,[1252] even at this moment. The Suffering One is asking mercy from the One above. Maybe Joseph wanted to gather together several moments of the passion of Jesus in this one phase of his sufferings: eg., the moment when Jesus was praying to the Father in the Garden of Olives to have mercy on him.[1253]

Jesus is presented by the Servant of God as the sign of contradiction: the Son of God is silent, but he is very eloquent; Jesus’ eyes show that he is calm, quiet, not shouting, but he is undoubtedly in communication with the Father; he is praying to him in silence.[1254] Jesus seems to pray calmly, quietly and without any shouting that his lips are closed. He is communicating with the Father only internally. For De Piro, Jesus was convinced of what he had said before, namely that “…your Father who sees all that is done in secret will reward you.”[1255]

Again Jesus is presented as a sign of contradiction because he is drawn as weak, very weak, but at the same time quite strong. The Lord is undoubtedly effected a lot by his sufferings, but he is still in possesion of his virtues: he is suffering in faith, he is suffering and still believing. De Piro presented Jesus’ trust in the Father and therefore his non despair also by drawing his hair well made.

De Piro’s drawing presents Jesus as far as his shoulders. It is a bust. And these are bare, naked. One can see the flesh. The suffering one is God, but he is also the one who is incarnated, who became human.

When drawing, the Servant of God was always very attentive for the preciseness and balance in the measures. The face of the suffering Jesus is not an exception. De Piro wanted to present Jesus as the perfect man.

Jesus has been presented by young Joseph as holding a reed in his hand.[1256] He is not holding it in anger. But he is not happy, either; he is not naive.

I cannot say why De Piro drew only the face of the suffering Jesus and not the whole figure of the Lord. When further on in his life Joseph referred to the sufferings of Jesus, he mentioned the whole suffering Jesus. Nor can I say why the Servant of God used the pencil and not some other medium, say the oil colours, to present the face of the suffering Jesus; we still have an oil painting done by the Founder. The reason can be a simple one; it could have been that Joseph was not yet good at oil painting in 1891; the oil painting we have was done by the Servant of God in 1895, four years after the one of the face of the suffering Jesus.

This drawing seems to be the starting point of the life of De Piro; he drew the face of the suffering Jesus almost at the beginning of his life. Joseph De Piro adopted the suffering Jesus as his model. He himself lived continuously like the suffering Lord. He was uninterruptedly a living contradiction – he was weak in his physique but very strong of character, he was very fragile but did great things. Also he countinuously suffered in silence. One can rightly say that there is Joseph De Piro in the drawing of the face of the suffering Jesus.

It is also most important to say that while all the other drawings were found wrapped in paper and therefore hidden from the eyes of all, the drawing of the face of the suffering Jesus was put in a frame and hung to a wall in the family palace, at Mdina, for all to see. Since he was fourteen De Piro wanted to evangelise everyone about the sufferings of the Lord Jesus.

 

(ii)  De Piro’s preached evangelisation in Malta

Mgr De Piro has been presented at one moment as the “Minister of the Word”.[1257] Rightly so. Although, we, the members of his Missionary Society, do not seem to have all the sermons of our Founder,[1258] we still have four hundred pages of complete speeches or at least notes of sermons.

                   - The Word of God as the basic source

De Piro’s preaching abounds in references from Holy Scripture. The Old Testament quotations are from Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Deuteronomy, 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings, Nehemiah, Judith, 2 Maccabees, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Qohelet, Song of Songs, Wisdom, Sirach, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel and Hosea.[1259] As regards the New Testament, the Servant of God referred quite a lot to the four Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Ephisians, Philippians, Colossians, 1 Thessalonians, 1 and 2 Timothy, Hebrews, James, 1 Peter, 1 John, and the Book of Revelation.[1260] And these sermons were delivered at a time when Holy Scripture was not as widely diffused among the faithful as today!

                   - Hagiography and the writings of spiritual masters as another source

It is also clear that the Servant of God was familiar with the hagiography and with the writings of the Early Fathers of the Church.[1261] He also relied on some well-known and popular writers, especially Padre Paolo Segneri, who wrote the Esercizi Spirituali, and Il Quaresimale (3 Volumes).[1262]

                   - The themes of De Piro’s preaching in Malta

                   - The Word of God

A sermon De Piro delivered to a community of Franciscan Sisters, reflected his personal attitude towards the Word of God. In this sermon, Monsignor highlighted the following particular dispositions:

1.             Avere un vivo desiderio di cavarne frutto e non andarne per usanza o per complimento. Come chi va a mangiare con grande appetito, è segno di santità e di buona disposizione cosi’ chi ha fame della parola di Dio da sengo che stia bene nell’anima propria. Dall’altro lato come chi mostra nausea a tavola da sengo di malessere, cosi’ chi si porta a sentir la parola di Dio quasi trascinato, da segno di non star bene nell’anima. Chi ama Dio vuol sentire di Dio. Come il padre o la madre che ama il figlio piace loro sentire parlare degli stessi. S. Giovianni: "Qui ex Deo est, verbo Dei audit." Propterea nos non auditis quia vos Deo non estis.

2.             Non andarci per curiosità od eleganza delle parole ma dobbiamo badarci alla sostanza di quel che si dice. Non fare come il malato che gli occorre fare una operazione e si ferma solo aguardare alla eleganza degli strumenti chirurgici. Costoro fanno come il crivello che lascia passare il grano ed il fior di farina e conserva a se la paglia e la crusca. Si legge nel secondo liBr di Esdra che parlando egli al popolo della legge di Dio tanto erano i pianti e la commossione che i leviti si portavano in mezzo al popolo per acchetarlo per poter sentire la voce del predicatore. Cosi’ dobbiamo sentire la predica con comprensione interna paragonando le nostre azioni a quello che ci viene detto.

3.             Andare per sentire cose ordinarie e conoscerle ed infervorarci in esse, e non cose straordinarie e nuove. San Paolo ai Filippesi: "Eadem vobis scribere mihi quidem non pigrum, vobis antem necessarium". Quantunque sapeva poteva dire cose nuove egli che era rapito al terzo cielo.

4.             Applicare a se, non agli altri, quello che si sente. Non parla di tincianti - non vedere la paglia nell’occhio del prossimo (S. Matteo). Cerchiamo di essere commensali e non trincianti. L’Ecclesiastico dice l’uomo prudente applica a se tutte le parole, l’uomo vizioso le getta dietro alle spalle.

5.             “Ante languorum adhibite medicinam.” (Ecclesiasticus). Si parla dei difetti per prevenirli e non per repremirli.

6.             Quello che si dice in generale ciascuno se lo prenda per se.[1263]

 

The Servant of God ended his exhortation, underlining St. James’ appeal, “Estote factores verbi et non auditores tantum fallentes vosmetipsos”.[1264]

-         Jesus’ presence among us

                   - The incarnation of Jesus Christ

At the centre of Monsignor’s reflection was Our Lord and especially his Incarnation, “La Religione nostra tutta quanta è compresa nell’idea della presenza di Dio in mezzo a noi”.[1265]  At another moment he said that:

La natura umana assunta dalla natura divina le riusciva di nascondere questa tanto quanto riesce ad una nuvoletta nascondere il sole, essa viene da questo illuminata e da un lato o dall’altro i raggi non mancano di sfondarla. Così ancora succedeva alla natura divina nascosta sotto l’umanità assunta di Gesù Cristo, dal suo sguardo imponente, dalla sua parola affascinante, dalla sua azione maestosa e non di rado miracolosa, appariva la sua divinità.[1266]

                   - Jesus’ crucifixion

For Mgr De Piro, the Crucifixion of Jesus was another moment revealing God’s presence among us, “Negli altri misteri la divinità si disvela - sul Calvario: ‘Vere hic homo Filius Dei erat’. Non solo non appare Dio ma neanche uomo. Eppure dice San Tomaso ‘è il maximum miraculum Christi’.”[1267]

                   - The Eucharist

From the Incarnation De Piro turned to the Eucharist, his other favourite theme, “Ma niente, niente, e la divinità, e l’umanità tutta nascosta sotto la forma comune di pane e di vino, tutto silenzio, nessun segno di vita. Oh mistero d’umiliazione! Oh umiltà profonda!”.[1268] One can add another three quotations from the written sermons of the Servant of God on the Eucharist:

L’ultimo termine (della presenza e della vita di Gesù) consiste nell’unione più intima con noi per trasformarci in se stesso. Disse un giorno a Sant’Agostino “cresci e mi mangerai! ma non come il tuo cibo corporale muterai me in tua sostanza; si bene tu sarai mutato in me”. La deificazione dell’uomo per la grazia e nella gloria è l’opera più bella della nostra religione. Nell’incarnazione la natura divina è unita alla natura umana; e Gesù divenne della nostra famiglia; e nostro fratello secondo la carne. Nell’Eucaristia si unisce a ciascuno di noi per farci partecipi della sua divina natura.[1269]

 

“L’Eucaristia è il compimento dell’incarnazione .. Ma che cosa abbiamo noi da invidiarvi…Voi l’avrete ad intervalli di tempo noi l’abbiamo continuamente ... ... Dopo l’unione della Gloria, la Comunione è l’unione più stretta che la creatura possa contrarre con Dio. Si fine ultimo dell’Eucaristia è l’unione dell’uomo a Dio. Tutti gli altri sacramenti ci uniscono, senza dubbio a Dio, ma questo solo (l’eucaristia) ha l’unione per suo oggetto immediato. Per quanto due uomini si amino tra di loro, le loro anime restano sempre separate, ed un cuore umano giammai può fondersi in un altro cuore. Ma nell’Eucaristia, ma nella Comunione, l’anima nostra diviene una sola cosa coll’anima di Gesù, lo spirito suo diviene una sola cosa collo spirito nostro. I Santi Padri per spiegarci in qualche modo quest’Unione ci apportano l’esempio di due pezzi di cera fissi insieme, o di due metalli - Ma quale unione più intima di quella che passa tra di noi ed il nostro nutrimento. Questo entra nella sostanza del nostro corpo, diviene il nostro sangue e le nostre ossa; si cangia in quel cervello con cui pensiamo ed in quel cuore con cui amiamo. È in questo modo che si compie la nostra unione con Gesù nell’eucartistia, con questo pero che Gesu attira noi a se e ci assorbe come l’elemento più forte attira ed assorbe l’elemento più debole ed ecco perchè al tempo della Comunione ciascuno di noi con verità può dire con San Paolo "Vivo ego, iam non ego, vivit vero in me Christus." Io vivo ma non son io che vivo ma è Gesù Cristo che vive in me - si per mezzo dell’Eucaristia il nostro intelletto viene illuminato dalla luce dell’intelligenza divina, il nostro cuore cambia la sua forza naturale d’amore in una potenza di amore sopranaturale e divina - lo stesso nostro corpo a poco a poco perde i suoi istinti materiali, ed invece di peso, ostacolo e nemico dell’anima diviene anzi un servo fedelissimo - Venga a testificarci questa verità San Tomaso d’Aquino che oltre ad essere l’angelo della scuola fu anche un serafino dell’Eucaristia. Ce lo testifichò S. Teresa di Gesù, Santa M. Maddalena de Pazzi, San Pasquale Baylon, Sant’ Andrea Avellino, il Venerabile Eymard, e tanti e tanti altri santi. ... ... ... Vedete infatti l’Eucaristia non è altro che una fornace d’amore divino, cosi’ infatti si degnò G.C. stesso apparire alla Beata Alachoque mentre adorava il S.S. Sacramento, egli le mostrò il suo cuore tutto avvampato come se stesso dentro una fornace. Ora l’azione, il fine del fuoco è di investire talmente di sua virtù gli oggetti a cui s’appiglia che più non si distinguono dal fuoco medesimo. E gli effetti che produce differiscono dalla diversità degli oggetti sottoposti alla sua azione cosi’ p.e.riscalda, mette in ebollizione, scioglie in vapore l’acqua; dissecca, avvampa, carbonizzi, incenerisce il legno; arroventa, ammollisce e liquefa il ferro.

Ora applichiamo questo principio a ciò che stiamo trattando. Nell’Eucatistia questo fuoco dell’amore divino di natura sua investe totalmente tutti coloro che comunicandosi si appressano a lui e si sottomettono alla sua azione. Ecco perchè le anime nostre sentono certi slanci verso Dio; ecco perchè certe estasi di amore in alcuni al solo pensarvi che stanno innanzi a Gesù Sacramentato - ecco perchè altre anime si sentono sciogliere in lacrime al solo accostarvisi alla sacra mensa. Ecco come si spiegano quelle fiamme d’amor divino (S. Stanislao Kostka), ecco come si spiegano quei volti raggianti di tante e tante anime belle agli occhi di Dio.

Ma quando nelle vite dei Santi noi leggiamo di simili effetti dell’Eucaristia, subito gridiamo al miracolo! miracolo!.

Oh quanto siamo ciechi! È egli miracolo che il fuoco abbruci, avvampi, assoventi, liquefaccia e trasformi in se ciò che viene sottoposto alla sua azione? Il miracolo sarebbe vedere un pezzo di ghiaccio, che avvicinato al fuoco non si liquefacesse, che un pezzo di legno gettato in una fornace non avvampasse, che il metallo posto nel crogiolo si rimanesse freddo, rigido, insolubile: questo si che sarebbe miracolo.

E questo miracolo siamo noi. Si! Noi siamo questo miracolo di insensibilità, che non proviamo gli effetti della SSma Comunione - che ci lamentiamo di trovarci sempre gli stessi dopo tante comunioni, quasi che l’eccellenza, il fine e gli effetti dell’Eucaristia, di cui abbiamo oggi parlato, fosserò una favola o per lo meno un’esagerazione di qualche mente riscaldata. Ah! se vogliamo la ragione vera cerchiamola entro noi e la troveremo nei numerosi difetti con cui ci accostiamo a questo Sacramento particolarmente nella mancanza di fede e di carità.[1270]

 

Perchè Gesù nell’istituire questo sacramento - non aveva per fine, di essere onorato dagli uomini, ma il suo fine era di apprestare a tutti noi un cibo che dia ed accresca la vita delle anime nostre. Ogni qualvolta infatti ne parlò di questo mistero sia agli Apostoli sia alle turbe di Galilea, sempre ne parlò sotto l’aspetto di cibo. Il mio corpo è veramente cibo, ed il mio sangue è veramente bevanda. "Caro mea vere est cibus, et sanguis meus vere est potus". “Il pane che io vi darò”, disse loro un’ altra volta, “è la mia carne" - panis quem ego dabo caro mea est". E come promise la vita eterna a coloro che avrebbero mangiato di questo pane, cosi’ anche la negò a coloro che avrebbero rifiutato di mangiare di questo pane. Ecco perciò che il segno più grande di rispetto che noi possiamo mostrare a Gesù in questo solenne Congresso Eucaristico è appunto di accostarci alla sacra mensa con una prepazione più grande e più fervorosa.

Ed i sentimenti che devono albergare nella nostra mente e nel nostro cuore siano sentimenti di fede, sentimenti di amore.

Sentimenti di fede perchè qua ci troviamo dinanzi ad un mistero di fede. Se la fede infatti è la dimostrazione delle cose che non si veggono. "Argumentum rerum non apparentium", come ci dice San Paolo. Ditemelo qual segno abbiamo noi della presenza di Dio in questo sacramento. Nulla, nulla affatto, tutto silenzio nessun segno di vita. Nella sua vita mortale era nascosta la divinità ma quà e anche nascosta l’umanità. Ma quello che i sensi non ci scoprono, la fede ce lo dimostra. "Prestet fides supplementum sensuum defectui". Si noi, o Gesù!, Vi riconosciamo qui’ presente, e come tale vi prestiamo la nostra profonda adorazione, “tantum ergo sacramentum, veneremur cernui". Si, o Gesù quantunque nascosto sotto le specie sacramentali, noi vi crediamo presente col corpo, col sangue, coll’anima e colla divinità. Si, confessiamo dinanzi al cielo ed alla terra che quello che stiamo per ricevere nella santa comunione è quello stesso Gesù che nacque nel seno purissimo della vergine Maria, è quello stesso Gesù che consumò la sua vita mortale nell’ammaestrare e beneficare gli uomini. È quello stesso Gesù chè poche ore prima di morire nel cenacolo di Sion in mezzo ai suoi discepoli istitui questo sacramento, e mutò la sostanza del pane e del vino nel corpo e sangue suo prezioso per poter restare con noi, perchè la sua delizia è di restare con noi “Deliciae meae esse cum filiis hominum”.

Ecco perciò qual’è l’altro sentimento che con fervore, a questo solenne momento deve albergare nel nostro cuore: il sentimento di amore perchè ci troviamo anche dinanzi ad un mistero di amore. Quando infatti Gesù per la prima volta manifestò questo mistero alle turbe dei Giudei, questi meravigliati andavano tra di loro dicendo: “comè mai questi potrà darci da mangiare la stessa sua carne?” - quomodo potest hic nobis carnem suam dare ad manducare?”. Ma quello che non potevano pensare gli uomini, lo escogitò, lo concepi’ e lo mise in esecuzione l’infinita bontà, l’infinita misericordia, l’infinito amore di Gesù per noi, ed e qui appunto, in questo sacramento, che Gesù si mostra qual padre che dona se stesso ai propri figli - qual pastore che non è contento di aver dato la propria vita per le sue pecorelle, ma continua a pascerle colle stesse sue carni. E poiche l’ultimo e sommo grado dell’amore sta nell’unione tra l’amante e l’oggetto amato, quale unione più grande e più intima di quella che passa tra Gesù e l’anima che si comunica? Come il ferro si trasforma nel fuoco, cosi’ l’anima che si comunica viene trasformata in Gesù - Oh momento sublime! Oh momento prezioso diciamo a Gesù. [1271]

                   - The Sacred Heart of Jesus

“Ma quest’amore divino sceso dal Cielo dove prese dimora?” asked the Servant of God in one of his sermons.[1272] De Piro himself gave the answer:

Essa abitò nel cuore santo, parte più nobile della natura umana unita alla divina - esso abitò nel cuore santissimo di Gesu .. .. .. .. Noi troviamo che come il timone dirige il bastimento, cosi questo cuore divino pieno dell’amore sceso dal cielo dirige tutti i pensieri, tutte le parole, tutte le azioni di Gesù - e percio di lui il Vangelo tesse il panegirico più bello con quelle parole “pertransivit benefaciendo.[1273]

 

Even without the crucifixion, there would have been place for devotion to the Heart of Jesus in itself:

In Gesu Cristo bastava infatti per la nostra redenzione che quel Sacro Cuore, per mezzo del Sangue desse vita al Corpo di Gesu e metterlo cosi’ nella possibilità di compiere atti umani e divini nello stesso tempo, perchè ogni atto volontario di Nostro Signore Gesù Cristo aveva un valore infinito e perciò poteva redimerci senza alcuna sofferenza.[1274]

 

However, it is the suffering of the Sacred Heart that reveals Jesus’ love to perfection, “Cosi è con Gesù, andate a dirgli che poteva risparmiare una goccia di sangue col quale funzionava il suo Divino Cuore: non lo poteva”. [1275]

                   - God the Father

Mgr De Piro spoke mostly of the Son of God made man. Yet he also referred to God as the Father of mercy. In fact, although “.. ..l’anima dannata pel peccato mortale non muove a pietà il cuore di Dio: ‘Homo vero in loco triste esset’ ”, [1276] and it becomes “... oggetto dell’odio di Dio”, [1277] all this is tempered by the Father’s desire for the sinner to return to him, “Dio è paziente ed aspetta - non perchè Egli non possa punire, non perchè egli non odia al sommo il peccato, ma lo fa per dar luogo al ravvedimento e alla penitenza”. [1278]

The Servant of God exhorts sinners to have “coraggio altro che disperazione”,[1279] “timore non disperazione”[1280] because “Dio aspetta, Dio chiama”.[1281]

For Mgr De Piro, the christian should be afraid of sin as an offence to God’s love, because “il male di colpa è maggiore di ogni male di pena”;[1282] and he should look forward to the joy of paradise, “Vedere Iddio questo formerà il paradiso, gioia, gaudio, contentezza.[1283]

                   - The Holy Spirit

Direct reference was also made to the Holy Spirit, “È la terza Persona della Santissima Trinità che discende sull’universo per rigenerarlo”.[1284]

We can see the Spirit’s action on human beings from the effects on the apostles on the day of Pentecost, “… fece loro conoscere le verità più occulte, facendoli pensare diversamente di prima … fece gli apostoli coraggiosi … li infiammerò di santa carita.”[1285]

                   - Our Lady

Among the many sermons of Mgr De Piro we find twenty about the Blessed Virgin Mary.

                   - Mary’s Immaculate Conception

The Servant of God reflected profoundly on the dignity and role of Our Lady in the Lord’s life. He contemplated Mary’s Immaculate Conception and its relation to the redemptive mission of Christ:

Il pregio più ammirabile dal quale trae le sue glorie il Verbo umanato è senza dubbio l’esser Egli l’Universale Redentore. Ora questa gloria della redenzione (di Redentore) più che dal salvamento degli angeli e degli uomini egli se la procurò e la ritolse dallo Immacolato Concepimento di Maria.

Come mai poteva ciò accadere, direte voi? F.D? se la Vergine non aveva contratta la colpa originale, se essa non è stata neanche per un istante sotto la schiavitù dell’infernal nemico, in Essa il Figliol di Dio non trovò piaga da risanare, ne schiavitù dalla quale liberarla? Però è appunto per questo che Gesù Cristo acquistò per se la gloria di Redentore perfettissimo, col distinguere la Sua Santissima Madre dal rimanente degli uomini con questo singolare privilegio. Egli infatti non aspettò che Ella con tutti gli altri cadesse nella colpa originale, per poi sollevarla, ma ha fatto per guisa che Ella, per la anticipata applicazione dei suoi meriti, fosse segregata dal comune degli uomini con un modo di redenzione perfettissima, che dai Teologi si chiama preservazione; dando cosi’ sfogo non solo alla sua sapienza e potenza, ma altresi’ all’amore più tenero di un figlio verso la sua madre, che è il più bel pregio e la più bella gloria.[1286]

                   - Mary, our hope all along our life

Being so near to God, the Virgin Mary was presented by De Piro as the Mother in whom one has to hope in his life in general:

In me omnis spes.” Eccli.24

Invochiamola, salutiamola insieme "Spes nostra salve."

Maria è nostra speranza perchè è POTENTE:

Perchè è Madre di Dio - Iddio nella sua potenza non può fare un’opera più degna Sole, mondo, angelo - ma crea

tura più bella non può.

- Un’anima amante di Dio - anima santa,

anima bella.

- Dopo Dio non si può dire una cosa più grande.

- Se è beato chi avesse un santo che preghi per lui - che di Maria?

Maria è nostra speranza perchè ci vuol bene:

- Io non posso spiegare quanto ci vuol bene Maria.

 - Essa da sola ama Dio più degli Angeli, santi e beati insieme. Ma l’abito della carità verso Dio è distrutto dall’abito della carità verso il prossimo. Dunque ci ama più di quello che ci amano tutti i Santi, etc.

- In paradiso intenderemo quanto ci vuol bene Maria. L’accoglienza che ci fà, etc.

- Tutto il bene che abbiamo ricevuto è venuto da Maria.

- Io come un santuario - essere, sanità; forza, veste, impiego, ufficio.

- Voi non potete dire altrettanto? guardate sono tutte grazie di Maria.  Se avete peccato e non siete all’inferno è grazia di Maria.

- San Bernardo non nominare Maria se vi è chi non ha ricevuto grazia.

 Sant’Antonino Arciv. di Firenze.

 Angeli e demoni sul tetto

          quando     quando

          fila -         si

          vano    specchiavano

- Questa è la più importante grazia di andare in paradiso.

2 grazie Una vera conversione ed una santa morte

       Unirla alla devozione a Maria.

Gesù a S. Brigida - quando voglio prendere un peccatore pongo.

La Vergine a S.Matilde

Essa in persona viene ad assistere i moribondi. [1287]

 

The same belief was expressed by De Piro in another sermon of his:

Se il potere di Maria in cielo ed in terra è cosi’ grande, quali sentimenti deve destarci se non quelli di una immensa fiducia nel suo patrocinio? Il mondo stima fortunati coloro che godono la protezione il favore di qualche principe terreno; ma quanto siamo noi più fortunati, che possiamo godere la protezione di questa Regina del cielo e della terra?

Sotto il suo patrocinio chi mai dei nostri spirituali nemici può recarsi offesa? Se Maria è con noi chi mai può essere contro di noi? Forse il Demonio? Ma non fù Maria che schiacciò il capo a questo serpente infernale - Non è Maria che per 19 secoli lo tiene schiacciato sotto al suo piede verginale? Non è Maria che ne distruasse il suo regno? Forse la carne? Ma non è forse la devozione a Maria il mezzo più efficace per attutire (trazzan) le mali inclinazioni della Concupiscenza e fiorire di castità la nostra vita (izzejjen bl-indafa u l-kastità il-hajja taghna?) Forse il Mondo? Ma chi mai ha dato tanta generosità a tante anime per disprezzare la vanità del mondo, se non l’amore verso questa madre celeste? Chiedetelo a tante anime che riconoscono dalla devozione di Maria eccitamenti più efficaci alla penitenza, ardori crescenti (hrara dejjem aktar qawwija) a spingersi sempre innanzi nella via della perfezione, ed essi vi risponderanno quanti beni ebbero da questa Madre di misericordia, in quante tentazioni se la videro a fianco donando loro la vittoria? Quante grazie, quanti miracoli, quanti favori riconosce il popolo cristiano dal potente patrocinio di Maria? Con ragione perciò la Chiesa acclama Maria Rifugio dei peccatori, salute degli infermi, Consolatrice degli afflitti, Aiuto dei Cristiani, poichè anche nei temporali bisogni essa prontamente soccorre ai suoi devoti, li libera da tutti i pericoli, li protegge contro tutte le disgrazie, li guarisce nelle loro malattie, li soccorre nelle loro miserie, li consola nei loro dolori e riempie di favori tutta la loro vita.[1288]

                   - Mary, hope for peace at the time of the First World War

But one hopes in Our Lady in a special way in certain particular moments. During the First World War De Piro seemed to have accompanied a pilgrimage to one of the main Marian sanctuaries of Malta, that at Mellieha. On that day he delivered a sermon. This was on the peace that Mary could acquire for the nations which were fighting amongst themselves:

 

MARIA ADDOLORATA

 

Oh! se potesse squarciarsi il velo, che ci impedisce la visione della madre nostra Maria! Noi la vedremmo lieta nel volto ad accoglierci dopo questo pellegrinaggio, che abbiamo fatto in onore di Lei, e per ottenere da Lei la sua intercessione presso il suo Divin Figlio a favore della pace - noi la sentiremmo dirci, "Qui timetis Dominum sperate in illum et veniet vobis misericordiam" (Eccl.2,9)

---- Si ... è stato il santo timore di Dio, che ci ha raccolti insieme ed al lampo dei suoi flagelli siamo qui’ venuti in questo antico e devoto Santuario, a pregare la Regina della pace, perchè colla sua intercessione li allontani da noi. - Dinanzi alle rovine ed alle stragi dell’ora presente, si suscita in fondo al nostro cuore una domanda naturale.

- Perchè? Perchè mai tutta questa guerra crudele, tutta questa guerra inumana? che tormento sconvolge e travolge popoli e nazioni? La causa di tanti mali. - A.D. è una sola. Perchè i popoli e le nazioni hanno mancato al santo timore di Dio, si sono allontanati dalla legge di Dio, hanno dimenticato il precetto dell’amore - Si’ la società ha mosso guerra a Dio e dalle alte sfere fino ai più bassi gradi della stessa, Dio è stato fatto segno di odio. - Da un capo all’altro della terra, invece di lodi e di benedizione risuonò per Iddio il linguaggio diabolico della bestemmia, "non serviam." - Da giovani e da vecchi, da fanciulli, da uomini e perfino da donne risuonò il turpe linguaggio "non serviam" - linguaggio dinanzi al quale Dio non può restare indifferente - e non fosse per la sua bontà e misericordia, la terra, sulla quale dilaga un mare di iniquità sarebbe già ridotto in cenere, sarebbe ridotto nel nulla. Ma se noi temiamo Dio abbiamo ragione di sperare "si timetis Deum sperate in illum" ci dice Maria, e la sua misericordia scenderà a consolarci. Si! sono le anime timorose di Dio, che colla loro continua riparazione trattengono il suo braccio terribile. Ma sopratutto, A.D., chi vi accostate alla Santa Comunione, sopratutto è lo stesso suo Divin Figlio il quale annientato e nascosto sul SSmo. Sacramento, copre, come di una corazza di salvezza, tutta la terra, e trattiene i suoi maggiori castighi.

-- Si’ O Gesù siete voi che ci salvate dalla Divina Giustizia, sdegnata pei nostri peccati. -- Voi ce vi immolate per noi su tutti gli altari della terra, voi che in milioni di tabernacoli restatre per nostra protezione, per nostra difesa! Ebbene o Gesù noi in riparazione di tanti vi offriamo questa nostra Santa Comunione, - vi offriamo tutte quelle Comunioni fatti sui campi di battaglia e nelle trincee, e di moribondi e da coloro, che si preparono al combattimento, - Vi offriamo i voti ed i meriti di tante anime che sulla terra vi sono grate, - vi offriamo le fatiche di quegli Apostoli, che in lontani regioni dilatano la vostra dottrina, - vi offriamo i sacrifici e le privazioni di tanti, che vivono nei chiostri, facendo del loro corpo innocente la più aspra penitenza per i peccati del mondo, - Vi offiamo, in particolare modo le fatiche e gli stenti di quanti in quest’ora sono sul campo di battaglia -- Ed a voi preghiamo O Regina della pace, di presentare questa nostra offerta presso il trono dell’Altissimo, perchè si muova a compassione di noi, - perchè cessi quest’immane flagello e torni la pace a brillare tra gli uomini.

-- Si’ O Madre nostra Maria, ricordatevi che tutte le grazie devono passare per le vostre mani, - Deh! volgete, O maria, il vostro sguardo sulla misera Europa, provata dalla più grande sventura, tormentata da quasi due anni dalla guerra più terrible che ricordi la storia - Abbiate pietà e misericordia di essa. - Fate che il cuore del vostro Divin Figlio Gesù sia placato dall’olocausto, che tanti giovani fanno della loro vita sul campo di battaglia. - Fate che esso sia placato dal sangue che tanto tempo inonda la terra. - Si’ voi O Maria, che una volta piangeste il vostro unico figlio, guardate alle lagrime che sGeorgeano dal ciglio di tante madri, di tante sorelle, di tante spose e di tanti figliuoli innocenti - Fate, O Maria che cessi l’orrenda catastrofe, si’ da Voi, O Regina di Pace, noi aspettiamo la grazia, intercedete per noi pregate per noi - Regina pacis, ora pro nobis.[1289]

 

On 21 March 1920, some two years after the end of the First World War, the Servant of God was in the same Sanctuary mentioned above, leading some other pilgrimage. In the sermon he delivered on that occasion he referred to the great hope the Maltese had in their Heavenly Mother in order to help them during the tragic years of that War:

Pellegrinaggio alla Mellieha

 

21 Marzo 1920

 

Quattro anni or sono mentre una guerra immane sconvolgeva popoli e nazioni, seminava ovunque rovina, strage e morte e le pareti del focolare domestico faceva risuonare dal pianto delle madri, delle sorelle e delle spose e di tanti figliuoli innocenti, noi impauriti per tanta sciagura e trepidanti sulla sorte che sarebbe toccata ai nostri congiunti sul campo di battaglia, simili al naufrago che fra le onde do aspra tempesta pel mare, che lo circonda, avido, fissa lo sguardo in cerca del legno che l’avrebbe salvato, noi sollevammo lo sguardo al cielo, e col cuore e colla mente pieni del santo timore di Dio tra il lampo del flagello dell’ira sua noi scorgemmo l’astro consolatore che avrebbe llenito la nostra afflizione.

Oh! visione beata! noi vedemmo tra le nubi, come in suo trono, "in nube thronus eius", noi vedemmo la madre nostra, noi vedemmo MARIA, che dalla corona reale cinte le tempia, sul braccio portava l’Infante Divino. Essa allora in noi fissò lo sguardo e dal dolce materno sorriso che le illuminava il volto, noi comprendemmo che essa ci riconosceva per suoi figli. La Madonna della Mellieha* Essa, essa sarà la nostra consolatrice. Questo era il nostra pensiero, questa era la nostra parola; andiamo, andiamo! dalla madre nostra la Vergine della Mellieha!

Dal pensiero alla parola, dalla parola all’accordo, dall’accordo al fatto e la mattina del 16 febbraio 1916 chi da un punto chi dall’altro dell’isola noi tutti ci trovammo in questo devoto santuario noi ci trovammo ai piedi di Maria. Chi di noi si è scordato della soave consolzione che in quel giorno inondò le anime nostre? Oh! essa era l’aria/arca sicura che noi saremmo stati esauditi, e cosi’ fù. Ed è appunto ciò che oggi ci fa trovare di nuovo al cospetto dell’altare della nostra tenera madre Maria. Si’ noi sdegnando l’esempio dei nove lebBrsi di cui parla il Vangelo ci siam messi avanti ad imitare il Samaritano ed al par di lui siam quà tornati per sciogliere la nostra voce, per cantare insieme l’inno di lode, l’inno di riconoscenza e di ringraziamento.

Si’, o Maria, pubblicamente al cospetto di questo tuo popolo, continuo testimone delle tue grazie noi ti ringrazieremo col canto del "TE DEUM" Si’ ti lodiamo O Dio, sia sempre tuo ed in ogni luogo la tua lode. Sia sempre glorificato per averci dato una Madre tanto tenera tanto affettuosa, una Madre tanto sollecita ad asciugare le nostre lagrime.

Messa

Comunione

Benedizione

Pellegrini, Famiglia, congiunti,

Perchè vi diano in cielo quella gloria che noi non possiamo darvi qui in terra.[1290]

                   - Salve Regina, Mater Misericordiae

Mary’s help to sinners has already been referred to in the quotations above, but on certain occasions the Servant of God emphasised this intervention all the more. Monsignor conceived Our Lady as the Mother of mercy; she was there to help the sinner approach God, the all merciful:

Si’ Iddio nostro padre, padre amoroso, padre che conosce la debolezza dei suoi figli, un padre di bontà infinita non ha abbandonato il peccatore, non abbandona il peccatore, no, ma tra il suo trono sull’alto della gloria celeste e la misera terra che ci alberga ha posto un altro trono, quello di Maria: tra il cuore di Dio Padre ed il cuore del peccatore, vi è il cuore della Madre sua e Madre nostra - onde con tutta fiducia il peccatore ( “thronus meus in columna nubis” Ecli. 24.7), può alzar il suo sguardo verso questo trono perchè nel salutare la Maestà Reale di colei che trovasi assisa egli vi scorge anche il cuor tenero di sua Madre "Salve Regina mater misericordiae" (p.183-4). Msgr. De Piro does not hesitate to recognise that it was on the Cross that Jesus entrusted with this mission: “per l’ufficio di difendere gli uomini contro l’infernal nemico, il pensiero di Gesù Cristo è di affidarlo a Maria, a preferenza di tutti. Infatti per un tale ufficio ci vuole un cuore mansueto, un cuore che sa compatire, un cuore pieno di carità, in una parola un cuore di madre. Ebbene la parola omnipotente di Gesù moribondo creerà dunque per tutti gli uomini, per tutti, diciamolo, i peccatori, una madre e una madre degna di questo nome. Questa madre è sotto i vostri occhi, è Maria (mulier ecce filius tuus, ecce Mater tua)... .... Da quel momento in Maria venne formato un cuore tutto pieno d’amore verso gli uomini; venne cosi’ formato ... ... dalle parole del Uomo Dio e dal consentimento del cuore di Maria.[1291]

 

In an exhortation to the members of the Congregation, Figlie di Mariae, the Servant of God drew the attention to the fact that:

I primi fedeli già abituati a ricorrere alla mediazione di Nostro Signore Gesù Cristo, e riflettendo sempre più sulla grandezza di Dio, e sulla piccolezza dell’uomo, cercarono altri intercessori, e qui troviamo che la devozione a Maria come interceditrice tra l’uomo e Gesù rimonta fin’ dai primi’ tempi della chiesa poichè nessuno è più vicino a Gesù che Maria; se lasciamo qualsiasi considerazione altra basta fermarci sulle parole del saluto dell’arcangelo Gabriele, “Ave Maria, gratia plena , Dominus tecum”. Dunque Maria non è vicina a Gesù ma come madre di Gesù è una sola cosa con Lui, ed ecco perchè la chiesa la onora anche col nome di Corredentrice.

Ecco da qui’ la grande nobiltà, il grande onore di Maria ed anche la grande Missione data dalla Providenza a Maria di intercedere per l’uomo.

Ecco da quì il grande onore per voi di chiamarvi d’oggi innanzi. Figlie di tanta madre, Figlie di Maria.

Dunque la medaglia è simbolo della vostra nuova dignità, del vostro nuovo

onore. [1292]

                   - Our duties towards Mary

According to De Piro, we human beings are not expected to do great things in order to have Our Lady’s intercession, “Ad ottenere un si’ potente patrocinio non occorrono grandi sacrifici: Basta amarla, onorarla, servirla, ma sopratutto glorificarla colla corona del Rosario.”[1293] In another two sermons the Servant of God added something else, which for him was in fact more important, namely imitating Mary:

Ma essa (la medaglia delle figlie di Maria) è anche ricordo di doveri. La devozione verso Maria, sta nel ricordarsi spesso di ricorrere alla sua intercessione, con preghiere, con giaculatorie, col solennizzare le sue feste, col parlare di essa e delle sue preclare virtù, ma principalmente stà sulla sua imitazione: nell’ubbidienza .... ‘Fiat mihi secundum verbum tuum.’; nell’umiltà. ‘Quia respexit humilitatem ancillae suae’; nella modestia.[1294]

 

Ah! - D.F. in questo bel mese voi avete onorato Maria collo studio speciale delle sue virtù. Orbene entriamo adesso nel Cuore immacolato di Maria, richiamiamo alla mente la sua fede, la sua speranza, e la sua carità, imitiamo, copiamo, Maria in questa tre virtù - ed ecco il più bel apparecchio che voi potete fare per questa comunione...

Dalla fede nasce la speranza e perciò se grande ed ammirabile è la fede in Maria Essa è altresi’ modello di speranza…

Ma se ci è modello di fede e di speranza Maria è anche a noi modello di

           carità. [1295]  

                   - As far as being consecrated to her

In another sermon De Piro went as far as mentioning the consecration to Mary:

Chiusura mese di Maggio

 

Bonum est nos hic esse.

Dolcezza di parlare e di sentir parlare di Maria che è ‘Causa nostrae letitiae.’ Stiamo sempre a lei uniti e sentiremo sempre le parole che escono dalla sua bocca.

Per stare uniti a Maria dobbiamo consacrarle il nostro cuore, metterlo per cosi’ dire nel suo, onde dopo averlo purificato dai peccati e da ogni macchia lo offre a Gesù.

Motivi per la consacrazione

Maria Regina dell’universo ha il diritto sui nostri cuori. - Madre di Dio - La più santa di tutte le creature- Maria è Omnipotente verso Dio - Piena di bontà- e misericordia per noi- se siamo peccatori essa è madre nostra.

Ogni beneficio vuole riconoscenza - e pei benefici ricevuti da Maria in questo mese diamole quello che desidera - essa non desidera che il nostro cuore.

Qualità della Consagrazione:

sincera col cuore non colle labbra

intiero spirito, cuore, corpo, beni di natura di grazia.

irrevocabile fuggire le occasioni

preghiera

sacramento

Vantaggi della consacrazione.

benefici ricevuti finora sono segno, pel futuro ci darà la perseveranza

e la corona della gloria.[1296]

                   - Saint Paul

It is really strange how on the one hand the Servant of God was so much fond of St Paul and at the same time we have not found any single sermon about this archetype of evangelisation. Yet in De Piro’s sermons there are these references to the Letters of St Paul:

Letters referred to

Number of references

Romans

19[1297]

1 Corinthians

18[1298]

2 Corinthians

3[1299]

Galatians

10[1300]

Ephisians

5[1301]

Philippians

9[1302]

Colossians

Once[1303]

1 Thessalonians

Once[1304]

1 Timothy

5[1305]

2 Timothy

Twice[1306]

Table 12

                   - Other saints

It is important here to repeat that De Piro has undoubtedly written and preached more sermons than there are nowadays in the De Piro Archives. From those still exstant one can see that the Servant of God preached about several saints:

 

 

Number of sermons

St Joseph

2[1307]

St Francis Xavier

1[1308]

St Michael

1[1309]

St Agatha

1[1310]

St Francis of Assisi

5[1311]

St Anthony of Padua

3[1312]

St Francis de Paul

1[1313]

St Vincent de Paul

2[1314]

St Joan Anthida Thouret

1[1315]

St Theresa of the Child Jesus

2[1316]

St Louis Gonsaga

1[1317]

St John Berchmans

1[1318]

St Ursola

1[1319]

St Calcedonius

1[1320]

Table 13

 

In one of his sermons the Servant of God told those in front of him what was the canonisation of a man or a woman, “La Canonizazione è un pubblico testimonio della Chiesa circa la vera santità di un’uomo defunto. Essa consiste in una sentenza che la Chiesa dà attribuendo ad alcuno gli onori che si devono a coloro che con Dio in paradiso già regnano…”[1321]

Exactly because the saints are those who are already with God in heaven, we who are still here, can look at them and try to imitate them, “La Chiesa ci propone i santi per imitarli.”[1322]

So that we ourselves can obey God’s command, “Sancti estote quia ego sanctus

sum.[1323]

                   - The other topics preached by De Piro

The three volumes of De Piro’s sermons indicate that the Servant of God preached also many Sunday homilies,[1324] and not infrequently gave retreats or led the spiritual exercises of religious communities, especially of nuns.[1325] Also, one can still find sermons about priesthood,[1326] marriage,[1327] religious life,[1328] the missions,[1329] human health,[1330] death[1331] and the end of the year.[1332]

 

(iii)  De Piro’s printed evangelisation in Malta or the “Saint Paul, Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” [1333]

In 1922 De Piro started publishing the “Saint Paul, Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”. He continued doing this until his death in 1933. This publication was interspersed with informative and formative material. There are no signed articles in the Almanac, and so none bearing the name of Mgr De Piro, but we know from one of the first members of his Society[1334] that probably the Servant of God wrote most of the published material. Except for the first number, the publication always carried the nihil obstat.

                   - The contents in general

The Almanac contains material on different topics, such as: blasphemy, [1335] the Church, [1336] the Catholic Church, [1337] charity or love of neighbour, [1338] the confessor, [1339] the Council of Ephesus, [1340] faith, [1341] the guardian angel [1342] heaven, [1343] the heroic act of charity, [1344] holy water, [1345] indulgences, [1346] Jesus Christ, [1347]  mortification, [1348] obedience to the civil authorities, [1349] observance of Sundays and days of obligation, [1350] the Oratory of B’Kara, [1351] Our Lady, [1352] the Assumption of Our Lady, [1353] peace, [1354] prayer in general, [1355] or in particular, such as the Angelus Domini, [1356] providence, [1357] religious lay brothers, [1358] the Sacred Heart of Jesus, [1359] consecration to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, [1360] Saint Paul, [1361] the Saints, such as Augustine, [1362] Francis of Assisi [1363] Francis Xavier, [1364] Joseph, [1365] and Publius, [1366]  suffering, [1367] the souls in purgatory, [1368] vocations, [1369] the will of

God.[1370]

                   - A more central topic - Maltese migrants

From the list of topics presented above one can see quite clearly that through his Almanac, De Piro tried to evangelise about as many christian aspects as possible. But there was a topic which was more and more to his heart: Maltese migrants spread in many foreign countries. He himself said why this subject was second in the list of his priorities in the Almanac:

Since the aim of Our Institute (his Society) is the foreign missions and they will probably try to serve the Maltese living abroad, we think that our readers will be pleased if we give some brief information about the feast of Saint Paul held in Tunis by the Maltese who live there. In this way they can see how dear to them is this native feast and how profound is their love towards this Apostle, their

father.[1371]

 

The Servant of God seemed to be convinced that many of the Maltese migrants, though living in a foreign country, still practiced the faith they carried with them from Malta. He presented the enthusiasm with which the Maltese in Tunis took part in the feast of St Paul organised for them in 1922.[1372] With the article that showed the belief of the Maltese, De Piro also published a big photo of the Maltese Bishop and priests who led this celebration.[1373] He did the same with regards the Maltese living in Port de Bouc, France,[1374] those who lived in New York, Detroit and Toronto, those living in Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide,[1375] and those Maltese who had migrated to parts of Africa,[1376] “Therefore the Maltese who goes abroad does not only take with him his faith; he also keeps it, treasures it and professes it.”[1377]

This does not mean that De Piro took the faith of the Maltese for granted. On the opposite he wrote a long article to show that it has to be taken care of:

There are many interesting things in the report of Captain Curmi, the Commissioner of Malta in Australia. They are interesting both for those who think of opening the way for Maltese emigrants as well as for those who have to leave their country and seek other countries to earn their living. After he stressed that the emigrant must have that technical and so to call it material formation which sustains him in totally foreign land, he then continued to say, and quite fittingly that one must strengthen the emigrant’s will to remain his own master without being buffetted by things which may wreck the principal aim for which he arrived in a country other than his own; in this way instruction and external education reach their fulfillment. To arrive at this point it is most necessary to generate in good condition his faith and to help it strike root more and more. It may be- and it probably is- this lack of ability to behave externally according to the teaching present in one’s soul and one’s faith, which drives the emigrant not only to moral but also to material loss. And so Captain Curmi goes into greater detail; he suggests also a course of religious instruction together with other teaching. In this way, one always strengthens more onès belief so that he finds the straight path illuminated for him although he finds himself, in difficulties, in mist and even in darkness when he is away from his people, relatives and friends.

The reason is clear because, as the King’s image on a coin wears away through use, likewise can happen upon our souls to our faith. The worries and the vanity of this world, the errors and falsities which prowl around our souls like serpents, quite often blur the impression of the faith which we receive together with baptism.

And just as the King’s image is subject to blurring more or less according to the hardness of the metal in which it is impressed, so faith and strength of character in the soul of man go together. Therefore it matters alot to strengthen, for his own benefit the will of the emigrant. In this way, he feels and accepts the responsibility of his character according to his faith; he does not become a slave of the spirit of the world; he is not fickle like the weather cock that veers with every change of wind.

Although the metal alloy is still very soft, the king’s image is always very clear until coin is still in the mint; let alone until it is still under the press. But when the coin starts to be transferred from one bank to another, from one hand to another, the story is completely different. We can say the same for the Maltese emigrant’s faith. There is no danger of losing his faith although he did not think of strengthening his faith until he is in his country. The external practice of religion as it is in Malta linked to the others’ good example are like a seal which often press on his soul and prevents the faith, so to say, to lose its features.

But when the emigrant leaves his country, his home, when he is separated from his relatives and friends, when after a few days he suddenly finds himself in areas totally foreign to him where religion is not so widespread and professed as it is in Malta, when he is surrounded by people whose customs are totally different from his own, he looks inwards upon his soul. We assume that everything goes right if there he finds something to stand surety on behalf of what he left in his country. But that danger mentioned in the Commissioner’s report begins if he does not succeed to meet the roots of his faith when he seeks deep within his soul at the first somewhat strong wind let us therefore hold fast to Mr. Curmi’s wise suggestion. Let us hope with our whole heart that he who is in power strives that these be implemented for Malta’s honour and for the spiritual and temporal benefit of those have to leave their country to earn their living.[1378]

 

He also published prayers for the preservation of the faith by the migrants and for more vocations in his Institute, which was supposed to work with the migrants:

Let us now ask God to keep lighted in our minds this light of our holy Religion amidst so many difficulties in which we find ourselves. Let us ask him to raise always new soldiers in this Institute. By his help, these soldiers dedicate themselves for the work of the Gospel not only to keep this Spirit in their Brothers but also to increase this spirit of the holy religion of the Nazarene in their Brothers.[1379]

                   - The most central topic - missionary animation

From the contents of the Almanac itself it transpires that the main intention of the Servant of God was to increase, the missionary spirit in general especially among the Maltese, and the information about his new missionary Society.

In the Almanac one finds a poignant description of what it must have cost Mgr De Piro to found his Institute. When on the 3 October 1932, Archbishop M. Caruana, laid and blessed the foundation stone of St. Agata’s Motherhouse, Rabat, Malta, the Founder expressed himself in these terms:

 It is in fact known by everybody … that the works of God include as their sign and beauty contrariety, and in the works which are now before us and in our hands, throughout these fourteen years there were so many trials that they could have had the power to tire any person. But, since God was doing this work, he always provided his servants with courage; God’s spirit was always present along in each difficulty, like a constant and gentle breeze, helping our poor boat troubled by the waves.[1380]

 

Monsignor knew that according to the Word of God, everything depended on prayer. He insisted that any missionary enterprise had to be continuously supported by prayer. Referring to the Encyclical Rerum Ecclesiae of Pius XI, he emphasised that the missionary activity should always be accompanied by contemplative communites.[1381] In fact in 1927 the Servant of God founded the first Missionary Laboratory. One of the tasks of its members was to support the missions through prayer.[1382]

De Piro firmly believed that the works of the missionaries must be sustained also by the help of the saints, especially Our Lady and St Joseph. In fact he writes that, “Mary always shows herself to be a merciful Mother with this Institute, who will never disown her children ... that is why in the chapel we dedicate a feast to her…”[1383] Furthermore, he added that, “.. wherever they (the missionaries) go to announce the faith of Our Lord Jesus Christ, along with it they would announce also the devotion to the Most Blessed Mary, because, as it is not possible to separate Jesus from Mary, so it is not possible to separate their love”.[1384]

When it came to his own missionary Society, the Founder entrusted his members to a more specific intercessor, Mary Assumed into Heaven; he proclaimed her Patron of the Institute. [1385]

According to De Piro the soul of all missionary activity was love: love of God and love for others. He taught that, “One cannot separate love of God from the wish that all created beings, who are endowed with reason, would know, love, and give praise to Him.[1386] On the other hand, the Servant of God noted that amongst the works of mercy, evangelisation was supreme, “... because the Gospel brings them the soul’s salvation which is the most beautiful and precious thing that man possesses.”[1387]

Mgr De Piro also pondered upon the relationship that existed between a missionary vocation and the parents of the potential missionary. Without doubt, parents suffer when they come to part from their children on their departure for the missions. This recalls both the sacrifice of Isaac by Abraham and the sorrow experienced by Mary and Joseph at the loss of their son, Jesus, in the Temple. The Founder was well aware of the difficulties one who had a missionary call might encounter in his own family. In fact he said that, “If we would then consider worthy of our pity Our Lady and St Joseph, when they lost and cried over their son Jesus for three days and three nights, how can we condemn and not have pity on a mother who cries because she cannot accept the fact of being separated from her beloved son?”[1388] But he consoled these parents with these words:

 Whoever enters into the House of the Lord, becomes, so to say, a channel of grace between the family and the divinity; he, in fact, would be spiritualising any kind of bond that they would have with their children, and although he would be far away from his parents and his brethren, however his love for them is always alive and pure; he thinks about them, and will never cease to ask for heavenly blessings for them many times during the day, .. .. we frequently see that they (the parents) also become religious through their heartful love, and without putting on the habit, they accompany their son for the hundred times promised.[1389]

 

In the Almanac, De Piro, used several means through which he tried to convey his message to foster more love for the missionary work among the Maltese migrants and in the ad gentes countries. Amongst these one finds:

·   quotations from the encyclicals and messages of the popes, such as Pius X,[1390] Benedict XV,[1391] and Pius XI;[1392]

·   references to the local hierarchy;[1393]

·   news from the missionary enterprises of the universal Church, such as M.I.V.A.,[1394] the Society of St. Peter the Apostle,[1395], and the Sodality of St Peter Claver;[1396]

·   lives of different missionaries, priests and religious;[1397]

·   information about the nascent Society of St. Paul;[1398]

·   especially on Br. Joseph Caruana, a member of the Society who was sent by Mgr De Piro in 1927 to Abyssinia to found the first foreign mission of the Society;[1399]

·   vocational promotion;[1400]

·   appeals for spiritual and material help for the missions in general, and the Society in particular.[1401]

 

(iv)  De Piro’s catechised evangelisation in Malta [1402]

Introduction - the teaching of catechism in Malta

In its Sessions 5 and 24, the Council of Trent (1545-1563) decreed that on Sundays all parishpriests should explain to their parishioners the Gospel in the morning and the catechism in the afternoon. During the years immediately after the Council this seems to have been observed only partially in the Maltese and Gozitan parishes. In fact Mgr Pietro Duzzina, who came to Malta as an Apostolic Visitor in 1575, found out that the christian formation of children was almost completely abandoned in most of the parishes.[1403] Then in those parishes where it was imparted it was very poor; children were taught the Our Father, the Hail Mary, the Credo and the Ten Commandaments.[1404]

The Council of Trent also decreed that a new and up to date catechism text be published.[1405] In fact the “Catechismus Romanus” was published in 1566 with the approval of Pope Pius V. Its full name was “Catechismus ex decreto Concilii Tridentini ad Parochos Pii V Pontif. Max. editum”.[1406] In 1570 the Capitular Vicar of Malta, Don Antonio Bartolo, imposed its teaching on all priests and parishpriests, but again the order was only partially complied with. Other catechism texts used in Malta were the “Dottrina Cristiana Breve”, published in 1597, and the “Dichiarazione piu’ copiosa della Dottrina Cristiana”, published in 1598. These two texts were originally composed by Cardinal Roberto Bellarmino. In 1681 Bishop Michael H. Molina (1678-82) sent a positive report to the Holy See regarding preaching and the teaching of catechism to children in Malta and Gozo.[1407] During the following centuries the improvement mentioned by Molina continued to increase. The table below shows the foundation of various catechetical initiatives in Malta:

 

Founded

Locality

Initiative

Founded by

For

Early 17 century

St Paul’s Church,

Valletta

confraternity of Christian Doctrine

 

Boys

1727

Parish Church,

Lija

Sodality of Christian Doctrine

 

 

1774

Senglea

Confraternity of Christian Catechism

 

 

1820

B’Kara

Confraternity of Christian Catechism

 

 

1839

Jesuit Church,

Valletta

Istituto Maltese d’Educazione Cattolica

Fr Maximilian Ryllo sj

Boys of rich families

1847 or

1848

St Barbara’s,

Valletta

Good Shepherd Insititue

Fr Gavino Mamo

Poor boys

1858

Our Lady of Victories, Valletta

Institute for Catholic Teaching

 

Boys

1864

St Roque,

Valletta

Institute for Catholic Teaching

Mgr Francis Spiteri Agius

Girls

1866

The Pilar,

Valletta

Institute for Catholic Teaching

Mgr Spiteri Agius

Poor girls

1866

Purification of Our Lady Oratory, Senglea

Institute for Catholic Teaching

Fr Francis Briffa

Boys

1874

Tarxien

Confraternity of Christian Catechism

 

 

?

Gharghur

Confraternity of Christian Catechism

 

 

?

St Catherine of Italy, Valletta

Institute for Catholic Teaching

Can. Lorenzo Pullicino

Boys/girls

1880

Pieta’

Institute for Catholic Education

Fr Manuel Mifsud

 

1881

Sliema

Institute for Catholic Education

Fr Manuel Mifsud

Boys/girls

1884

In Mqabba.

Diocesan level

The Small Mission

Mgr Francesco Bonnici

 

1886

Gharghur

Institute for Catholic Education

Fr Manuel Mifsud

 

After

1888

Safi

Institute for Christian Doctrine

Fr Lawrence Degabriele

 

After

1890

Zurrieq

Institute for Catholic Education

Fr Manuel Mifsud

 

1894

Senglea

Figlie di Maria

 

Girls

1896

Zurrieq

St Aloisius Conzaga Institute for Catholic Education for youths

Fr Manuel Mifsud

Male youths

 

Zurrieq

Figlie di Maria

Fr Manuel Mifsud

Girls

Early 20 century

 

Catholic Action

Juventutis Domus

MUSEUM

 

Boys/girls

1900

St Anne’s,

Senglea

Istituto di Educazione Cattolica

 

Boys

1907

Diocesan level

MUSEUM

Fr George Preca

Boys/girls

1908

Rabat, Malta

Teaching of catechism

Fr Anton Ebejer

Boys/girls

1908

Sliema

Oratorio of St John Bosco

Salesians of Don Bosco

Boys

1908

St James,

Valletta

Teaching of Catechism

Canon Karm Schembri, chosen by Archbishop P. Pace

Boys

1909

Senglea

The Domus

 

Boys

1910

B’Kara

Oratorio Mary Help of Christians

Canon Michael Sammut

Boys

1918

Porto Salvo Parish,

Valletta

Teaching of Catechism

 

 

1918

Mosta

Teaching of Catechism

Fr Edgar Salamone

 

1921

Cospicua

The Domus Familiae Nazarenae

Fr Spiridione Penza

Boys/girls

?

Naxxar

St Aloisius Consaga

 

 

1930

Rabat, Gozo

Oratory

Fr Paul Micallef

Boys

Table 14 [1408]

 

During these same centuries there were also attempts to publish some catechism books. Some of these were:

Year

Author

Title

1752

F. Wizzino

(translator)

Bellarmino’s Catechism in Maltese[1409]

1780

 

Compendio della Dottrina Cristiana

1845

Approved by Bishop F.X. Caruana and used by the Istituto Maltese di Educazione Cattolica nella Chiesa di San Giacomo nella Valletta

L’Alunno Provveduto del Catechismo Cattolico Ossia Compendio Progressivo della Dottrina Cristiana

1866

P. Pullicino

A small catechism for the lower classes of the primary schools

1892

A. Ferris

Il-Hajja ta’ Sidna Gesu Kristu

1892

E. Galea

Tifsir tal-Misteri tar-Religjon Taghna

1894

J. Vassallo

Id-Djarju Spiritwali

1899-1915

A. . Galea

Amongst others: Kotba tal-Moghdija taz-Zmien (150 numbers)

1901

 

Wizzino’s catechism, but having the English instead of the Italian (1st edition)

1905

Translation

Catechism of Pius X

1907

S. Grech

Dotrina Nisrania Ordnata mil Papa Pio X ghad Diocesi ta Ruma u min Mons P. Pace, Arcisqof Isqof ghad Diocesi ta Malta bl Ittra Patorali tal 11 ta Aprtil 1907.

1907

 

L’alunno provveduto del catechismo Cattolico ossia comp[endio progressivo della dottrina Cristiana compilato sopra I migliori catechismi approvato da Sua Eccellenza Rev.ma Monsignor Francesco Saverio Caruana, arcivescovo di rodi e vescovo di Malta e prescritto ad uso degli alunni dell Istituto Malese di Educazione Cattolica nella Chiesa di San Giacomo nella Valletta sotto il patrocinio dell Immacolata Cuor di Maria

1908

S. Grech (translator)

Dottrina Nisranija[1410]

1908

E. Nastasi op

Catechismu Zghir fuq il-Festi ta’ Sidna Gesù Cristu li ‘l Cnisia taghmel ma tul is-sena

1911

 

Wizzino’s catechism, but having the English instead of the Italian (2nd edition)

1911

1913

1926

X. Cortis

(translator)[1411]

Taghlim Komplet tar-Religjon Nisranija

(Originally: Katekizmu ta’ Perseveranza)

1911

C. Vella

(translator)

(Originally by Mgr Guame)

Taghlim Komplet tar-Religjon Nisranija

(Originally: Katekizmu ta’ Perseveranza) (1st edition)

1911

P. P. Borg

Il Valore del sillabo di Pio X (3 vols)

1917

G. Formosa

Trattato dei Fondamenti della Religione

1923

The Rabat Parishpriest

Taghlim ghall-gid. A monthly parish periodical

1924

C. Diacono

Catechismu ghal Ckar ordnat minn Papa Piu X Migiub bil Malti … Traduzzioni ghat tfal tal iscola Elementari Governativa.

1926

X.Cortis

(translator)

Taghlim Komplet tar-Religjon Nisranija

(Originally: Katekizmu ta’ Perseveranza) (2nd edition)

1930

R. Mifsud Bonnici

Alla u l-Bniedem, u l-Bniedem u Alla[1412]

1930

J. Schembri

Il-Katekizmu tas-Sahha

1931

R. Mifsud Bonnici

Alla, ix-Xitan, il-Bniedem[1413]

1932

N. Zammit

It-Triq tal-Perfezzjoni Nisranija[1414].

1932

A. Tonna Barthet OSA

Il Catechismo di Pio X

1933

 

Tahrig ta tieba Praticat fl Oratoriu Malti ta Educazzioni Cattolica that it Titolu tal Buon Pastur li jinsab fil Chnisia ta S. Anton Abbati tal Belt jeu tal Vitoria

Table 15[1415]

 

Having a look at the two tables above one can easily see that some attempts in favour of the promotion of catechism teaching were made, but a lot still had to be done: many parishes still lacked catechetical centres, and books, especially in Maltese, were still rare. In fact at the beginning of the 20 century Archbishop Peter Pace showed that there was still room for improvement, “The first and most important duty is the teaching of christian doctrine to the grown ups and the children. The parishpriest and his assistant will be able to carry on this duty better if they seek the help of some other priest”.[1416]

Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv., in Volume I of his hagiography of Blessed George Preca (1880-1962), the Maltese catechist per excellance and founder of the catechetical lay Society, MUSEUM, confirms this as regards the catechetical situation at the beginning of the 20 century, “The Island of Malta, because of the lack of teaching, was passing through a very bad time … The teaching of religion, both for children and grown ups could be a lot better.”[1417] Even in the parishes where there was some catechetical activity going on, the situation was still poor. The two tables above show that in Rabat, Malta, for example, there was the teaching of catechism even before 1908. We know that during that year the parishpriest, Fr Karm Sammut, had asked the Archbishop to nominate Fr Anton Ebejer as director of the already existing teaching of catechism in the same Parish.[1418] In spite of this we know from witnesses in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of Mgr De Piro, that even in this Parish the catechetical teaching was rather poor.  In fact Anthony Scerri said that, “At that time we learnt catechism for the first Holy Communion in the Parish Church (Rabat, Malta) or some similar place, and then nothing else.”[1419] Joseph Tonna said almost the same, “… at Rabat, children were only prepared for their first Holy Communion and their Confirmation. Besides, lessons were given there in improvised classes formed by grouping together a few benches in the church and one could hardly say that they were very well organized.”[1420] Paul Sammut confirmed the above in relation to the situation in Rabat, Malta, during the first years of the 20 century:

I come from Rabat. At first I used to attend catechism lessons at St Paul’s Church or the Parish Church of Rabat, Malta. Catechism lessons, however, were not very well organised here. Children were seated on a few benches in the Church. For teacher there would be some priest or some young man who frequented this Church. Teaching was very poor: we learnt everything by heart, mostly prayers and some simple truths. Methods of teaching and discipline were equally deplorable; teachers were very strict often using their belts to beat children who misbehaved during lessons.[1421]

 
(iva)  De Piro’s personal catechetical evangelisation to the Maltese children
                   - In Mtarfa, a Rabat suburb

If Rabat was lacking in well organised catechetical activities, this was more the case in the small suburbs that surrounded it. Mtarfa was one of them.  De Piro’s charism to evangelise did not allow him to remain passive: he realised that there was this situation; he concluded what had to be done; and he took action. This was attested to by Mr Christian Scerri who gave his testimony to Fr Aloisius Aloisio mssp, “When I used to meet him (the Servant of God) on the bridge going to Mtarfa for the catechism classes, because he taught catechism there… Yes, when he found out that the children of this area did not learn any catechism he started going there himself. And he was a Monsignor already!” [1422]

The above testimony meant that the Servant of God did this evangelisation when he was already burdened with a lot of responsibilities! We do not know for which specific years Scerri was referring to, but if we were to take into consideration even the very first year of De Piro’s Monsignorate, 1911, we find out that by that time he was already Director of Fra Diegu Institute; this had something like 138 girls in it.[1423] Also, a year before becoming Monsignor, in 1910, he had just started his missionary Society. Its members depended on him for all the aspects of their life, whether human, academic or spiritual. And, De Piro went to Mtarfa on foot. This meant a half hour walk! Not to mention the fact that especially in those days the Maltese would have never imagined a Monsignor teaching catechism to small children. More and more was this not conceived by the Monsignori themselves. It was considered very downgrading for these dignitaries, let alone for a Monsignor like De Piro, who was also noble by birth!

                   - In the Church’s charitable institutes

In the ecclesiastical charitable institutes De Piro was responsible for hundreds of children and youths. In these Homes the Servant of God did his best to evangelise those dependent on him by providing them with the best catechetical formation he could. Mother Pauline Cilia was superior of Fra Diegu Institute at the time of De Piro’s death. Her testimony about Monsignor is rather long. Amongst other things she said that:

He used to give conferences to the Sisters. He used to talk to them about how to care for the girls. He insisted a lot on the teaching of catechism. He was so attentive on this that he used to come himself to do the examination before the first holy communion. Once my girls were not that successful in the examination and he called me in his office.[1424]

 

Having a look at the volume “Confirmatorum” of St Joseph’s Institute, Malta, one can easily see that the Servant of God did allow a layman to register the names of the boys who were confirmed on some day or other and by some bishop or other. At the same time it was De Piro himself who examined the boys either for the first holy communion or for their confirmation, and recorded the results.[1425] At times the boys were “approvati con lodi”. At other times the boys were simply “approvati”or “approvati appena”. There were cases where the Director put down “Ad alias”. Some boys were even “disapprovati per incapacità mentale”. And there were cases where the Servant of God said that the boy was absent for the exam. All this from 1924 up to his death in 1933.[1426]

 

(ivb)  De Piro’s catechetical evangelisation to the Maltese children and youths through his Society

                   - The teaching of catechism in the first houses of the Society

As already noted De Piro gave his share in the evangelisation of the Maltese faithful when he himself taught catechism in Mtarfa. He also helped this evangelisation in the children’s ecclesiastical charitable institutes under his care. But he also taught catechism  through his missionary Society of St Paul in the first houses of the Society.

                   - He organised catechism classes since the very first years of the Society’s existence

Three witnesses in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of Joseph De Piro indicated that from the very first years of the Society that the Founder addressed its members towards the evangelisation of the Maltese faithful through the teaching of catechism. Anthony Scerri testified to the fact that catechetical activities were already one of the apostolates of De Piro’s Society only one year after its foundation, “I knew De Piro because I attended the catechism class and I was one of the first. We were around six. This was in 1911…”[1427] Christian Scerri, who testified to Monsignor’s catechetical initiative in Mtarfa, referred also to the teaching of catechism in the first house of the Society of St Paul, in Mdina. Again, he presented this service as one of the first ministries of the Society, “I know De Piro because I attended the catechism classes started by him in the first house of the Society. At that time, in 1914, the Society was just starting.”[1428] Joseph Tonna, whom we have already mentioned above in relation to the teaching of catechism in Rabat, Malta, says this as regards this evangelisation on the part of De Piro’s Society, “But above all I knew Mgr De Piro because I attended catechism classes in St. Roque Street (Mdina, Malta) in the first house of the Society founded by him.”[1429]

                   - He catered for boys … and all of them

Anthony Scerri indicated who attended the catechism classes organised by De Piro, “… in order to gather together the boys for catechism.”[1430] Christian Scerri confirmed this, “We started going there because there were some boys who told us what they did there…”[1431]

From the nature of the games mentioned and the fact that he spoke of the aspirants or the future candidates to the Society of De Piro, Joseph Tonna indicated quite clearly that only boys were accepted in the catechism classes organised by the members of the Society of the Servant of God.[1432] The same was indicated by Paul Sammut. Besides, this Sammut also said that, “… when Br. Guzepp noticed that some boy was a bit too unruly…”[1433] Which means that the group was not elitist!

                   - He paid from his own money for the lodging of the catechism classes

Anthony Scerri was the one to witness about De Piro’s financial generosity as regards the catechism classes, “De Piro hired a room near the first house of the Society in order to gather together the boys for catechism.”[1434]

                   - He even made available the first House of the Society for the teaching of catechism … and in fact several parts of the building

Christian Scerri referred to De Piro’s opening of the doors of the first house of the Society for catechism classes, “… I attended the catechism classes started by him in the first house of the Society.”[1435]  Joseph Tonna confirmed Scerri’s words, “… I attended catechism classes in St. Roque Street in the first house of the Society founded by him.”[1436] Paul Sammut indicated that, for the catechism classes, the Servant of God made available several parts of the first house of his Society,  “At Mdina, in the house of the Society of De Piro, the situation was very much different. First of all Mgr De Piro formed seperate classes for children of different ages.”[1437]

                   - His continuous attention for the development of catechetical evangelisation

Anthony Scerri was the first to indicate this continuous attention, “… in order to gather together the boys for catechism. After a while there were added another two classes, one for the First Holy Communion and another one for Confirmation. His first attempt was to gather together the boys after the First Holy Communion.”[1438] Joseph Tonna confirmed Scerri’s ascertion, “There we were prepared for our First Holy Communion and our Confirmation and there was also another class for those who wished to continue after that. There were therefore classes for the youngest ones, those preparing for their First Holy Communion and those more advanced.”[1439] Paul Sammut corroborated both Scerri and Tonna, “First of all Mgr De Piro formed seperate classes for children of different ages.”[1440]

                   - De Piro involved the members of his Society

As catechists Christian Scerri referred to some members by name, “There were Br Joseph, Fr John Vella and another one. The first two taught us catechism.”[1441] Joseph Tonna mentioned also the aspirants of the Society, “…at Catechism classes, there were also several young aspirants. These would change quite often and it seemed as if they came and went often. But those who were studying for the priesthood did not often take these classes; they gave lessons occasionally but they did not hold regular classes.”[1442] Paul Sammut added the Society’s students to the list of catechists, “Students for the priesthood sometimes helped and took a class, but, owing to their studies, they did not have a regular class.”[1443]

                   - The Founder involved especially the lay brothers

Christian Scerri named the first Lay Brother of the Society, … and then after a while there used to come Br Joseph and in a very loving way he used to take us for the catechism class.”[1444] As did Joseph Tonna, “Brother Joseph Caruana, who was responsible for the teaching of catechism…”[1445] Paul Sammut mentioned someone else by name and referred to the Brothers, “The Brothers taught most of these classes. Br. Guzepp Caruana and Br Emmanuel had a particular method.”[1446]

Also, all along his testimony, Sammut referred to the Brothers’ way of dealing with the children.[1447] He also referred to Br Joseph Caruana and his involvement with the boys.[1448]

                   - De Piro gave his support with his own physical presence

Joseph Tonna was the one who spoke of this personal involvement of the Servant of God, “Apart from those who were responsible for the teaching of catechism, Mgr De Piro himself took a great interest in these classes and he would make an occasional appearance to put questions to the children there.”[1449]

                   - The catechetical service of De Piro and his Society did not have geographical limits

Again, Joseph Tonna was the one who added this important note,  “I may say here, that these classes were not exclusively for us, Mdina children, but children from Rabat were also accepted…”[1450]

                   - He and the members of his Society prepared the boys for the First Holy Communion and Confirmation

Anthony Scerri said that, “… in order to gather together the boys for catechism. After a while there were added another two classes, one for the first holy communion and another one for confirmation. His first atempt was to gather together the boys after the first holy communion.”[1451] And Joseph Tonna confirmed Scerri’s words by saying that, “There we were prepared for our first holy communion and our confirmation…” [1452]

                   - And even further than these two stages

Joseph Tonna wanted to be complete in his testifying to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, “… and there was also another class for those who wished to continue after that. There were therefore classes for the youngest ones, those preparing for their first holy communion and those more advanced.”[1453]

                   - The catechism teaching imparted in the house of De Piro’s Society was more organised than in some other places

Joseph Tonna presented a complete picture of the organisation of the catechism classes in the Society’s house:

I may say here, that these classes were not exclusively for us Mdina children, but children from Rabat were also accepted because at Rabat children were only prepared for their first Holy Communion and their Confirmation. Besides, lessons were given there in improvised classes formed by grouping together a few benches in the church and one could hardly say that they were very well organized. On the other hand in the house of the Society in Mdina things were very much better run and organized. So much so that every Wednesday the advanced class held a special service known as “Massime Eterne”. Brother Joseph Caruana, who was responsible for the teaching of catechism would read the ‘Massime” while they sat around a table on which stood a crucifix and a skull.

Then again every Sunday we would meet for Mass, generally at the Cathedral, and we also had every facility to go to Confession. As a rule we went to confession to the Archpriest of Mdina, Mgr Cortis, but sometimes we would confess to Mgr, De Piro himself. He was very gentle and good when hearing confessions.[1454]

 

Paul Sammut referred to a certain pedagogy that existed in the members of De Piro’s Society:

At Mdina, in the house of the Society of De Piro, the situation was very much different. First of all Mgr De Piro formed seperate classes for children of different ages. Br. Guzepp Caruana and Br. Emmanuel had a particular method. Their methods were far better than those followed at Rabat.

At Mdina discipline was different: the Brothers were more lenient and knew how to educate. For example, when Br Guzepp noticed that some boy was a bit too unruly he used to take him with him when shopping. He would also give him the bag to carry so that he would feel important. Thus the small child would grow to like Brother Guzepp and listen to him.

In addition to cathechism we also used to have games. On Sunday afternoons the Brothers would take us to the football ground, near the Deredin tunnel, to play football. At Christmas all the kids would be given a present; a crib, Baby Jesus, clay images, etc: We were never asked to contribute money.[1455]

                   - De Piro and the members of his Society did more than memory catechetical teaching

Paul Sammut was the first to witness for this:

Memory work became limited. More emphasis was laid on deeper learning of things already known; they even introduced meditation. This was often held in a special room where, in addition to the benches, there used to be a table with a skull and cross on it. The room was dark with only a candle or lamp for a light. Often, the teacher encouraged us to use our imagination and make use of daily material things to remember God, and other spiritual things-a kind of ‘memorial exercise’.[1456]

                   - He and the Society gave catechetical formation within a holistic context

Three old boys of the catechism classes referred to the environment that was created by the members of De Piro’s Society and in which catechetical instructions were given. Christian Scerri was the first to mention this, “We started going there because there were some boys who told us what they did: football in the Deredin area, and then after a while there used to come Br Joseph and in a very loving way he used to take us for the catechism class.”[1457] Joseph Tonna said almost the same things, but added something else:

And not only this; we also enjoyed many other activities and recreations. Brother Joseph liked taking us children to a place known as “Id-Deredin”, near Mdina, where he used to organize football matches for us. When he began wearing the cassock he would lift it up a bit so that he could play with the children. For Christmas we used to receive such presents as cribs, figurines, wax figures of the Baby Jesus and other similar articles. During Carnival a special programme was prepared for us for all the three days.[1458]

 

Paul Sammut almost repeated Tonna’s words, “In addition to cathechism we also used to have games. On Sunday afternoons the Brothers would take us to the football ground, near the Deredin tunnel, to play football. At Christmas all the kids would be given a present; a crib, Baby Jesus, clay images, etc: We were never asked to contribute money.”[1459]

(ivc)  The catechetical formation of children and youths: two main apostolates in De Piro’s Constitutions for his Missionary Society and in his correspondence with the ecclesiastical hierarchy

                   - For all the members of his Society

                   - For children

De Piro presented the Original Constitutions of his Missionary Society of St Paul in three books or “Fascicoli”. The first one of these is divided into two sections: (1) the various stages of formation of the members and (2) a list of the apostolates of the Society. The fifth ministry that the members were expected to render was the teaching of catechism to children. This was for the Founder greatly esteemed:

I Missionari della nostra Compagnia abbiano sempre in grande stima la formazione dei fanciulli nei primi rudimenti della dottrina di nostra Santa Religione, e siano persuasi che un tal ministero è accetto a Dio quanto gli altri, fossero essi più alti ed onorifici; e perciò si tengano sempre disposti ad esercitarlo tutte le volte che dai loro Superiori verranno richiesti.[1460]

 

Here one may say that in 1924, when De Piro’s Constitutions were canonically approved, there was no need for the Founder to make this exhortation to the members of his Society; the clergy and religious had already been asked by the 1917 Code of Canon Law to give this share.[1461] This is all true, but it is important to remember what has already been indicated:[1462] that at the time of the Founder many clergymen and religious were not in fact doing what was expected of them.

If the Servant of God could not be considered to be the first founder to encourage the members of his Society to dedicate themselves to the catechesis of children, he was undoubtedly original when writing the other words of the Original Constitutions. While the 1917 Code of Canon Law[1463] asked of religious to limit themselves to their churches as regards the catechetical instructions, De Piro wanted the members to be available for this apostolate even when they are living in a house. And this implied all the members of his Society, “Nelle parrocchie affidate alle nostre cure, ed anche nelle chiese e case nostre dove l’opportunità delle circostanze lo permette, sarà cura del Superiore Locale … di erigere la Congregazione della Dottrina Cristiana …”[1464]

Not only this! At a time when the laity were not yet that much involved in the teaching of catechism, at least here in Malta, the Founder encouraged the members of his Society to, “… di erigere la Congregazione della Dottrina Cristiana per mezzo della quale l’opera del personale insegnante interno potrà essere molto utilmente estesa, mercè l’aiuto dei catechisti esterni congregati.”[1465]

                   - For youths

De Piro started the section of the Constitutions, “Cultura dei Giovani”, by these words, “Se è buona cosa la cultura dei fanciulli …”[1466] He does this just after he had presented the catechetical work with the children. Which means that in the section about youths the Servant of God used the word “culture” instead of catechetical formation. This means that by “Cultura dei Giovani” the Founder meant the catechetical work with youths.

                   - More than memory work

Referring to the content of this section in the Original Constitutions one can immediately verify the above meaning. But the content also shows that for De Piro catechetical initiatives to youths were far more than teaching the basic truths of our faith by heart, “Ove è possibile perciò nelle nostre case … verrà istituita una Congregazione … i quali oltre chè colla pratica di vari esercizi di pietà, si potranno anche aiutare con qualche utile e santa attrattiva come sarebbe una sala da studio.”[1467]

                   - The basis for the teaching of catechism: a holistic formation

Besides the contents of the catechetics for youths, the words, “… i quali oltre chè colla pratica di vari esercizi di pietà, si potranno anche aiutare con qualche utile e santa attrattiva come sarebbe una sala da studi,” [1468] also indicate that even here De Piro is implying that as an environment for this same apostolate there is need of a holistic formation.

                   - Youths helped by youths

The people who can best impart this service to youths, and in this way, are the youths themselves; the Congregazione della Dottrina Cristiana mentioned above is to be made of: “… giovani laici …”[1469] If De Piro had anticipated other times when he promoted the participation of the laity in catechetical projects, he did anticipate other times more and more when he encouraged the contribution of the youths themselves in the catechetical work for youths. The Servant of God can be said to have understood even as far as the first years of the 20 century that peer groups are vital, even for catechetical formation.

                   - The young helpers must be themselves helped

For De Piro the aim of involving youths in catechetical work with their peers was not a way to leave the members of the Society idle. They had to be there, so as to guide the youths in their apostolate with their companions, “Il Padre Superiore Locale, coll’approvazione del suo Superiore più prossimo nominerà uno o due dei Missionari perchè dirigano una tale Congregazione.”[1470]

                   - Love, crucial for youth catechesis

De Piro starts this section by a strong reality: it is not a question of doing catechetical work with the youths. For this to be really effective there is need that this be animated by love from the catechist towards the youths, “L’avere essi infatti una mano paterna che li coltivi e li diriga …”[1471]

                   - And this on an individual basis

So that there can be real love between the catechist and the youth there must be an individual attention from the side of the catechists, “Questi avranno per ufficio di conoscere individualmente tutti i congregati e dirigerli sempre all’ amore di Dio.”[1472]

It is worth noticing that the two sections “Catechismo Ai Fanciulli” and “Cultura Dei Giovani” make part of Book I of the Original Constitutions where the Founder deals also with the phases of formation of the members. It can be justly concluded that De Piro wanted to have the formation of the members very closely related to the apostolates of the Society. In this case it can be said that the Founder through the Original Constitutions, approved by Archbishop Caruana on 18 March 1918, had anticipated Pius XI who, a day after, on the 19 of the same month, published a letter in which he urged those responsible for the studies of young religious to help them train in catechetics.[1473]

                   - Especially for the lay brothers

                   - In his correspondence with the local and Vatican hierarchy

Before writing the final draft of the Costitutions of his Society, De Piro had to write a lot of letters to the local and Vatican authorities regarding the nature and scope of his Congregation. In these documents the Founder repeatedly called the lay brothers, “catechists”. This at a time when the Church’s official documents, such as the code of Canon Law, called these religious only “lay religious”, “lay brothers” or “conversi”. Here are some examples of De Piro’s writings:

·        Mgr Peter La Fontaine came to Malta in 1909. On 2 November, as Apostolic Visitor, he went to the ecclesiastical charitable Institute, Fra Diegu. There he met the Director, Fr Joeph De Piro. The latter grasped the opportunity and talked to La Fontaine about the setting up of a society for foreign missions.[1474] The Apostolic Visitor showed that he wanted to help De Piro. Therefore the latter continued corresponding with La Fontaine even after the latter had left Malta. On 27 June 1910 the Founder wrote a letter to the Apostolic Visitor informing him about the blessing and opening of the first House of his Society. He also told La Fontaine that, “ ‘La Piccola Casa’ incomincierà per accogliere uno studente ed un catechista.”[1475] Which means that even three days before the entry of these first two members the Founder already referred to one of them as a catechist!

·        On 9 June 1911 Mgr La Fontaine wrote a letter to a certain Mgr Bressan, an official at the Vatican. La Fontaine told Bressan that De Piro wished to have a written blessing from Pope Pius X, for him and the Society he had just founded. La Fontaine showed Bressan that De Piro’s Society was made of two types of members; some were priests but the others were catechists, “Una Pia Unione di sacerdoti e catechisti…”[1476]

·        The Pope’s blessing was written on 10 June 1911. Pius X sent it to the Founder and the members, both priests and catechists, “Al diletto figlio Sacerdote Giuseppe De Piro e a tutti gli egualmente diletti sacerdoti e catechisti ascritti alla Pia Unione…”[1477]

·        Another letter of De Piro to La Fontaine was written on 6 January 1914. After asking La Fontaine’s forgiveness for his not writing sooner, the Founder informed his friend and benefactor about the progress of the Society. Here again he mentioned the catechist members, “Il Piccolo Istituto è oggi conposto di 9 studenti e 2 catechisti.[1478]

·        On 30 June 1914 the Servant of God wrote to the Apostolic Administrator and Vicar General of Malta, Bishop Angelo Portelli. He asked him to give permission to the members of his Society to start wearing the habit. With this petition there was also “A Brief Prospect of the Institute for the Foreign Missions”. Number 3 of this Prospect mentions again the catechist members, “La Piccola Compagnia sarà composta di sacerdoti e catechisti laici…”[1479]

·        In 1915 De Piro started asking the “titulo missionis” for the ordinations of his Society’s first student. The Founder’s first letter was addressed to Pope Benedict XV.  He continued writing as well to others. On 22 August 1916 he wrote to Cardinal Philip Giustini, Prefect of the Congregation of the Sacraments. Attached to this letter the Founder sent a “Breve Notizia intorno ‘La Piccola Compagnia di San Paolo’ (Istituto Maltese per le Missioni Estere).” While describing the opening of the first house, the Servant of God said that, “… la ‘Piccola Casa di San Paolo’, la quale il 30 dello stesso mese accolse per la prima volta uno studente ed un catechista.”[1480]

·        The Servant of God tried for a long time to get canonical approval for his Society. He also tried more than once to persuade Propaganda Fide to take it under its protection. On 6 February 1919 Cardinal William Van Rossum, Prefect of Propaganda Fide, wrote to Bishop Angelo Portelli asking him for information about the Society. On his part Portelli sent a letter to De Piro asking to be provided with such information. De Piro wrote to Portelli on 10 March 1919. In the section about the origin of the Society, the Founder put these words, “… la detta Pia Casa, la quale il 30 dello stesso mese, giorno di San Paolo, riceveva entro le sue sacre pareti uno studente ginnasiale ed un giovane aspirante catechista.”[1481] In the section “Lo Sviluppo” of the same information written by De Piro to Portelli, the former presented the Society as, “… una Società di Missionari sacerdoti e catechisti…”[1482]

·        Cardinal Van Rossum wanted more information about De Piro’s Society. On 18 May 1920 Mgr Mauro Caruana, Archbishop of Malta, wrote to Van Rossum giving him this information. Amongst others things Caruana told the Prefect of Propaganda Fide, “Che l’Istituto iniziato allora con due giovani, uno studente ed un catechista, è oggi composto da nove studenti e tre catechisti.[1483] It was undoubtedly De Piro who supplied Archbishop Caruana with this information, and therefore it was De Piro who called some of the members “Catechists”!

·        The Servant of God continued to struggle to get the canonical approval for his Society. On 10 April 1921 he wrote to Archbishop Caruana asking him for this approval. With this petition there was the “Prospetto delle Regole della Compagnia di San Paolo”. In the very first paragraph he mentioned the lay catechists, “La Compagnia di San Paolo Apostolo è una Società di missionari, sacerdoti e catechisti laici …”[1484]

                   - In the Society’s Original Constitutions

Mgr De Piro presented the first two parts of the Society’s Constitutions to the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, on 10 November 1922.[1485] In the very first sentence of the first part of these same Constitutions the Founder mentioned the two types of members of the Society, “La Compagnia di San Paolo Apostolo è una Società di Missionari, Sacerdoti e Catechisti laici[1486] In the section “Dell’Ammissione”, having written about the prenovitiate, novitiate, profession and studentate, the Founder presented the section “Dei Fratelli Catechisti”. And he continued referring to these members with this title all along.[1487]

Coming to describe the contribution of the lay brothers of his Society, De Piro mentioned “… la loro ordinaria occupazione”.[1488] And he immediately said what he meant by this: “… consiste nel prestare gratuitamente e per amore di Dio, l’opera loro pei bisogni temporali della Compagnia.”[1489]

But the Servant of God also mentioned “… il loro più nobile ufficio …”[1490] In the same paragraph the Founder continued saying that the lay brothers, “… si dedicheranno all’istruzione religiosa e ad altri simili uffici …”[1491]  So much so that among the entry requirments for these members, the Founder asked for an, “…attitudine ad insegnare il catechismo …”[1492]

                   - In St Joseph’s Institute, Malta

It has already been said that De Piro involved himself personally in the catechetical aspect of the boys’ formation of St Joseph’s Institute, Malta.[1493] Also, it has just been said that the Servant of God has presented the catechetical work as the main ministry of the lay brothers of his Society.[1494] The Founder was so much convinced of this latter truth that at St Joseph’s he sought the help of the lay brothers when it came to the teaching of catechism.

The last 42 pages of the Volume “Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta)”, are made up of lists of duties that were to be carried out at the Institute, and who was expected to execute them. There are also several timetables that were to be followed by the different age groups or classes that were in the Home. One of the recurrent moments mentioned in these timetables especially for classes I, II and IV was the teaching of catechism. It is important to note that for classes I and II this was known as Istruzione Religiosa, which meant that the boys were not made to do memory work, but were given religious instructions. In relation to class IV there was Spiega Catech. e Memoria. Here memory work was mentioned which means that those responsible for the teaching of catechism knew of this method, and they did in fact use it, but they also gave an explanation of the catechism to the boys. It is also to be noted that while it was a priest of the Society, Fr Joseph Spiteri, who helped the class IV boys during the catechism istructions, there was Br Felix Muscat, a lay brother, who was responsible for this aspect in relation to the first and second classes.[1495]

 

(ivd)  At the Oratory, B’Kara

                   - Introduction: The teaching of catechism in B’Kara

The Table below indicates that the Confraternity of Christian Catechism was set up in B’Kara in 1820. This does not mean that before this year there was no teaching of catechism in this town. In fact from the petition made by the Parishpriest, Francis Sammut, regarding the setting up of the above mentioned Confraternity, we can deduce that there had already been a group of priests, clerics and laymen who were teaching catechism.[1496] There was a catechetical activity even before this! The canonicate with the title of theologian was set up in 1787 and one of its aims was the care of catechism teaching.[1497] At the same time it was quite clear that this teaching had not been always very satisfactory. In fact the Apostolic Visitor Mgr Pietro Duzzina, in 1575, had instructed that there be a catechism book in the parish church.[1498] Also, some century and a half after Duzzina’s visit, Bishop Paulo Alpheran de Bussan (1728-57) administered the sacrament of confirmation in two different ceremonies; in one there were 335 persons and in the other 42. And some of these were grown ups. Which means that confirmation had not been administered in this town for some years![1499]

After the approval of the Confraternity of Christian Catechism on 20 January 1820 there were these initiatives in B’Kara, in favour of the teaching of catechism:

 

Date

Initiative

Until the first

week of

February 1820

·        Approval of the statutes of the Confraternity, amongst which there were these articles:

·        provost or archpriest to be director;

·        the town’s doctor, the secretary;

·        made up canons, the vice provost, some clerics, nuns (perhaps some members of a third order), men and women;

·        43 administrative posts amongst which 18 teachers, mostly occupied by the priests or the clerics, the laity occupying such posts as that of procurator, secretary, sacristan, sub sacristan and some teachers;

·        responsibilities of each post;

·        children to be examined, in order to pass from one class to another;

·        which prayers to be said before and after lessons;

·        which prayers to be said on certain special ocasions;

·        confession of children;

·        activities for the First Holy Communion children;

·        taking care of catechism even of grown ups;

·        9 classes of children: up to fourth class for first holy communion, while at eight or ninth class, for confirmation;

·        to use Compendio della Dottrina Cristiana, a version revised by the order of Bishop Mattei;

6 February 1820

Inauguration of the Confraternity.

During 1820 there were 185 men and 208 women.

On 12 May 1850 were registered 100 men and 6 women.

Trinity Sunday, 1820

Celebration of the feast, Sedes Sapientiae or the feast of our Lady of the teaching of catechism.

1834

A statue of Our Lady of the teaching of catechism was inaugurated

1857

In spite of the above, not so much was done for the teaching of catechism in B’Kara. Therefore Provost Calcedon Agius set up the Istituto d’Educazione Cattolica at Tal-Herba chapel for boys.

1870

Another statue of Our Lady of the teaching of catechism was made

1905

It is important to note here that on 15 April 1905, Pope Pius X, published his Encyclical Acerbo Nimis, about the Teaching of Christian Doctrine

1906

Setting up of the Society of St Louis Conzaga for boys.

1909

The deacon Michael Sammut was ordained priest. He was a priest who dedicated himself the education of boys and youths.

Table 16[1500]

 

During the first years of the 20 century girls in B’Kara were taught catechism by some women who offered their own homes for this same aim.[1501]

In the previous pages historical indications have already been given about the first years of the Oratory. In the chart which follows I go through the years, from the beginning up to 1927, when De Piro took over its administration, and I present once more, this time in note form, the most important events:

 

Date

Initiative

23 March 1910

Foundation stone of the chapel of the Oratory, B’Kara

20 July 1910

Inauguration of the Chapel of the Oratory, B’Kara.

Continuation of the building of the Oratory.

The Salesians of Don Bosco had the direction of the Oratory.

20 October 1912

The Freres De La Salle took over the administration of the Oratory.

23 August 1916

The Freres decided to leave the Oratory.

26 August 1916

Notary Michael Casolani asked the Freres to continue frequenting the Oratory at least twice a week. The Freres accepted.

1914

The Chapel of St Paul in the valley, at B’Kara,used as annex for the teaching of catechism.

1916

The Freres left the Oratory.

Notary Casolani and Canon Michael Sammut tried again to find another administration for the Oratory. No success.

4 May 1917

The Franciscan Missionaries of Mary who had shown themselves available to administer the Oratory were given a negative answer by Casolani. Instead, they rented a house in front of the Oratory. And started helping a bit there.

Canon Michael Sammut, helped by his Brother Canon Joseph and some other priests took over the administration of the place.

4 April 1927

Notary Michael Casolani donated the Oratory to Mgr Joseph De Piro

Table 17

                   - De Piro, the members of the Society and the teaching of catechism at the Oratory, B’Kara

In the pages above we have already presented the various aspects of the formation that was imparted at the Oratory before its being donated to the Servant of God.[1502] Also, a reference has been made to “Document C”, one of the documents attached to the donation contract. In this latter document Notary Casolani, the donor, asked, and De Piro, the donee, promised, that the activities carried on till then at the Oratory be continued even after the signing of the contract. Among these activities there was strong mention of the teaching of catechism.[1503]

Monsignor kept his word. Although he himself could not stay there all the time he paid frequent visits to the Oratory and he showed a lot of interest in the teaching of catechism. This is what was said by Saviour Schembri, a catechist at the Oratory and one of the witnesses in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God:

Mgr De Piro always showed great interest in the Oratory. Every now and then he came to see how things were going. He was greatly interested in catechism. There is still a photograph of him surrounded by the children of the Oratory. He loved this place so much that later he saw to it that two of the members of the Society celebrated their first Mass in the chapel of the Oratory. We also knew that in 1932 he had in mind to buy the house next to the Oratory to execute the project as we see it today. However, he had not yet achieved any of his aims.[1504]

 

A few months after the donation of the Oratory to De Piro and his Society, Fr Carm Azzopardi, a member of the Society and the priest in charge of the Centre, organised the first holy communion to all the B’Kara boys. The main celebrant was De Piro. The photo mentioned above by Saviour Schembri shows the Servant of God and Fr Azzopardi surrounded by the first communicants and their lay catechists.[1505] Another photo shows De Piro, Fr Azzopardi, and Fr Joseph Spiteri, another member of the Society, together with the catechists of the Oratory.[1506] A third photo shows the Servant of God in the football ground of the Oratory, surrounded by the boys who attended there. This latter photo was taken on 25 March 1928, after the spiritual exercises of that same year.[1507]

All this attention of the Servant of God for the Oratory came at a time when he was busy with so many other responsibilities! If we only take into consideration the year 1927 when the Oratory was donated to him, we find out that De Piro was director of six charitable institutes and Founder - Superior of the Society of St Paul. Not to mention many, many other minor duties![1508]

In 1933 the “Annuario della Diocesi di Malta” started being published. In part IV of the 1933 edition there was the section “Istituti di Educazione Cattolica”. Among the institutes mentioned there was the “Oratorio Maria Ausiliatrice – B’Kara”. The Annuario provided important information about the Oratory during the year 1932:

·   it was for boys;

·   it was situated in St Julian’s Road;

·   director: Fr Michael Callus ssp

·   helpers: Canons Louis Debono, Lawrence Sammut and Joseph Sammut;

·   catechists: 10;

·   assistant catechists: 6;

·   aspirants: 2;

·   boys who attended: 400, divided in three sections;

·   the teaching of catechism was given daily, for half an hour, after the Ave Maria, in three different places:   

·        section A: in the chapel of the Oratory;

·        section B : in the chapel of St Paul;

·        section C : at the Museum;

·   saturdays : confessions;

·   the three Sections were expected to meet together for:

·        the mass on Sundays and feasts, after which there would be the explanation of catechism, prayers and communion (more or less 200 communions);

·        in the afternoon, on Sundays and feasts, there would be the explanation of the catechism and Blessed Sacrament Benediction;

·   in 1932 there were 108 first holy communions and 280 confirmations.[1509]

                   - The Oratory and the Society of Christian doctrine (MUSEUM)

It has already been indicated here and there that the Director of the Oratory was not responsible for the teaching of catechism only at the Oratory. As a branch of this there was also the chapel of St Paul, also in B’Kara. In fact in the year 1915 the catechists of the Oratory had started teaching catechism there. Even De Piro was bound to carry on this responsibility. In the donation contract this was one of the conditions presented by Casolani and accepted by the Servant of God, “6) Il Direttore dell`Oratorio ha pure cura di sorvegliare le lezioni di catechismo che si fanno la sera nei giorni feriali nella Chiesa di San Paolo dai catechisti addetti all`Oratorio.” [1510]

It also happened that the MUSEUM, which had been founded by Fr George Preca in 1907 for the teaching of catechism in all Malta, started one of its centres in B’Kara, in 1918, for boys. Notary Casolani considered this as a threat to the Oratory and therefore asked the ecclesiastical authorities to close the MUSEUM Centre at B’Kara. In 1930 the MUSEUM members wanted to move their Centre and have it nearer to St Paul’s Chapel. This time it was De Piro who was directing the Oratory. His attitude was completely different from that of Casolani: although he wanted that the Oratory and the MUSEUM would settle the issue by a formal contract, he realised that a MUSEUM centre would be only beneficial to the catechetical formation of the boys. He, therefore, together with the Provost or Archpriest of B’Kara, wrote a petition to the Archbishop of Malta asking him to give the permission for the opening of the MUSEUM Centre:

 

A Sua Eccellenza Reverendissima

Monsignor Diocesano

 

Umile ricorso del Canonico Preposito di Birchircara, Dottor Don Carmelo Bonnici; e del Canonico Decano Capitolare, Giuseppe dei Marchesi De Piro Navarra.

 

Sottomettono riverentemente

 

Che essi, Canonico Preposito Bonnici, in detta qualità sua; e Canonico Decano Giuseppe dei Marchesi De Piro Navarra, qual Superiore della Compagnia di San Paolo, e Direttore dell’Oratorio di Birchircara, han ritenuto di sommo vantaggio ai figli delle classi operarie di Birchicara, accordare alla Società dei Papidi di San Giovanni Battista, la facoltà d’insegnare, nel loro Istituto in Birchircara, nel Vicolo Nannua di Strada Hassajed, il catechismo. Alle condizioni, bensi’ espresse nella minuta giù unita. [1511]

 

De Piro did not want any monopoly over the teaching of catechism; he was only after the evangelisation of the children through the teaching of catechism.

 

Section II

De Piro’s “second evangelisation” or his evangelisation to the Maltese migrants

 

Introduction - Migration during the 19 and early years of the 20 centuries

At the end of the presentation of the Maltese socio economic conditions of Malta in the ninteenth and early years of the twentieth centuries it has been indicated that:

Malta could be said to have passed from prosperity to misery. According to the Royal Commission of 1912: ‘…the wages of the working classes in Malta are low, there is much unemployment, and it is with great difficulty that they support life…’ When the construction work and the employment with the Admiralty experienced the rundown, since the local industry had never been developed, the Maltese turned to agriculture. While in 1910 there were c.7,000 farmers, in the following years there were 15,200 according to the Report of the Royal Commission of 1912.

Facing such economic crises and the negative influences on most of the Maltese, the people of the Island reacted to poverty by begging; during this time, begging was common place; both grown ups and children appear to grow in the streets. But not only; some considered stealing as a solution. Others relied on borrowing money or emigration.” [1512] In fact several Maltese went to Algiers, Australia, Brasil, Canada, Cephalonia, Constantinople, Egypt, France, Gibraltar, Corfù, Lampedusa, Libya, Palestine, Tunisia, United Kingdom and USA.[1513]

 

Obviously, De Piro never encouraged the solution of stealing mentioned above. Nor have we ever met any instance when the Servant of God was involved in the borrowing of money. But it has already been said that De Piro did help the beggars.[1514]And we shall be immediately seeing that he did a lot for the Maltese migrants.

 

(i)  De Piro’s contribution

(ia)  Publication of information about the living of the christian life by Maltese communities abroad - the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”

 

De Piro continued exteriorising his own love for the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants in his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”. He did this mainly by showing his appreciation for what was being done in several countries for the benefit of the Maltese who were living abroad: in Carthage,[1515] in Egypt,[1516] in Marseille,[1517] in Tripoli,[1518] in Tunis,[1519] and in the USA.[1520]

 

(ib)  He helped the Maltese migrants by finding for them diocesan or religious priests and nuns who could evangelise them

It seems that this dedication of the Servant of God for the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants was not demonstrated only in writing and in his giving of information to the Maltese about their co-nationals living abroad. On 9 November 1914, Mgr Dominic Darmanin, Archbishop of Corfù, Greece, wrote to De Piro and thanked him for having found a certain Fr A. Galea to go and work at least for some time in his Diocese where there were many Maltese, “Io La ringrazio di tutto cuore per il bene veramente straordinario che ha procurato alla nostra colonia maltese di campagna e di città per mezzo del nostro carissimo e zelantissimo D. A. Galea, che animato dallo spirito del Signore, non si … un momento dal cercare le anime e di portarle al seno di Dio…”[1521]

A certain J. Fenech, living in San Francisco, California, USA, did the same thing as Archbishop Darmanin; he wrote to the Servant of God on 9 September 1914, thanking him for having already found a priest who could work among the Maltese in that part of the USA. In this same letter Fenech also expressed his convictions about De Piro himself:

Dear benefactor not only of the Maltese in Malta, but also of all the Maltese scattered all over the world and especially those of California. They are sure that you are really so.  They were sure that once you yourself were involved in the affair, it had to be undoubtedly successful…

I thank you deeply in the name of all the Maltese in California and I assure you that your image will be continuously seen in the church we are going to build in San Farancisco.[1522]

 

In between the years 1915 and 1918 Mgr De Piro was chosen by Malta’s Archbishop, Mauro Caruana, as his secretary.[1523] Amongst those who corresponded with the Servant of God there was Fr William Bonett. The latter was born in Gibraltar in 1884 from Maltese parents. He returned to Malta with his family in 1904 where he was afterwards ordained priest. He went to Australia in 1916.[1524] An undated letter of Bonett to De Piro shows that most probably the former had contact with the Servant of God because the latter was the Archbishop’s secretary. In this letter he asked the Servant of God to send him the “exeat”so that he could be incardinated to the Diocese of Sydney.[1525] Even another letter, again undated, could have been sent by Bonett to De Piro for the same reason.[1526] But from this last letter one can easily conclude that this Bonett believed that De Piro could persuade some Maltese diocesan or religious priest to go to Australia and work among the Maltese there:

Pochi giorni fa mi recai a fare una visita al P. Provinciale dei Francescani.

Parlammo di Malta ed egli mi domandò se vi fossero Padri del loro Ordine. Risposi di si ed egli mi pregò perchè io potessi scrivere al superiore locale perchè si possa mandare due padri o almeno uno. Lo indirizzai una lettera a Padre Serafino e gli spiegai tutto. Gli dissi pure che Padre Bajada sarebbe la persona adatta, siccome costui può parlare l’inglese (perchè come V.S. Reverendissima sa, tutti i preti che si vogliono qui, si voglioni per gli Inglesi). Il Padre Provinciale è pronto a pagare tutte le spese occorrenti, ed appena accomoderano tutto non devono fare altro che telegrafare al Superiore (di cui spedii l’indirizzo) ed egli spedirà il denaro.

Non si èinvogliato nessun altro prete ancora per l’Australia?

Due settimane fa si recò da me Padre Giacomo Cassar, Cappuccino Maltese, il quale sta in Australia da 40 anni. Propriamente egli è in charge of a parish in North Rockhampton in Queensland…. Intanto egli mi disse che richiederebbero 20 preti almeno nell’Arcidiocesi di Queensland e nelle altre Diocesi.

Lo scrissi già a V.S. Reverendissima perchè faccia un appello a tanti giovani preti specialmente a quelli che dissero Messa ultimamente.

Dica loro che ove venissero sarebbero contentissimi. L’onorario è di 7 sterline al mese e l’elemosina della messa è libera. Inoltre Board and Lodging is free.

Nel caso che qualcuno si invogliasse di venire una previa raccomandazione da S.E. Reverendissima è assolutamente richiesta. Colgo questa occasione perchè V.S. Reverendissima si degni presentare i miei distinti ossequi a S.E. Monsignor Arcivescovo Vescovo.

Mandi i miei ossequi a V.S. Reverendissima e mi raffermo.

 

Suo dev.mo ubb.dmo servitore

Rev. William Bonett.[1527]

 

The Servant of God did not answer Bonett’s first letter immediately, but after the second one, on 17 November 1916, De Piro wrote to Bonett and shared with him one of his wishes:

Sarebbe un mio vivo desiderio di vedere aperta in Australia qualche casa delle nostre pie Suore le Terziarie Francescane; secondo me sarà di grande aiuto spirituale anche alla colonia Maltese, potendovi in tal modo forse rimediare al male da te lamentato nell’ultima tua diretta a S.E. Reverendissima. Se insegnassero un pò di catechismo mi pare che dovrebbero fare del bene; ci sono parecchie di esse che conoscono sufficientemente l’inglese e sono certo che subito l’apprenderanno bene, dopo una breve residenza.[1528]

 

Fr William Bonett wrote again to De Piro in June 1917 about the dire need of priests in Australia and appealed to Monsignor to find some from among the diocesan clergy who could go to Australia.[1529]

 

(ic)  He himself went to evangelise the Maltese in Tunis and Carthage

If De Piro’s search for diocesan and religious priests and nuns, who could go and evangelise the Maltese abroad, was a step further than his Almanac’s articles about these same Maltese, his own going to Tunis twice to evangelise the Maltese there, was more and more impressive. This at a time when the Servant of God was more than busy with so many other responsibilities!

In May 1922 the Maltese in Tunis organised a feast in honour of St Paul. Although the main aim of this activity was to honour the Apostle who evangelised the faith in Malta on the way to his martyrdom in Rome,[1530] those responsible wanted also to organise a mission for the Maltese in that African country. For this occasion the Maltese there invited Mgr Angelo Portelli, the Vicar General of the Archdiocese of Malta, five canons of the Maltese Metropolitan Cathedral and a Dominican preacher. Among the canons there was Mgr Joseph De Piro.

It was probably the Servant of God himself who, in “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”, wrote an article about this evangelisation of the Maltese migrants in Tunis.[1531] Unfortunately he described the contributions given by his companions in this mission, but he said nothing about his own share in it. The Maltese missionaries ran from one parish to another. They even went to the Institute of the Freres De La Salle and that of some nuns. They were busy with a lot of preaching and led several ceremonies. In the end there was also a procession. The celebrations could be said to have been successful because many of the Maltese went for confession and received Holy Communion.[1532]

Eight years later, De Piro went again to the Maltese community in Tunis, this time on the occasion of the International Eucharistic Congress held in Carthage between 7 and 11 May 1930. Again, the Servant of God published a report about this mission of his to the friends and benefactors of his Society, “This year we ourselves could attend for the one (the Eucharistic Congress) which took place in Africa in the place where the ancient city of Carthage once stood … the Eucharistic Congress was held in Carthage from the 7 to the 11 May.”[1533]

In the article, the Servant of God mentioned several activities which made part of the Congress. He also referred to the many national meetings held for the language groups: the French, the Italian and the Maltese. As regards the last group De Piro also said that:

In the Maltese section there were no Cardinals or Bishops as there were in the French and Italian sections. Circumstances did not permit neither the Archbishop of Malta nor the Bishop of Gozo, to attend ... But the Maltese of Tunis had the consolation to meet a large number of Maltese from Malta; three Canons of the Cathedral of Malta took part. The section was presided by Mgr Dean J. De Piro as a representative of the beloved Bishop M. Caruana…

The morning functions and the afternoon meetings were held in the church of Beb il Khadra dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus; it is much frequented by the Maltese. The presbytery was always full of Maltese priests and in the church one could always mark them. Abbè Patiniot, always on the go, and attending to everybody’s needs, often showed his satisfaction when he saw the extent of success of the Maltese section. He always strives for the good of souls, especially for the Maltese colony in Tunis. In the morning the Maltese priests used to go into the confessionals, surrounded by a large number of penitents. Therefore it is no wonder when we say that at the morning functions there were about a thousand people daily for communion. On Friday, the first day, Mgr Fr. Saviour Manduca, Archpriest of Saint Paul’s, said the mass for general communion and Mgr Cantor Fr. Paul Prelate of the Pope said the Sung Mass. Mgr Fr. Paul Ganci said mass of general communion and Mgr Dean De Piro said the Sung mass on Saturday 10th of the month. It was also his turn to perform the last general communion preceded by an exortation of the occasion on the next day, Sunday morning, which was the last day of the Congress.

The afternoon meetings took place with the greatest order. They could not but yield abundant fruit for the souls of all those who attended. Every time there were three speeches; Mgr Dean De Piro started speaking on the Mass…So these meetings of the Maltese section ended by the complimentary speeches of Mgr Gauci, of the Abbè Fr. Patiniot and of Mgr Dean De Piro to everybody’s greatest satisfaction.[1534]

 

De Piro presented with a lot of enthusiasm the evangelisation of the Maltese in Tunis during the International Eucharistic Congress held in Carthage in1930. But when he described the children’s activities his enthusiasm was even more pronounced:

Children’s day was undoubtedly one of the functions of the Congress which shone above all others. There was neither boy nor girl in all the Tunis parishes who did not take part. On Thursday morning they gathered in the large and beautiful garden known as Belvedere, outside Tunis. On that day it was a really fitting name - for about six thousand boys and girls, all dressed in white with a red cross on their breast could be seen running here and there; heavenly joy was visible on their face for they had just received the Bread of Angels from Cardinal Hlond’s hands. No less attractive and moving was the children’s part in the afternoon. It consisted in the offering of palm leaves at the amphitheatre where many martyrs, especially children, went up to heaven in the first centuries of the Church.

The children went in very slowly, singing and swinging the palm leaves every now and then until they filled the whole amphitheatre- Here in one voice and with one swing they left the most soave memory in everybody’s mind. The Cardinal Legate attended this ceremony; the other Cardinals and many bishops were present; around the amphitheatre forty thousand delegates were gathered.[1535]

 

De Piro ended his article by mentioning some other activities that made part of the International Eucharistic Congress.

 
 
 
(id)  De Piro founded a Society whose secondary aim was the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants
                   - Before the foundation of his Society

While at the Qrendi Parish during the years 1904 – 1907, De Piro was expected to rest in order to continue recovering his health. As has already been said he was instead all the time busy giving his share in the parish apostolate.[1536] Besides this pastoral contribution, he started working concretely for the setting up of his Society.[1537] He consulted his spiritual director continuously.[1538] On 16 January 1905 he shared his project for the first time with Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the director of St Joseph’s Institute, Malta.[1539] The latter told De Piro to put his project to writing.[1540] Fr Joseph hesitated for some days, but at last, on 7 August 1905, he presented to Vassallo his “written idea”:

1.             Una società di Missionari …

2.             Lo scopo principale, come indica il nome della Società, consiste nelle Missioni   estere.

3.             Campi prossimi d’azione possono essere:

a)      La Casa di S. Giuseppe,

b)      Le colonnie di Maltesi all’estero, ed 

c)      a bordo le corazzate etc.[1541]

 

Therefore as early as 1905 De Piro was already presenting the work among Maltese migrants as one of the secondary works of his Society.

The Servant of God continued with his attempts to find other priests who would accept his dream and join him in the setting up of his Society. On 10 December 1906 Fr Joseph shared his “idea” with Fr George Bugeja, the successor of Fr E. Vassallo as director of St Joseph’s, Malta.[1542]  Bugeja showed that he wanted to help. About a year and a half later, on 8 August 1908, De Piro talked to another priest, Fr John Mamo, about his project. This priest was also cooperative.[1543] On 2 November 1909, Fr De Piro, now the Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun, met Mgr Pietro La Fontaine, the Apostolic Visitor, at Fra Diegu. While talking to La Fontaine, the Servant of God mentioned the foundation of the Society.[1544] The Apostolic Visitor welcomed the “idea” a lot and  encouraged De Piro to put it in writing in order to be presented to the Pope.[1545] On 3 November 1909 the petition was already written and signed by the Servant of God.[1546] Even Bugeja and Mamo put their names on it. [1547] On 15 November 1909 the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, put down his recommendation.[1548] In this petition De Piro presented the evangelisation of Maltese migrants as primary for his future Society, “… una società religiosa allo scopo di formare dei Missionari particolamente ed in primo luogo per le colonie di Maltesi all’estero.” [1549]

La Fontaine kept his word and presented De Piro’s petition to the Pope, after which the Apostolic Visitor wrote to the Servant of God this letter:

Cassano Ionio - 27-1-1910

 

Mio Carissimo D. Giuseppe

 

Il Santo Padre a cui esposi la sua dimanda informato da me in proposito, si rallegrò del sonto divisamento e mi affidò l’onorevole incarico di dirle che Egli conforta lei e i compagni con la Benedizione Apostolica.[1550]

 

But La Fontaine continued saying that, “A me pare che l’opera debba essere foggiata a simiglianze di quella di Mgr Coccolo per gli emigranti italiani. Sarebbe buona cosa accordarsi col P. Vella S.J. il quale, per essere stato lungo tempo fra i Maltesi in Grecia, potrà dare utilissimi lumi.” [1551] It was therefore quite clear that La Fontaine got the impression that De Piro’s Society was for the Maltese migrants! And he could have got it from no one if not from De Piro himself!

On 6 June 1910 the Servant of God, together with Bugeja and Mamo, wrote to the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, asking him permission to open a house for their Society, “… la quale servirà di residenza ai componenti una Società religiosa allo scopo di formare dei Missionari, particolarmente ed in primo luogo per le colonie di Maltesi all’estero.” [1552]

De Piro found the House and asked Archbishop Pace to open it and bless it. His Excellency accepted and the inauguration celebration was held on 12 June 1910. On that occasion the Founder read an address to the Archbishop and in it repeated the scope of the House:

Eccellenza Reverendissima

 

Ci sentiamo oggi assai consolati da un lato e confusi dall’altro nell’indirizzarci a Vostra Eccellenza per domandarle a voler benedire e dichiarare aperta questa "Piccola Casa di San Paolo" la quale servirà di residenza ai componenti una Società Religiosa allo scopo di formare dei Missionari particolarmente ed in primo luogo per le colonie di Maltesi all’estero.[1553]

 

As was expected the Founder informed his benefactor, La Fontaine, with this step forward. On his part the Apostolic Visitor answered De Piro on 30 June 1910. After encouraging Fr Joseph, La Fontaine assured him that, “I buoni Maltesi lontani dalla patria avranno da voi altri grandissimi aiuti.”[1554]

                   - After the foundation of his Society

After its opening and blessing, the “Piccola Casa di San Paolo”, on 30 June 1910, welcomed in it the first two members.[1555] De Piro had asked Mgr La Fontaine for a blessing from Pope Pius X. On 9 June 1911 La Fontaine wrote to a certain Mgr Bressan, an official at the Vatican, and asked him for this blessing. La Fontaine presented De Piro’s Society as, “… una Pia Unione di Sacerdoti e Catechisti, allo scopo di dedicarsi alla cultura speciale delle forti colonie Maltesi di Corfù e di Tripoli.”[1556]

On 30 June 1914 De Piro asked the Auxiliary Bishop and Apostolic Administrator, Mgr Angelo Portelli, the permission for the members of his Society to wear the habit. Attached to this petition De Piro presented also a “Breve Prospetto delle regole dell’istituto per le Missioni Estere”. As regards the aim of the Society, the Founder was quite clear, “2. Scopo della Piccola Compagnia sarà quello di venire in aiuto dei popoli… particolarmente ed in primo luogo dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria ...”[1557]

Although Mgr Emmanuel Vassallo did not join the Servant of God in the concrete initation of the Society, Vassallo helped his old friend a lot in its first years. De Piro had received a Rescript from the then Congregation of the Sacraments. In it there were some words which neither De Piro nor Vassallo could understand well. The latter, on 25 November 1916, wrote to one of his friends in Rome asking for a clarification. In this letter Vassallo told also this to his friend, Don Archangelo Bruni:

Mgr De Piro col consenso di Mgr Pace di F.M. fondò questa pia unione in favore dei Maltesi residenti all’estero. Con questo egli non intese, e non intende di adibire i suoi missionari esclusivamente pei Maltesi, ma anche per altri che ne avessero bisogno. Il fine primario però della Congregazione sono i Maltesi residenti all’estero.[1558]

 

Vassallo had the right to put down these words about De Piro’s Society because the latter had talked a lot to him about the Society![1559]

                   - De Piro continued mentioning migrants even when facing misunderstanding regarding the principal aim of his Society

It has already been said that there were two youths who joined the Society of De Piro on 30 June 1910. One of these, John Vella, intended to become a priest. Five years after joining, Vella was nearing the minor orders. Therefore the Founder wrote to Pope Benedict XV, asking him the permission for his student to be ordained “titulo missionis”. The answer from the side of the Vatican was already indicating doubts about the principal aim of the Society:

Estratto dalla lettera del 3 Dicem. 1915 del Dr. Giuseppe Sebastiani Spedizioniere Apostolico.

 

Riguardo alla facoltà per lo studente Giovanni Vella per essere ordinato “titulo Missionis” la Sacra Congregasione desidera conoscere qualche notizia riguardo all’Istituto della Piccola Casa di San Paolo per le Missioni Estere, se depende dalla Congregazione di Propaganda Fide e se altre volte si sia domandata tale facoltà.[1560]

 

The Servant of God answered Sebastiani on 4 January 1916:

1.             In riscontro alla sua pregiatissima del 3 Dicembre 1915 relativamente alla mia domanda, per poter presentare all’Ordinazione ‘titulo Missionis’ il giovane studente Giovanni Vella sono a significarle:-

2.             Che esso in primo luogo, è inteso a favore dei Maltese lontani dalla patria e pure dell’assistenza religiosa.

3.             Che l’Istituto non dipende dalla Congregazione “De Propaganda Fide”.

4.             Che questa è la prime occasione nella quale viene avanzata tale supplica.[1561]

 

Sebastiani answered back on 8 February 1916; De Piro’s Society was being considered by the Vatican as having been set up for the Maltese migrants:

Estratto dalla lettera del Dottor Giuseppe Sebastiani - Spedizioniere Apostolico dell’8 Febbraio 1916.

 

Riguardo poi alla supplica dello studente Giovanni Vella per essere ordinato ‘titulo Missionis’ mi rincresce di doverle dire che la Congregazione dei Sacramenti visto che l’Istituto della Piccola Casa di San Paolo non si occupa che di Missionarii per i Maltesi residenti fuori dell’isola e non per altre Missioni ed infedeli, non ha creduto di accordare il detto privilegio per l’ordinazione.[1562]

 

This was in fact the instance when De Piro, because of his mentioning of the Society’s evangelisation to the Maltese migrants, experienced the first of a serious of setbacks as regards the canonical approval of the Society. At such a moment the Servant of God remembered his friend and benefactor, Bishop La Fontaine. He wrote to him and told him that, “La Sacra Congregazione dei Sacramenti, dopo chieste ed avute delle informazioni riguardanti l’Istituto rispose negativamente, adducendo per ragione che l’Istituto è inteso per Misssionari per soli Maltesi e non per altre nazioni ed

infedeli.”[1563]

De Piro did not stop here. Although the answer of the then Congregation of the Sacraments might have been considered by the Founder as negative, it offered him an oportunity where he could explain better to La Fontaine what he had in mind as regards the aim of the Society; although the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants was not the main goal, he was quite clear about his wanting to continue with it:

Anzitutto come Ella potrà vedere dal foglio che accompagna la presente, nel dire in primo luogo, non si intende fare l’esclusione supposta dalla Sacra Congregazione; ed utinam il Piccolo Istituto Maltese possa in futuro avere quest’onore di inviare Missionarii presso gli infedeli e per tutto il mondo. Ma come ben comprenderà l’Eccellenza Vostra da parte nostra sarebbe troppo ardire il solo accarezzare una simile idea - Inoltre ho desiderato che il titulo per l’ordinazione fosse quello di Missione, per imprimere sempre più nella mente e nel cuore dei giovani l’idea missionaria. Ella che conosce qualche cosa di Malta, sa molto bene quanto il Maltese sia attaccato al suolo natio; e comprenderà anche che l’idea delle Missioni Estere non trovando terreno fertile, se lo deve formare per se.[1564]

 

La Fontaine answered De Piro on 28 July 1916.  In this letter, the Patriarch of Venice showed the Servant of God that for him the Society was one for the Maltese migrants. It was obvious; he got this impression from his contact with De Piro, the one who showed so much love for the evangelisation of the Maltese away from their country:

Sarei d’avviso che per ottenere l’ordinazione al Suddiaconato del suo giovine Missionario titulo missionis, Ella esponesse brevemente e chiaramente l’organismo, lo scopo e lo statuto della piccola Società, facendo vedere il bene grande, che i missionari esercitano in mezzo ai cattolici Maltesi all’estero, e come non venga messo ad essi il pane quotidiano. L’esposto insieme con una supplica affettiva dovrebbe essere indirizzato propria al Santo Padre.[1565]

 

Mgr De Piro did what La Fontaine had told him to do. On 22 August 1916 he wrote to Pope Benedict XV. Although he was eager to get the “titulo missionis” for his first member to be ordained priest, at the same time he also knew that mentioning the work among the Maltese migrants would hinder him from getting this “titulo”. Still he did not keep back from mentioning this apostolate when writing to the Pope, “… ha iniziato nel 1910 la costituzione di un Istituto per le Missioni Estere, particolarmente ed in primo luogo pei Maltesi fuori dell’ Isola…”[1566]

Even Mgr Mauro Caruana, the Archbishop of Malta, who wrote his recommendation at the end of De Piro’s letter to the Pope, referred to this evangelisation of the Society to the Maltese migrants, “… che per il futuro non potrà non fare bene immenso ai Maltesi residenti all’estero …”[1567] It is obvious that Archbishop Caruana was influenced by no one but by De Piro himself!

Reference has already been made to Fr William Bonett and his two undated letters to De Piro.[1568] It has also been said that the Servant of God answered Bonett after his second letter.[1569]  In this letter De Piro reminded Bonett about the difficulty of the Maltese diocesan priest to leave his native country and go abroad. At the same time the Founder tried to make Bonett hope in some other help, the members of his own Society:

… però nella tua Messa non ti dimenticare di fare sempre un piccolo memento per nostro nascente Istituto per le Missioni Estere, e finalmente il Signore ci farà assaggiare qualche frutto di tante fatiche e sacrifici. Uno degli studenti ha incominciato teologia, sto per ammettere un altro in filosofia e ci sono altri parecchi nel corso ginnasiale. Finalmente si arriverà magari anche in Australia, ma credi pure che per presente nonostante la piccolezza dell’Opera il lavoro è duro e richiede grande pazienza. Quindi aiutaci colle tue preghiere e forse qualche bel giorno vedrai raggungerti qualch piccolo Missionario della Piccola Compagnia di San Paolo. Sarebbe un mio vivo desiderio di vedere aperta in Australia qualche casa delle nostre pie Suore le Terziarie Francescane; secondo me sarà di grande aiuto spirituale anche alla colonia Maltese, potendovi in tal modo forse rimediare al male da te lamentato nell’ultima tua diretta a S.E. Reverendissima. Se insegnassero un pò di catechismo mi pare che dovrebbero fare del bene; ci sono parecchie di esse che conoscono sufficientemente l’inglese e sono certo che subito l’apprenderanno bene, dopo una breve residenza.[1570]

 

Fr William Bonett wrote again to De Piro in June 1917. No reference was made to the Society’s work with the Maltese migrants. Bonett wrote to the Servant of God about the big need of priests in Australia and appealed to Monsignor to find some from among the diocesan clergy who could go to Australia.[1571]

Fr John Mamo had been one of the two priests who had helped De Piro to start the Society, but who after a short while abandoned the Servant of God in order to start something on his own. Propaganda Fide had asked the Archbishop of Malta information about this priest and his initiative. Bishop Angelo Portelli, the Auxiliary Bishop, wrote in the name of Archbishop Caruana on 20 December 1918. After answering the Congregation’s query, Portelli mentioned De Piro’s Society. Propaganda Fide showed interest in the Society of De Piro and asked more information about it. Portelli told De Piro about this and asked the Servant of God to supply him with this information. De Piro wrote to Portelli on 10 March 1919. In the section about “Lo Sviluppo” he put down these words,  “La Compagnia di San Paolo Apostolo è una Società di Missionari ... indi cercherà di venire in aiuto di quei popoli i quali difettano di operai evangelici incomminciando dai Maltesi lontani dalla patria …” [1572] This information was sent to Propaganda Fide. Cardinal Van Rossum, the Prefect of Propaganda, answered by an encouraging letter to Portelli. He also asked the Auxiliary Bishop to tell him whether De Piro intended to bind the members with the religious vows. The Servant of God tried to solve this difficulty of the Congregation by several letters and through Mgr Portelli, but another problem which the Founder had already faced, cropped up: whether the Society was one for the ad gentes countries or for the Maltese migrants:

Innanzi tutto però occorre che Mgr De Piro chiarisca meglio la finalità dell’Istituto. Nella relazione inviata dalla S.V. si dice che ‘l’Istitutò cercherà di venire in aiuto di quei popoli i quali defettano di operai evangelici; incominciando dai maltesi lontani dalla patria, ecc....’ Ora il porre come fine precipuo l’assistenza dei maltesi all’estero, può essere un’intralcio per lo sviluppo dell’opera. Gli istituti missionari si prefiggono principalmente di propagare la fede tra gli infedeli o di tutto il mondo o di una particolare regione; cosi’ ci sono istituti missonari per i Negri, per i Cinesi, ecc. Vegga la S.V. che Mgr De Piro entri in quest’Ordine di idee, se, come credo accetterà tale modificazine, gli manderò dei statuti di Congregazioni Missionarie su cui modellare le proprie regole; dopo di che la S.V. potrà ricevera dalla Santa Sede la facoltà, di cui sopra, per erigere canonicamente l’Istituto.[1573]

 

De Piro decided to go himself to Propaganda Fide in order to talk directly to Van Rossum.

According to a letter sent to La Fontaine, De Piro was in Rome on 9 April 1920. From further correspondence we know that the Servant of God met the Prefect of the Congregation and the former got the impression that things were clarified.[1574] On 18 May 1920 Malta’s Archbishop, Mauro Caruana, sent more information to Propaganda Fide. Obviously this was supplied by De Piro. In it there was again mention of the Maltese migrants:

Il Canonico Giuseppe De Piro, della Diocesi di Malta, prostrato al bacio della Sacra Porpora, umilmente espone che egli accolto ed incoraggito dall’Emo’ Pietro La Fontaine, allora Visitatore Apostolico di detta Diocesi, e confortato dalla Benedizione Apostolica di Sua Santità Pio X di s.m., diede principio nel 1910 all’istituzione di una Società Religiosa, avente per scopo le Missioni Estere, ad incominciare dall’assistenza dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria.[1575]

 

In spite of De Piro’s personal visit to Van Rossum in Rome, and Portelli’s just mentioned letter, Propaganda Fide could not see the ad gentes aim of the Society. In fact the Founder received a letter sent to him from the Congregation on 26 July 1920. In it Mgr Camillo Laurenti, on behalf of the Prefect, went as far as saying to De Piro that for any future needs he had to contact the Congregation for Religious:

Sarei stato ben lieto d’interessarmi della cosa, qualora l’opera sua fosse destinata all’evangelizzazzione degli infedeli, però veggo che ella intende provvedere col suo Istituto all’assistenza religiosa dei maltesi lontani dalla patria…

Ella per la sua istituzione dovrà rivolgersi piuttosto alla S.C. dei Religiosi…[1576]

 

The Founder was obviously shocked by the letter of Propaganda Fide, but, still, in his written reaction he did not say that he changed his mind about one of the secondary aims of his Society, the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants:

Io infatti avevo spiegato che coll’ incominciare dalla coltivazione spirituale dei Maltesi all’estero non si escludeva la conversione degli infedeli, ma che anzi un tale inizio nell’acquistare il favore del paese verso il nascente Istituto gli avrebbe dato l’agio di lanciarsi nel vasto campo dei paesi infedeli, dopo acquistata una certa vigoria.[1577]

 

On the same day, 18 August 1920, De Piro wrote also to another friend of his, Don Archangelo Bruni, an official at the Congregation of the Sacraments. He asked him to see to the difficulties met with by Propaganda. In this letter, De Piro also said to Bruni that:

Senza alcuna mia premura ma per semplice disposizione della Divina Provvidenza mi son trovato in contatto colla Congne de Propaganda Fide…

… poiche, questo Istituto ha per fine la conversione degli Infedeli, ma per le ragioni adotti incomincierà l’azione sua a favore dei Maltesi. In Africa poi, dove ci sono colonie di Maltesi vi sono anche infedeli e mi pare che l’Egitto stia tuttora sotto la giurisdizione della Congnè de Propaganda.[1578]

 

Bruni did what he was asked to do by the Servant of God and on 16 September 1920 communicated his findings to De Piro,  “La difficoltà dell’approvazione dell’Istituto per parte della Propaganda sussiste in quanto che l’Istituto non riguarda direttamente la conversione degli infedeli, ma i Maltesi dimoranti all’estero e quindi secondo il nuovo Codice l’approvazione spetta alla S. Congregazione dei Religiosi.”[1579]

In the letter written to De Piro on 26 July 1920, Mgr Laurenti had offered that Propaganda Fide would recommend the Founder and the Society of St Paul to the Congregation for Religious. De Piro accepted this offer in his letter written to Laurenti on 18 August 1920. Propaganda wrote to the Congregation of Religious on 18 November 1920. It could not but present De Piro’s Society as a one for the Maltese migrants:

Il sottoscritto Card. Prefetto della S.C. di Propaganda espone all’ E. V. R.ma che in Malta il Can.co Giuseppe De Piro ha dato principio, da qualche anno, ad una istituzione per le missioni estere sotto il nome ‘PICCOLA CASA DI S. PAOLO’.

Sua intenzione è di dare all’Istituto forma di Congregazione religiosa con voti semplici; e questa S.C. se ne era interessata nella supposizione che il fondatore volesse costituire una società in tutto e per tutto missionaria, avendo però la Propaganda invitato il Rev. Can.co De Piro a chiarire meglio il fine dell’Istituto, questi ha dichiarato che egli intende occuparsi prima di tutto dell’ assistenza dei Maltesi all’estero, e poi anche in avvenire alla conversione degli infedeli. Questa S.C. ha allora fatto conoscere al sullodato Canonico che una tale opera sfuggiva alla Competenza della Propaganda la quale si accupa delle opere ed istituzioni dirette esclusivamente all’evangelizzazzione degli infedeli, e che perciò avrebbe dovuto rivolgersi a cotesta S.C. dei Religiosi.

Ma il De Piro con lettera del 18 Agosto esprime il suo dispiacere di interrompere le sue relazioni con la S.C di Propaganda, perchè da essa si riprometteva un accrescimento dello spirito missionario; torna poi a chiarire meglio il suo scopo, dicendo che l’assistenza dei Maltesi è un mezzo scelto per acquistare il favore del paese per il nascente istituto, mentre il fine propostosi è sempre l’evangelizzazioni degl’ infedeli.

Lo scrivente Cardinale trasmette l’intiera posizione di più rimette all’ E. V. di decidere in merito al desiderio espresso dal Can.co De Piro di dipendere dalla S.C. di Propaganda per il suo istituto di assistenza dei Maltesi e di missioni per gl’ infedeli. Raccomanda ad ogni modo alla sua benevolenza questo nascente istituto da cui è lecito sperare buoni frutti per il bene delle anime.[1580]

 

From the Congregation for Religious Van Rossum was told that De Piro’s Society was accepted there, because, “… l’opera delle Missioni per gli infedeli, a cui intende giungere il Fondatore, si presenta ancora come cosa lontana, mentre il fine prossimo sarebbe l’assistenza dei Maltesi all’Estero.”[1581]

The Congregation for Religious, on 4 February 1921, wrote also to the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, telling him that the next step was not the approval of the Society by the Vatican but by him as the Local Ordinary.[1582]

It could have been that Archbishop Caruana was not quick in passing on to the Servant of God the letter of Propaganda Fide of 4 February 1921, regarding the canonical approval of the Society. This could have been the reason why De Piro wrote to Don Archangelo Bruni on 14 February 1921 and asked him to whom he had to write in order to get the canonical erection of his Society, whether to Propaganda Fide or the Local Ordinary.[1583] Also, on the 14 of the same month Caruana wrote to the Holy Father asking him the permission for two other members of De Piro’s Society to be ordained “titulo missionis”.[1584] This last letter of Caruana might have been passed on to the Holy Father through Don Bruni. In fact the latter wrote to the Servant of God on 11 March 1921 and told him that:

·   the permission for the ordination “titulo missionis” of two of the members of his members was acquired;

·   from then on De Piro had to write to the Congregation for Religious.[1585]

The latter meant that the Vatican still considered the Society as set up for the Maltese migrants!

Led by Bruni’s letter of 18 May 1921, but more and more by that of Propaganda Fide of

4 February of the same year, the Servant of God wrote to Mgr Mauro Caruana, the Archbishop of Malta, on 10 April 1921, asking His Excellency to declare La Compagnia di San Paolo a religious congregation. In this petition De Piro still said that the aim of his Society was, “… le Missioni Estere ad incominciare dall’assistenza dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria.”[1586] Attached to this letter to Archbishop Caruana the Servant of God sent also a “Prospetto delle Regole della Compagnia di San Paolo”. Even here the Founder was quite explicit, “Indi cercherà di venire in aiuto di quei popoli, i quali difettano di operai evangelici, incominciando dai Maltesi lontani dalla patria …”[1587]

                   - In the Original Constitutions

The Archbishop of Malta canonically erected La Compagnia di San Paolo on 14 November 1921. His Excellency, Mauro Caruana, also asked De Piro, “…ut infra sex menses Nobis exhibeat per extensum et modo exhaurienti et completo statuto sue constitutiones, quibus supradicta Societas regenda est.”[1588] In fact the Founder presented the rules guiding his Compagnia di San Paolo.[1589] These rules “… quantunque lo stesso nella sua integrità non è del tutto esauriente e completo …,” but “…esso delinea in sostanza il carattere della Compagnia.”[1590]  And this especially as regards the apostolate of the Society with the Maltese migrants. In fact in the section “Prospetto” De Piro has very clear words, “… e di salvare le anime venendo in aiuto di quei popoli, i quali difettano di operai evangelici, incominciando dalle colonie Maltesi all’estero…”[1591]

                   - In the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”

In the Almanac, De Piro also referred to the evangelisation his Society was going to do among the Maltese abroad, “Since the aim of our Institute is the foreign missions and they will  start from the Maltese far away from their country …”[1592] In the same year the Founder presented some information about “The Detroit Mission”. He made reference to two Maltese Capuchin Frairs and to Bishop George Caruana, another Maltese, who had worked there. De Piro also mentioned Fr Michael Borg, the priest who was helping the Maltese at the moment. The Servant of God ended his article by referreing to a letter this Fr Borg had sent him some time before, which means that De Piro had some sort of contact with Borg who was evangelising to the Maltese in Detroit:

We thank heartily the already mentioned Fr Michael Borg for his letter he sent us together with some temporal help: this letter encouraged us to continue to strive in the vineyard of God for the good of others. We also hope that his so beautiful wishes, which are also our wishes, will be fulfilled in the future; we wish this wholeheartedly in our Lord Jesus Christ.[1593]

 

The wishes mentioned in this letter of Borg were undoubtedly related to the future work of De Piro’s Society!

(ie)  Why De Piro was so determined to evangelise the Maltese migrants

The Servant of God also tried to expalin to the readers of his Almanac the why of his evangelisation to the Maltese abroad. In one article he referred to and commented about the contents of a report made by Mr Henry Curmi, who had been appointed Malta’s Commissioner for Australia on 1 January 1929:[1594]

There are many interesting things in the report of Captain Curmi, the Commissioner of Malta in Australia. They are interesting both for those who think of opening the way for Maltese emigrants as well as for those who have to leave their country and seek other countries to earn their living. After he stressed that the emigrant must have that technical and so to call it material formation which sustains him in totally foreign land, he then continued to say, and quite fittingly that one must strengthen the emigrant’s will to remain his own master without being buffetted by things which may wreck the principal aim for which he arrived in a country other than his own; in this way instruction and external education reach their fulfillment. To arrive at this point it is most necessary to generate in good condition his faith and to help it strike root more and more. It may be- and it probably is- this lack of ability to behave externally according to the teaching present in one’s soul and one’s faith, which drives the emigrant not only to moral but also to material loss. And so Captain Curmi goes into greater detail; he suggests also a course of religious instruction together with other teaching. In this way, one always strengthens more one’s belief so that one finds the straight path illuminated for him although one finds oneself, in difficulties, in mist and even in darkness when he is away from his people, his relatives and his friends.

The reason is clear because, as the King’s image on a coin wears away through use, likewise can happen upon our souls to our faith. The worries and the vanity of this world, the errors and falsities which prowl around our souls like serpents, quite often blur the impression of the faith which we receive together with baptism.

And just as the King’s image is subject to blurring more or less according to the hardness of the metal in which it is impressed, so faith and strength of character in the soul of man go together. Therefore it matters alot to strengthen, for his own benefit the will of the emigrant. In this way, he feels and accepts the responsibility of his character according to his faith; he does not become a slave of the spirit of the world; he is not fickle like the weather cock that veers with every change of wind.

Although the metal alloy is still very soft, the king’s image is always very clear until coin is still in the mint; let alone until it is still under the press. But when the coin starts to be transferred from one bank to another, from one hand to another, the story is completely different. We can say the same for the Maltese emigrant’s faith. There is no danger of losing his faith although he did not think of strengthening his faith until he is in his country. The external practice of religion as it is in Malta linked to the others’ good example are like a seal which often press on his soul and prevents the faith, so to say, to lose its features.

But when the emigrant leaves his country, his home, when he is separated from his relatives and friends, when after a few days he suddenly finds himself in areas totally foreign to him where religion is not so widespread and professed as it is in Malta, when he is surrounded by people whose customs are totally different from his own, he looks inwards upon his soul. We assume that everything goes right if there he finds something to stand surety on behalf of what he left in his country. But that danger mentioned in the Commissioner’s report begins if he does not succeed to meet the roots of his faith when he seeks deep within his soul at the first somewhat strong wind let us therefore hold fast to Mr. Curmi’s wise suggestion. Let us hope with our whole heart that he who is in power strives that these be implemented for Malta’s honour and for the spiritual and temporal benefit of those have to leave their country to earn their living.[1595]

 

Section III

De Piro’s first evangelisation or his evangelisation ad gentes

 

Introduction - The missionary movement[1596]

                   - Worldwide

At the end of the 18 century the missionary aspect of the Church went through a deep crisis. A. Mulders says that in the mission territories there seemed to be no more than 300 missionaries and the number of catholics was terribly small, something like 500,000.[1597] This was attributed to the illuminism, the abolition of the Society of Jesus or the Jesuits, the French Revolution and secularisation. All these led to the fall of structures in the Church and the reduction of the number of vocations.[1598] This then was the result of from a lack of the interior dimension of the life of the Church.[1599] To add to the above, among some episcopates there existed an antiroman tendency: Gallicanism, Febronianism and Episcopalism.[1600] On the other hand, when the Church, since the first half of the 19 century, could vivify itself in the countries of origin through an external and internal reorganisation, there followed also a better missionary activity. In the second half of the 19 century the number of missionaries increased to 12,000 and the catholics in mission countries increased to 25, 000 000. The Table here shows the Church’s missionary initiatives, worldwide:

 

Date

Missionary initiative

Place where

By whom

1800[1601]

Foundation of the Congregation of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary (Picpus) (SS.CC.).[1602]

Poitiers, France.

Pierre-Marie-Joseph Coudrin.

1801

L’Opera Apostolica.

Namur, France.

Marie Zoe` de Chesne.

1802

Genie du Christianisme.

London, England.

Francois Rene` De Chateaubriand.

Deboffe (ed.).

1808

Foundation of the Mercy Fathers (C.P.M.).

Lyon, France

Jean Baptist Rauzan.

1814

An appeal for regular small offerings and prayers.

England.

Denis Chaumont, of the foreign missions of Paris.

1815

Went to Rome to present the precarious situation of his Diocese regarding vocations.

In Italy collected money for his Diocese and persuaded some priests to go there.

Stopped in Lyons and started a yearly collection of money for his Diocese.

Rome, Italy

 

 

Italy

 

 

 

Lyons, France.

Louis William Valentino Du Bourg, Bishop of Luisiana, one of the founders of the Church in the USA.  Was helped by a widow, Madam Petit, and her son, Didier Petit.

1816

Foundation of the Society of Mary (Marist Fathers) (S.M.).

Belley, France.

John Claude Colin.

1816

Foundation of the Oblate Missionaries of Mary Immaculate (O.M.I.).

Aix-in-Provenza.

Charles G. Eugene de Mazenod.

1817

Foundation of the the Marianist Fathers (S.M.).

Bordaux, France.

William Joseph Chaminade.

1817

Foundation of the Marist Brothers of the Schools (F.M.S.).

La Valle, Loira, France.

Marcellino G.B. Champagnat.

1817

Foundation of the Josephites of Belgium (C.I.)

Grammont, Belgium.

Costance- William van Crombrugghe.

1819

Transplant of the Association of Denis Chaumont..

Organisation of the members in tens, hundreds and thousands.  They were expected to donate a penny each week.  The money was destined for the East

The Ouvere de la Propagation de la Foi is born.

Lyons, France.

Pauline Jaricot.

1822

Canonical recognition of the first Association for the Propagation of Faith.

Lyons, France.

 

1822

Foundation of the Annales de la Propagation de la Foi.

Lyons, France.

 

1822

Inglesi wanted to strengthen the initiative started by De Bourg.  Sought the help of a certain Benoit Coste, a person familiar with Pauline Jaricot.  Coste said that he did not want to help a particular mission but the missions in general.

Adopted the name Ouvre de la Propagation de la Foi.

Started in Lyons.  Was extended to Paris  and the provinces.

Du Bourg was substituted by Mgr Angelo Inglesi, the Vicar General.

1822

Foundation of the Priests of St Basil

Annonay, Diocese of Viviers, Ardeche, France.

Joseph Bouvier Lapierre.

1823 - 1919

Publication of 380 missionary peridicals, 79 in French.

All over, especially in Europe.

 

1825

The publication Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, with news, financial reports and letters from the missionaries.

Initiative of the Oeuvre.

 

1828

Foundation of the Congregatio Filiorum B.V.M. Immaculatae (F.M.I.)

Lucon, France.

Louis Baudouin.

1831

Foundation of the Clerics of St Viateur.

Vourles, Belgium.

Louis Marie Querbes.

1832

Foundation of the Betharram Priests of the Sacred heart of Jesus.

Betharram, France.

Michael Garicoits.

1835

Foundation of the Brothers of the Christian Instruction of St Gabriel (S.G.).

Lucon, France.

Gabriel Deshayes.

1836

Foundation of the Resurrectionists  (D.N.J.)

Paris, France

Adeodato Ganski

1837

Foundation of the Congregation of the Holy Cross (C.S.C.)

Sainte-Croix-Ies-Le-Mans, France.

Basil Moreau.

1838

Foundation of the Missionaries of St Francis de Sales of Annecy (M.S.F.S.)

Annecy, France.

Pierre-Marie Mermier.

1843

Foundation of the Opera della Santa Infanzia.

Nancy, France.

Forbin Janson.

1843

Society of St Edmond (S.S.E.)

 

 

1845

Foundation of the Assumptionists (A.A.)

Nimes, France.

Emmanuel d’Alzon.

1849

Foundation of the Claretians (C.M.F.)

Vich, Spain.

Anthony Maria Claret

1850

The traditional colonial powers which had for many years sustained the missionary activity of the Church, were in crisis; patronising had no more sense.  The missions were no more there to help the diffusion of the European civilisation, but that of the christian faith and the Gospel.  The resuscitation of the religious character of mission could be seen in the fact that the subject of mission was the People of God.  It could have been that at the basis of this there was the romantic conception of the dignity of the people, of every people.

The colonialised countries.

The colonialisers.

1852

Foundation of the Missionaries of La Salette (M.S.)

Grenoble, France.

Filibert de Brouillard.

1856

Foundation of the Society for the African Missions (S.M.A.)

Lyon, France.

Melchiorre de Marion-Bresillac.

1858

Foundation of the Society of the Missionary Priests of  St Paul the Apostle (C.S.P.).

New York, USA.

Isaac Thomas Hecker.

1862

Fondation of the Congregation of the Missionaries of Scheut (C.I.C.M.)

Scheut, Bruxelles.

Teofilus Verbist from Anversa.

1866

Foundation of the Mill Hill Fathers (M.H.M.)

Mill Hill, London.

Herbert Vaughan.

1868

Publication of the weekly Les Mission Catholiques.  In nine languages.

Initiative of the Ouvere.

 

1868

Foundation of the Missionaries for Africa (White Fathers) (M.Afr.)

Algiers.

C. M. Lavigerie.

1871

Fondation of the Oblates of St Fancis De Sales (O.S.F.S.)

Troyes, France.

L. Brisson.

1872

Foundation of the Missionaries of St Joseph in Mexico (M.J.)

Mexico City.

Jose` Maria Vilaseca.

1875

Foundation of the Society of the Divine Word (S.V.D.)

Steyl, Holland.

Arnoldo Janssen.

1878

Foundation of the Priests of the Sacred Heart of Jesus (Dehoniani) (S.C.I.)

San Quintino, Diocese of Soissons.

John Leone Dehon.

1885

Foundation of the Congregation of the Sacred Heart

Issoudun.

Julkius Chevalier.

1890

Foundation of the Missionaris of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary.

Randa, Maiorca

Joaquin Rossello`.

1892

Foundation of the Society of St Joseph of the Sacred Heart (S.S.J.)

Baltimore, USA.

Herbert Vaughan.

1894

Fundation of the Sodality of St Peter Claver

Salzburg, Austria

Maria Teresa Ledochowska.

1899

Foundation of the Spanish Institute of St Francis Xavier for Foreign Missions (I.E.M.E.)

Burgos, Spain.

Gerardo Villota y Urroz.

1901

Foundation of the Missionary Brothers of St Francis of Assisi (C.M.S.F.)

India.

Godfrey Pelckmans.

1909

Foundation of the Mariannhill Missionaries (C.M.M.)

Durban.

Abbot Francis Pfanner.

1910

Foundation of the chair of missionology.

Munster, Germany.

 

1911

Foundation of the Society for Foreign Missions (Maryknoll) (M.M.)

New York, USA.

Anthony Walsh and Thomas Frederick Price.

1914

Foundation of the Missionaries of the Holy Spirit (M.Sp.S.)

Tepeyac, near Mexico City, Mexico.

Felix Rougier.

1916

Foundation of the Society “Queen of the Apostles”

India.

Paul Sonntag.

1917

Foundation of the Society of St Colombano for the Foreign Missions (S.S.C.M.E.)

Dalgan Park, Ireland.

Edward Galvin and P. Blowick.

1918

Foundation of the Scarboro Society for the Foreign Missions (S.F.M.)

Almonte, Canada.

John M. Fraser.

1920

Foundation of the Society for Divine Vocations (S.D.V.)

Pianura di Napoli, Italy.

Giustino Maria Russolillo.

1921

Foundation of the Swedish Society of the Foreign Missions of Bethlehem (S.M.B.)

Immensee, Switzerland.

Pierre-Marie Barral and Pietro Bondolfi.

1921

Foundation of the Society of the Foreign Missions of the Province of Quebec (P.M.E.)

Quebec, Canada.

Cardinal Begin and Archbishop Bruchesi.

1925

The Oeuvre was established outside France, at times with a different name and in some way independent from it.  Other auxiliary associations were born.  In this year there were 228 of these.

 

 

1925

Missionary Study Week.

Louvain, Belgium.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1926

Missionary Study Week.

Louvain, Belgium.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1927

Foundation of the Yarumal Institute for Foreign Missions (M.X.Y.)

Yarumal (Antioquia), Colombia.

Miguel Angel Builes.

1927

Missionary Study Week.

Louvain, Belgium.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1928

Missionary Study Week.

Louvain, Belgium.

Unione Missionaria del Clero

1929

Missionary Study Week

Louvain, Belgium

Unione Missionaria del Clero

1930

Foundation of the Portugese Society for the Missions (S.M.P.)

Villa Real, Portugal.

The Portugese Episcopacy.

1930

Missionary Study Week

Louvain, Belgium.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

October

1930

Establishment of the chair of missiology 

Nijmegen, the Netherlands

Radboud University.

1931

Missionary Study Week.

Louvain, Belgium.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1932

Foundation of the St Patrick Society for the Foreign Missions (S.P.S.).

Kiltegan, Ireland.

Patrick Joseph Whitney.

Table 18[1603]

                   - In Italy

It is also most important to have a look at the missionary movement in Italy:[1604]

Date

Missionary initiative

Place where

By whom

1815

Foundation of the Missionaries of the Most Precious Blood (C.PP.S.).

Giano dell’Umbria, Perugia.

Gaspare del Bufalo.

1816

Foundation of the Stimmatini Fathers (D.N.J.C.)

Verona.

Gaspare Bertoni.

After 1822

Introduction of the Opera della Propagazione della Fede.

In the Sardinian States.

 

1828

Foundation of the Rosminians (I.C.)

Santo Monte Calvario di Domodossola, Novara.

Antonio Rosmini

1828

Translation into Italian of the Annals of the Propagation of Faith

 

 

1831

Foundation of the Congregation of the Sons of Charity (Canossiani) F.d.C.C.)

Venice.

Francesco Luzzo.

1833

Foundation of the Missionaries of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary (M.SS.CC.)

Secondigliano, Naples.

Gaetano Errico.

1835

Foundation of the Catholic Apostolate (Pallottine Fathers) (S.A.C.)

Rome.

Vincent Pallotti

1836

The foundation of a missionary college

Rome.

Vincent Pallotti

1836

Foundation of the Octave of the Epiphany.  Through the celebration of the Mass in the different rites, this Octave was a most clear sign of the unity and universality of the Church.

 

 

1837-1840

Introduction of the Opera della Propagazione della Fede

In many Italian regions, other than the Sardinian States

 

1837

Publication of a pastoral letter about the Association for the Propagation of Faith

 

The Italian bishops

1838-1840

Rosmini had founded in 1828 the Istituto della Carita` at Domodossola. Fter he had started a seminary for the intenal missions, he eagerly wished to start one for the foreign ones. This project had to be infact abandoned in 1850, because of missionary needs in England, Scotland and Ireland.[1605]

San Michele, Diocese of Susa.

Antonio Rosmini.

1841

On the Feast of Pentecost of this year Fr Cottolengo founded the Collegio dei Tommasini in order to guarantee a number of collaborators for his projects and to provide vocations for the Diocese of Turin.  He also wanted ths Collegio in order to promote in it the missionary vocations.[1606]

Turin.

Giuseppe Benedetto Cottolengo

1843

The diocese of Mondovi` abounded in priests and its  Bishop Ghirardi wanted to provide some even for the missions. Therefore that same year he informed Propaganda about his wish and three years after even wrote to Pope Pius IX.  The project was actuated in 1867.  It lasted only for a short while.[1607]

Mondovi`.

Bishop Giovanni Tommaso Ghirardi

1843

Introduction of the Santa Infanzia.

 

 

1843

Publication of a pastoral letter about the Santa Infanzia

 

The Italian bishops.

1846

Fr Mazza founded and was in charge of an orphanage for girls and a home for poor students who wanted to proceed with their studies. Especially in the latter one Mazza did a lot of missionary animation.  During this year (1846) he sent the first youth, Angelo Vinco, to Central Africa.

Verona.

Fr Nicholas Mazza.

1847

The foundation of a monastic seminary for foreign missions., which could prepare the Benedictines for the missions.

Genoa.

Pier Francesco Casaretto.

1848

A certain Fr Biagio Verri asked Mazza to accept some negro orphans in his female orphanage.  As a result of this, Mazza thought of a third institute, that for the African missions.

Verona.

Fr Nicholas Mazza.

1850

Foundation of the Sts Peter, Paul, Ambrose and Charles Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions

Milan, Italy.

Mgr Ramazzotti.

1853

Fr Mazza sent another two missionaries, Giovanni Beltrame and Antonio Castagnaro, to Central Africa

Verona.

Fr Nicholas Mazza.

1857

Fr Mazza sent to Khartoum five of his priests and a layman, led by Fr Beltrame.  These met many difficulties and the project had to be abandoned.  Later this was taken over by Mgr Daniele Comboni, one of the followers of Don Mazza..

Verona.

Fr Nicholas Mazza.

1859 (1862)

Foundation of the Salesians of Don Bosco (S.D.B.)

Turin.

John Bosco.

1867

Foundation of the Missionary Combonians of the Heart of Jesus (M.C.C.I.)

Verona.

Daniel Comboni.

1871

Foundation of the Sts Peter and Paul Pontifical Seminary

Rome.

 

1873

Foundation of the Congregation of St Joseph (Murialdo Josephites) (C.S.I.)

Turin, Italy.

Leonard Murialdo.

1878

Foundation of the Oblates of St Joseph (O.S.I.)

Asti.

Giuseppe Marello.

1881

Foundation of the Salvatorians (S.D.S.)

Rome.

Francis Mary of the Cross

1885

Foundation of the Congregation of the Sacred Heart

Verona.

Daniel Comboni.

1895

Foundation of the Society of St Francis Xavier for the Foreign Missions

Parma.

Guido Maria Conforti.

1898

Foundation of the Franciscan Brothers of the Atonement (S.A.)

 

 

1901

Fondation of the Consolata Institute (I.M.C.)

Turin.

Joseph Allamano.

1904

Foundation of the Congregation of the Sons of Mary Immaculate (F.S.M.I.)

Genoa.

Giuseppe Frassinetti.

1907

Foundation of the Poor Servants od the Divine Providence

Verona.

John Calabria.

1917

L’Unione Missionaria del Clero

Italy

Paolo Manna.

1920

Missionary Study Week

Rome, Italy

Unione Missionaria del Clero

1922

Transfer of the Ouvere and the Opera della Santa Infanzia to Rome.

Creation of the Society of the Native Clergy.

Fusion of the above three initiatives (the Opera della Propagazione della Fede, the Opera della Santa Infanzia and the Opera di San Pietro Aposlolo) to the Congregation Propagnada Fide.

Rome.

By the Motu Proprio Romanorum Pontificum of Pope Pius XI

1922

Missionary Study Week

Rome.

Unione Missionaria del Clero

1925

Missionary Study Weeks

Italy.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1926

Foundation of the Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions (PIME)

Rome.

C/o Motu Proprio of Pius XI “Cum missionalium Opera”.

1926

Missionary Study Week

Bergamo.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1927

La Lega Missionaria Studenti

Rome (Istituto Massimo).

Studenti dell’Istituto Massimo.

1927

Missionary Study Week

Naples.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1927

Missionary Study Week

Loreto.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1927

Missionary Study Week

Rho.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1928

Missionary Study Week

Molfetta.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1928

Missionary Study Week

Bologna.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1929

Missionary Study Week

Messina.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1930

Missionary Study Week

Cagliari.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1930

Missionary Study Week

Molfetta.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1930

Missionary Study Week

Turin.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

1931

Missionary Study Week

Pistoia.

Unione Missionaria del Clero.

Table 19[1608]

                   - Several popes and the Vatican

And to have a more complete picture there are also presented the missionary initiatives taken by several popes and the Vatican:

Date

Missionary initiative

By whom

1814

Reconstruction of the Jesuit Society.

Pius VII

1817

Reorganisation of Propaganda Fide.

Pius VII

1823

Approval of the Society for the Propagation of Faith

Pius VII

1826

Sending of a letter to the bishops of the papal states asking them to encourage their clergy in favour of the missions.

Sending of another letter to all the priests, diocesan and regular, inviting them to go to the missions.

Leo XII, through Gaspare del Bufalo

1831-1846

Gregory XVI, who had been secretary of  Propaganda Fide before becoming Pope, knew well the needs of the missions.  He therefore received many ambassadors from the mission countries, funded many new dioceses and vicariates; founded some Apostolic Delegations.

Gregory XVI

1836

Aproval of the missionary college planned by Vincenzo Pallotti in Rome

Gregory XVI

1840, 15 August

The Pope published the Encyclical, Probe Nostis,    through which he strongly recommended the Opera della Propagazione della Fede.

Gregory XVI

1845, 23 November

A fundamental appeal in favour of the indigenous clergy.

Gregory XVI

1846-1878

The Pope set up several Apostolic Delegations, founded many new diceses and ecclesiastical provinces in the USA, and some others in Australia. In the “pagan countries” he erected many vicariates and prefectures. He dedicated himself to the unification of the Oriental Churches.

Pius IX

1856, 18 July

Recommeded the Opera della Santa Infanzia.

 

Pius IX

1867

Founded the missionary Seminary for the Society of Sts Peter and Paul (founded by Peter Avanzini).

 

1862, 6 January

Separation of the Oriental Section from Propaganda Fide, the Prefect of the latter reamaining the one in charge of the former.

Pius IX

1869, 8 September

Published an instruction of the missionary superiors of India.

Pius IX.

1874

Foundation of the Sts Peter and Paul College.

 

1878-1903

Set up several apostolic delegations, apostolic vicariates and prefectures, archdioceses and dioceses.

Continued the work started by Pius IX in favour of the unification of the Oriental Churches.

Leo XIII

1880, 3 December

Publication of the Encyclical, Sancta Dei Civitas, where he recommended the missionary auxiliary associations and encouraged the faithful to be generous with the missions.

Leo XIII

1883, 18 October

The publication of an ample Instruction for the Chinese missions.

Leo XIII

1893, 19 March

Instruction for the missions in India.

Leo XIII

1897

Introduced the collections for the Holy Land.

Leo XIII

1903-1914

Two missions were created, and many apostolic delegations, prefectures, vicariates, dioceses and archdioceses.

Pius X

1908, 29 June

In the apostolic Constitution Sapienti Consilio, reorganised the territories, personnel, etc., the competences of Propaganda Fide.

Pius X

1913

An appeal to the representatives of the Italian missionary houses to promote the Italian missions.

Pius X.

1914-1922

Setting up of several apostolic prefectures and vicariates, and dioceses and archdioceses.

Benedict XV.

1917, 1 May

 

Separation from Propaganda Fide, of the section for the Oriental Churches and its creation as an autonomous Congregation.

Benedict XV.

1917, 25 October

Foundation of the Oriental Institute.

Benedict XV.

1919

Foundation of the Ethiopian College

Benedict XV.

1919, 30 November

Papal Encyclical, Maximum Illud.

Contents:

full of the apostolic spirit;

a comprehensive, deep and eloquent appeal to each and every member of the Church for a bigger collaboration in the missionary activity of the Church;

preparation, attention and permanent formation of the missionaries;

collaboration between all the faithful and the missionary institutions, with special emphasis on the foundation of the Unione Missionaria del Clero;

promotion and cultivation of the indigenous clergy.

 

Benedict XV

1920

Reorganisation of the Maronite College.

Benedict XV

1922-1939

The election of the “Pope of the Missions”.  He deepened and widened the missionary programme initiated by his predecessor.

Setting up of many new missions, apostolic prefectures and vicariates, prelazie nullius in mission lands, archdioceses and dioceses.

Pius XI

1922, 3 May

Transfer of the Opera della Propagazione della Fede to Rome.

Confirmation of the above, the Opera della Santa Infanzia and that of St Peter the Apostle, as Opere Pontificie.

Also, recommendation of the Unione Missionaria del Clero to all the bishops and clergy as the means with which to promote the above mentioned organisations.

Pius XI

1922, 4 June

The homily delivered on 4 June: after looking back at the work already done by Propaganda, what was being done at the moment and what had still to be done, the pope emphasised the responsibility and the grave duty of all to help the missionary cause.

Pius XI

1922, 14 September

The Jesuits were entrusted with the Oriental Institute in Rome.

Pius XI

1925

During the Holy Year, holding of the Missionary Exhibition. 

Pius XI

1925, 20 June

In the Congregation for the Oriental churches, the establishment of the Commission for Russia.

Pius XI

1926

At the Lateran, erection of the Ethnological Museum of the Missions. 

Pius XI

1926, 28 February

Papal Encyclical, Rerum Ecclesiae.  Contents:

collaboration of the bishops and the clergy in the missionary activity of the Church;

importance of the indigenous clergy;

formation of catechists;

introduction of the comtemplative life in the misison countries;

organisation of the pastoral work in the missions;

division of the missionary territories.

Pius XI

1926, 15 June

A letter of the Pope to the superiors of the China missions.

Pius XI

1926, 28 October

Consecration of six Chinese bishops.

Pius XI

1927

L’Agenzia Internazionale “Fides”

Pius XI

1928, 6 January.

Encyclical Mortalium Animos, addressing the unity among all separated brothers.

Pius XI

1928, 1 August

Message to the Chinese People, sharing with them what was going to be said to the procurators of the missions in China on 6 December of the same year. Also, the Pope wished to the Chinese internal and external peace and prosperity through the Christians’ participation in the life of the nation.

Pius XI

1928, 28 September

Encyclical Rerum Orientalium.

Pius XI

1928, 30 October

Consecration of the first Japanese bishops.

Pius XI

1929, 24 June

Dispositions for the collaboration between the Opere Missionarie Pontificie.

The definitive statutes of the Opera di San Pietro.

Pius XI

1929, 15 August

Erection of the Russian Pontifical College.

Pius XI.

1929, 2 December

Institution of the Commission for the formation of the Oriental Code of Canon Law.

Pius XI.

1929, 6 December

In an audience to the procurators of the missions the Pope recommended these truths:

the missionaries must never work for any nationalism, but only for catholicism; they must only do apostolate; they must only serve the souls and never any particular nation;

the missionaries have to do with the things of God;

the missionaries must continuously work for unity on all fronts.

Pius XI

1930, 12 February

The Ethiopian Pontifical College is transferred to its new building at the Vatican.

 

1930, 6 April

The Commission for Russia, at the Congregation for Oriental Churches, is made autonomous.

Pius XI.

1933, 5 June

Consecration of another three Chinese bishops, an Annamite and an Indian.

 

Table 20[1609]

 

To the above organisations and activities there must be added:

·        the fascinating narratives of the explorers;

·        the colonialisation of peoples especially in African countries – the colonisers called the missionaries to the colonialised peoples;

·        some 20 auxiliary associations which helped the missionaries especially when these were abandoned by the colonisers;[1610]

·        the Parish Missionary Commissions initiated by the Unione Mssionaria del Clero in most of the Italian parishes;[1611]

·        the missionary books and periodicals published in Italy: 23 books[1612] and 49 periodicals;[1613]

·        it is also interesting to note that some of the founders of missionary institutes were also responsible for charitable institutes, eg., Mazza, Rosmini, Cottolengo.

                   - The missionary movement in Malta

                   - The Opera della Propagazione Della Fede

In 1830 Fr Maximilian Ryllo sj was returning from a mission in Sudan. On his way back to Rome, he came to Malta. While here he did his best to make known the Opera della Propagazione della Fede to the Maltese. It was set up in Malta by a certain businessman, Paul Imbroll, helped by his Brother Canon Felix Gerard, by Canon Felix Darmanino and by the priests Emmanuel Speranza and John Anthony Vidal.[1614] They formed the first Committee of the Opera here in Malta. After this foundation of the Committee, Frs Speranza, Philip Calleja and John Francis Pace mentioned it very frequently in their preaching. Archbishops F X Caruana (1831-1847) and P M Sant (1847-1857) recommended highly the Opera.[1615]

In 1879 a permanent committee was set up, presided by the Archbishop of Malta, in order to direct the Opera. In 1893 Alphonse Maria Galea was chosen as secretary of the Committee. This “… most noble figure of the Maltese lay apostolate” [1616] published the book “L-Opra tal-Propaganda Fide – X’inhu u x’taghmel”.[1617]

The Opera in Malta set up a sub committee in order to publish the Annali della Propagazione della Fede in Maltese. Alphonse Maria Galea was chosen as the translator. To help him there were Frs Louis Galea, Xand Cortis and Joseph Busietta, and Mr Annibale Preca. The aim of the Annali was to inform the Maltese about the work of the missionaries in mission countries and to collect money for the missions. The contents of the Annali were made up of extracts from French missionary periodicals, parts of letters sent by Maltese missionaries working abroad, summaries of Papal encyclicals, and pastoral letters of the Maltese bishops. From 1896 up to 1934 the Annali were published twice a year. From 1935 up to 1941 there was a yearly publication. The sub committee distributed 2500 copies each year among its members. [1618]

In December 1930 the Opera della Propagazione della Fede, the Opera della Santa Infanzia and the Opera di San Pietro Apostolo, joined together under the name “Opri Pontificji Missjunarji”, were approved canonically.[1619] On 26 September of the following year a certain Mgr Alphonse Agius was chosen as the first director for the Opera in Malta and Gozo, the sister island. Together with the nomination, the Vatican sent also the Statutes on which the Opere Missionarie were to be led. Propaganda Fide also indicated that only a Central Council for the two Dioceses of Malta and Gozo was needed, and a Diocesan Council for each one of them.[1620] In fact these two Councils were set up by letter of the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, on 12 March 1932.[1621]

                   - The Opera Della Santa Infanzia

This was introduced in Malta at about the year 1854, some ten years after its establishment in Nancy, France. The Society promoted the spiritual and physical welfare of pagan children, through the faithful’s prayers and alms.[1622]

                   - The Casolani Project

Annetto Casolani was born on 10 August 1815. Having started his studies for the priesthood he graduated utroque from the University of Malta, after which he proceeded to the Seminario Romano from where he got his doctorate in theology. In 1831 he received the four minor orders from Bishop F X Caruana. In 1837 Governor Bouvarie recommended Casolani to the Papal Secretary of State of the Vatican, as Cathedral Canon Precentor after the death of Canon Salvatore Susano. The recommendation was accepted. In 1838 Casolani pursued further studies in Theology and Oriental Laguages at the Collegio Urbano, in Rome.[1623]

At about the same time the Bohemian merchant Ignatius Pallme visited Kordofan in Central Africa, and the description of his voyage urged Casolani to propose to Propaganda Fide in Rome the setting up of a mission in Central Africa.[1624] There is no trace of Casolani’s first memoir of 1840, but four years later he again stressed to the Congregation the urgency for the establishment of the mission before the muslims could extend their hold on these regions as well.[1625] Propaganda Fide requested Casolani to prepare a draft. On 5 June he submitted a fifty one page project entitled A Brief Description of the Countries in Africa Situated Between The Big Desert and The Mountains of The Moon.[1626] In these pages he described his project in detail, basing it mainly on the narratives of contemporary travellers. Propaganda Fide took notice of Casolani’s proposal and asked him whether he would join the mission. For this Casolani answered that he would lead the project if that would speed things up. The Congregation accepted the offer and gave its consent.[1627]

Casolani suggested that he be accompanied by Jesuit fathers in this mission. This was also the opinion of Propaganda. The Jesuit General, Fr Roothan, disagreed. Instead he suggested that Casolani himself would first go and make a preliminary exploration of the region in question. Roothan offered Casolani the help of Frs Emmanuel Pedemonte and Maximilian Ryllo, the Polish Jesuit who had come to Malta in 1841 to establish a Jesuit day school and who was at that time the Rector of the Urbano College of Propaganda.[1628] This move, however, was strongly opposed by Canon Amato, the secretary of Bishop F X Caruana, and the Governor of Malta, on whose request the Bishop of Malta removed Fr Ryllo’s faculty to preach.[1629] On the other hand the proposal of Fr Roothan about the preliminary expedition was approved by Propaganda Fide.[1630] On 28 January 1846 it also chose two students of the Propaganda College Fr Ignatius Knoblecher of the Diocese of Lubiana and Fr Angelo Vinco, of Don Mazza, to join Casolani.[1631] On 3 April 1846 Pope Gregory XVI, the Pope who really helped the resuscitation of the missionary movement of the 19 century [1632], established the Apostolic Vicariate of Central Africa and nominated Annetto Casolani as the first Apostolic Vicar. Casolani was consecrated Bishop of Mauricastro in May of the same year.[1633]

In 1846 Fr Ryllo had to go to Beirut to introduce the nuns of St Joseph there. Therefore Casolani and Ryllo agreed to meet in Alexandria, Egypt, in the autumn of that same year, and proceed from there on their mission. While waiting to go to Egypt Casolani tried to do two things in Malta: to set up a seminary, and to get the letters of recommendation from the sovereigns of Egypt for their projected journey. Propaganda judged this waiting of Casolani as procrastination and urged him to start as quickly as possible. Casolani wrote to the Congregation and after giving the reasons for the delay he resigned from the leadership of the mission. Propaganda accepted the resignation and Ryllo was chosen instead.[1634] After a while Casolani wrote again to Propaganda and asked about the possibility of his joining the project as a simple missionary. His request was accepted.[1635]

Casolani had planned to go to Alexandria to meet Ryllo in May 1847, but he in fact arrived in Egypt on 11 June. Casolani and Ryllo started their journey in mid July accompanied by some other eleven other travellers. Although Ryllo was the official leader of the group, Casolani was recognised as the Patriarch on the strength of the firman obtained through the British Government. According to Knoblecher, the enterprise would have failed from the very start had it not been for Mgr Casolani. In fact Fr Roothan had recommended to Fr Ryllo to consider Bishop Casolani as his superior, and to consult him in all matters.

On 11 February 1848 the group reached Khartoum. There a church and a school were founded. Casolani, Knoblecher and Vinco, another of the group, proceeded with their scouting in order to set up more missions in the interior. After discovering some pagan tribes Casolani proposed a vast enterprise which necessitated the recruitment of more missionaries.

Ryllo felt seriously sick and could not continue with the mission. He infact asked Casolani to go to Rome and report about the success of the mission, while asking for more missionaries. Casolani was back in Cairo in October 1848 and in Malta in December, on his way to Rome. Propaganda Fide urged Casolani to remain in Malta because of the revolution in Italy. His Excellency obeyed the instructions of the Congregation and waited for further instructions. Bishop Casolani died on 1 August 1866 at the age of 51.[1636]

                   - The Crociata Missionaria San Paolo

In November 1928 Mgr Spinosa, rector of the Major Seminary of Liege, wrote an article in the “Malta”, one of Malta’s newspapers, asking the Maltese to collect used stamps, etc., in order to raise funds for the missions. Urged by this same article, Mgr Giuseppe Darmanin, rector of the Major Seminary of Malta, proposed to his seminarians to set up a society which could animate the seminarians themselves with the missionary spirit and help the missions financially. The society was started on 13 November 1928, with the formation of a committee. The committee worked for the formulation of the statutes and in the end the Saint Paul Missionary Crucade was formed. Its aim was made clear in its second article: the raising of funds for the missions and the education of seminarians in the missionary spirit. The first aim was reached by the sending of money to the missionaries. The second aim was reached through the prayers of the seminarians for the missions, conferences and study circles, missionary festivities, subscriptions to missionary periodicals, and with correspondence with missionaries abroad.

Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., the zelous missionary in Abyssinia and the author of the two Volume L’Apostolato Maltese said that the missionary enthusiasm that existed during the late thirties was undoubtedly at least partly the effect of the Crusade. The Crusade has helped:

·        the foundation of the Unione Missionaria del Clero;

·        the foundation of the Lega Missionaria Studenti;

·        the publication of the monthly periodical “Malta Missjunarja”;

·        the writing of several articles in the above mentioned missionary periodical;

·        from 1932 the yearly adoption of an indigenous seminarian;

·        the organisation of missionary conferences in centres all over Malta.[1637]

From the information given by Mizzi in his book mentioned above, one can conclude that there was this number of Maltese diocesan and religious priests, and male and female religious, in the missions between the years 1800-1933:

Diocesan priests

76

Discalced Carmelites

27

Augustinians

10

Dominicans

10

Jesuits

49

Franciscan Minors

81

Capuchin Friars

65

Franciscan Conventuals

4

From various religious orders

18

Nuns

227

Total of diocesan and religious, males and females

567

Table 21[1638]

(i)  De Piro: a promotor of the “first evangelisation”or his evangelisation ad gentes

Joseph De Piro lived in the environment presented above. It could not but make of him a man full of missionary zeal! Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., dedicated nine pages of Volume II of his “L’Apostolato Maltese” in order to present short biographical notes about the Maltese diocesan priests who had spent their whole life or part of it working in the mission countries. It is most interesting to say that the same Mizzi felt it his duty that at the end of this collection of short lives he put a special note about someone who had never left Malta for long, but who could rightly be put side by side with the Maltese missionaries:

Menzione Speciale

 

Un ricordo specialissimo è da tramandarsi, di quell’insigne Missionario nostrale che risponde al nome, benedetto da tutti, dell’Illmo, e Rmo. Mgr Can. Decano Giuseppe De’ Marchesi De Piro… Fu da Dio richiamato proprio solo quindici giorni prima che salpasse dai nostri lidi… per venire nell’opera della missione Maltese dei Somali (Etiopia) …

Tutta Malta riconobbe in lui, i sentimenti profondi e generosi del vero apostolo e missionario, quantunque egli non sia mai stato propiamente nelle missioni.[1639]

(ia)  The publication of the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”
The missionary work is for all

The Servant of God was convinced that God called every member of the Church to participate in one way or other in the missionary aspect of the Church. This is what he meant when he narrated the story of the chimney sweeper:

A little youth who was a chimney sweeper was full of enthusiasm after he heard a conference on the missions. Although in his pocket he only had enough money to buy some food, he put four pence in the bag. A day later, one of his friends saw him well washed and clean, well dressed and hurrying with a certain unusual graveness. Where are you going- he asked him.

- I am going to a Missions’ meeting. You?.. why are you going there?

- What do you mean?! Why are you saying that? I am going because now I have joined the missionary enterprise and I want to see how things are going. And truly the little chimney sweeper was right. Because to interest oneself in the matter one need not but pray, or give something, pray and give, compels others to give and compels others to pray. Because the matter of the missions concerns everybody. In fact Our Lord Jesus Christ was addressing all of us when he said the following words, " I have other sheep which are not of this fold and it is necessary that I gather these also to hear my voice and so there will be one shepherd" St. John. 10.16, he was recommending and entrusting us with the souls of those who are still in the darkness of paganism.

Let us reflect well on these words and if we have not joined the affair of the Missions, Let us join quickly. At least we will walk with the little chimney sweeper; otherwise we shall lag behind him.[1640]

 

Because of this same conviction, in 1922, De Piro started publishing this “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” itself. In it he presented summaries of papal missionary encyclicals or speeches.[1641] He also brought to the readers information and news about activities in favour of the missionary dimension of the Church.[1642]  Not to mention the many short biographies of missionaries who dedicated their lives to evangelisation.[1643]  But in the Almanac, the Servant of God presented also his deep theological and spiritual conviction

                   - The truths contained in it

                   - First evanglisation, a special evangelisation

The author of the Almanac was quite clear about this truth, “If the work to defend and maintain faith where it is already planted and in blossom is divine, it is no less sublime and no less dear in front of God and profitable and salutary for your neighbour the engagement undertaken to scatter and to erect it where it is not yet present or to strengthen it where it has just struck root.”[1644]

                   - It is God who calls the evangelisers and sends them to the ad gentes countries

Before starting his article “Malta and God’s call to the Missions” De Piro quoted some of the words Christ said to his disciples before his leaving them in order to go to his Father: “Go therefore and make disciples of all nations… (Mt 28,19)”. This command of the Lord shows quite clearly who is the sender of the evangelisers.[1645] The Servant of God started the same article just mentioned by these words, “Before going up into heaven, Our Lord Jesus Christ ordered his apostles and disciples gathered around him and in their person all those who were to come instead of them, to go throughout the world and preach the Gospel.”[1646]

                   - The missions ad gentes are set up in the name of God

Through his “St Paul: Almanac of the Insititue of the Missions” De Piro tried especially to keep the Maltese informed about the missionary activity of the Church. In the 1925 edition he presented an article about the Missionary exhibition that was opened in the Vatican Gardens on 22 December 1924. On this occasion, Cardinal William Van Rossum, Prefect of Propaganda Fide, presented the exhibition to the Pope through a speech he addressed to His Holiness. Pius XI answered Van Rossum by another speech. The Servant of God chose the following words from the Pope’s speech, “The Pope also … spoke about the aim for which this missionary exposition was set up, namely in honour and glory of almighty God whose name all the missions bear…”[1647]

                   - Missionaries are working for God

In 1927 Pius XI initiated the World Missionary Day. The year after De Piro wrote a few words about this first Mission Day; he told the readers of his Almanac what the members of his Society did on such a day. In his presentation the author was quite clear about for whom the missionaries were working, “In the morning the Bl. Sacrament was solemnly exposed and we began an hour of Adoration in front of Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament, the Lord of the vast estate of the missions. Through our insignificance we asked him as much as is possible for us to help those poor missionaries, who for him left their country…”[1648]

                   - In fact Jesus is the Master of the missions

Mgr De Piro presented Jesus Christ as, “… the Lord of the vast estate of the missions…”[1649]

                   - For De Piro the missionaries are those who:

·        have their hearts full of love and zeal for God;[1650]

·        live a balance between the spiritual and the material aspects of their lives;[1651]

·        bring non believers to God;[1652]

·        try to recognise each day Jesus Christ;[1653]

·        work in order to implant the love of God in the hearts of the nonbelievers;[1654]

·        help Jesus save everyone;[1655]

·        work to make known to everyone the love of the heart of Christ;[1656]

·        work for the enlargement of the Church;[1657]

·        spread the faith where it is not yet existant.[1658]

                   - What is faith according to the Servant of God?

·        the civilization and a holistic melioration of humanity;[1659]

·        the giver of life;[1660]

·        no faith: no light;[1661]

·        introduces liberty in human society;[1662]

·        the light of truth.[1663]

                   - The tools of the missionaries

According to De Piro, the missionary has to use certain tools in order to do his evangelisation:

…not a war of swords however, but of more potent arms of the evangelical words. These pierce the hardest hearts not by cannons but through good customs which demolish the terrible fortresses of vice; a war of peace, not of sorrow; not a war of loss but of victory and of certain victory; of triumph and not of a domination which ends, but a kingdom of heaven which lasts for ever and ever.

The motto " Domine, da mihi animas " induced Pope Pius XI to encourage and help the works of the missions. In this way, the missionary would be able to arrive in far away countries and penetrate the reign of the devil and here triumph and enlighten with the light of faith while he sows the seed of truth.

Mission work consists in this: in nothing but the continuous and hard sacrifices of those who become messengers of the word of God for the salvation of souls to go on fulfilling the gentle prayer of some holy persons who with a great and holy greed wished always to gain a very large number of souls who are far away from God. To teach the christian religion and to persuade the infidels from their deceptive superstitions what care won’t the missionaries take and to which limit of patience won’t they go? Will sick pagans lack the care of some sisters? With what attention and gentleness do they behave towards abandoned babies; and how they behave towards children prepared for baptism and for the First ( Holy) Communion?

And just as the mission takes care of the soul, it also cares for the body by civilizing their bad customs , by exercising them in trades, in the sciences and in many other worthwhile matters.[1664]

                   - The importance of contemplative religious communities in the missions

In the Almanac, the Servant of God wrote also about the importance of contemplatives in the missions:

Apart from what we have said, in this letter (Rerum Ecclesiae of Pope Pius XI) there is a recommendation which all the people of lively faith will understand well. The Pope infact recommends that in the countries of the missions, wherever possible, contemplative religious orders are to be erected; these are of sublime importance. In fact as Moses they pray from the height of the mountain receiving the power and victory of the combattants at the plain which no weapon and human fervour will succeed in overcoming.[1665]

                   - The necessity of the indigenous clergy

About the necessity of the indigenous clergy De Piro made two contributions:

Lately we have seen the missions flourishing. We owe this not only to the great zeal lit in the hearts of the christians for the Popes’ calls; it is also a result of the indigenous Clergy. This means that the priests who have been ordained come from the mission country itself.

From its early days, the Church has always understood the necessity of the local clergy. Called also for God’s service, they can become priests and work among their other Brothers as you can see in the picture where the seminarians ( young men from the same country) are gathered together with their Rector Friar Joachim from Zejtun and the Bishop, Msgr. Andrew Jarusseau is blessing them. In fact if we look at the Apostles, we find that in their wanderings throughout the world, they always sought to leave others chosen from among the people of that same place instead of them. They consecrated bishops who then took care of and nurtured that teaching given them. Our Country’s history is also an evidence of this. When the Apostle Paul embarked on our island and preached the doctrine of Jesus Christ, he consecrated Saint Publius as Bishop so as to keep and develop the teaching which he had left…

Pius XI our Pope did not refain to give a most clear proof of how much he has at heart the indigenous clergy. We can see this in the solemn consecration of those six chinese bishops whom he himself wanted to consecrate in St. Peter’s basilica two years ago.

The Pope’s wish in this matter is always being fulfilled and the indigenous clergy is always increasing and growing; as a result of this the spreading of the catholic religion grows with it. Let us therefore pray to God so that He continues to further this work which is so beautiful and necessary for the salvation of

souls.[1666]

 

The first Ethiopian Bishop

 The Work of Saint Peter consists in prayer and collections so that, young people in the areas of the Missions would be able to be well led in the seminaries and promoted to holy orders. So, those who belong to the same race would be won over for Christ or strengthened in His faith in a shorter time. A look at those areas which have known the Gospel for some time but which still lag behind or are very backward in Gospel teaching because no one thought to set up the indigenous clergy is enough to show us the importance of such work. We also find that in some areas christian instruction Brought with it every type of development in every field of civilization; able men in every trade and profession arose but we find neither bishops to head nor priests to strengthen the faith in Christ by their teaching and all the wealth it brings with it because no provisions were made for the indigenous clergy…

Abyssinia is one of the areas where the work of Saint Peter is set up successfully. At Harrar, under the leadership of the industrious Bishop Msgr Jarosseau there is a seminary where young people who feel God’s call can be taught and led to become priests. Many a time, our Brother Joseph told us that he meets these indigenous priests.

This is a fact of consolation and also of admiration to us. Consolation because we feel new new courage when we think that in this Mission Field complete work is being performed which in fact gives us great hope for the future. In fact, since our just visible Institute started to get involved with this Mission at Friar Mizzi’s hard work, we started to feel for it and to wish it every type of prosperity, A fact of admiration because we ourselves know the large sums of money one needs to raise up children to the priesthood and the enormous obstacles one meets even in a country where the Church is spread everywhere and so firmly erected. The work in favour of theindigenous clergy was fruitfulnot only in the priesthood butalso in its fulfillment.

In fact, at the Chapel of the Pontifical Ethiopic College, situated in the Vatican City, the first indigenous Bishop of Italian Ethiopia or Eritrea, Mgr Chidane Mariam Cassa was consecrated by Cardinal Sincerolast August.

Mgr Chidane Mariam was born in Hebo, the much beloved place of the Missionary Bishop Mgr Justin De Jacobis: it was the very first place which received generously the word of the missionary and kept firmly to it. Bishop De Jacobis is also buried in Hebo. Up to the present day, his tomb is venerated not only by christians but also by those who live in heresy and by the muslims: for Abba De Jacobis as they call him, worked and toiled not only not only for the souls of Ethiopia but he also took care of them in matters temporal. As Brother Felix da Collepardo told us, they remember him up to the present day as a great benefactor for by his quick wit and by the persistent effort of his heart he saved them from the scourge of famine. The grandparents of Msgr.Chidane were the first people to receive the word of the Missionary De Jacobis. The managed to instil a great attraction towards the christian faith in their children. In fact, both his mother as well as his father are known by all as two very religious souls. His father Cassa’ Tammam died when he was six years old but his mother Hagosa’ Tare’ is still alive and was lucky to see her son a Bishop. And so, in Asmara we have the first indigenous Bishop, a Bishop of the christians of the Ethiopic rite in Eritrea.[1667]

                   - On the example of the first christian communities

To prove the validity of his convictions about the indigenous missionaries, the Servant of God referred to the first Christian community:

Therefore, what the gloriously reigning Pope, the Pope of the Missions, Pope Pius XI is saying is completely right. He says that it seems that we have not reflected enough how the Church of Christ spread in the beginning and what the Apostles did to those early gatherings of christians. Together with teaching and baptism they also made provisions for those who must keep kindled the light of faith. Let us take our own example. Our father Saint Paul left Publius, the Prince of our Island at the time, before departing. He could ordain priests and in that way he could not only keep the Faith of Christ but also confirm it more and more.[1668]

                   - Three reasons why the indigenous missionaries are necessary

The well known Pope Benedict had recognized this very well. So he highly recommended the erection of the indigenous clergy to missionaries. And rightly:

 

(1)  for the indigenous missionary can overcome some difficulties with the greatest ease while other missionaries, not indigenous, do not overcome them easily. The spreading of the Catholic religion finds many obstacles in these difficulties.

(2) The indigenous Missionary can recognize the character of the people of his country much better than others; so he can adapt himself better with them. This thing is very costly as many times a great amount of work of the missionary does not bear fruit because of the diversity of his character compared to that of the local people.

(3) Apart from this, the indigenous missionary is believed more and his word has a greater power over the heart of those poor people who can never understand clearly how a missionary who does not belong to their country leaves his native place to live among them just for the good of their souls. So some suspicion or some doubt always falls on his brave action.[1669]

                   - The result of the work of the indigenous missionaries

There is no need to say how much harm this matter causes on the missionary work. Who knows how many a time the labour of so many years yielded a very small amount of fruit because of this, while the indigenous missionary enjoys the complete trust of his country and his word has a great force over their hearts.[1670]

                   - Saint Paul, model of every missionary

Saint Paul is a heart set alight with the love of God, a heart full of strong love toward his devotees. Therefore let us pray to Saint Paul: for the conversion of the infidels, for the recovery of those who left the Church, for the perseverance in going good, for the spreading of the Holy Gospel, for all the missionary works, for missionary vocations and for this institute of the missions which is under his patronage .[1671]

Let us ask St.Paul to raise Missionaries, to give them an inclination for suffering, zeal for the good of souls, love for the Divine Master, in their souls; a love like that which he had burning in his heart, a love which often drove him to suffer for his Brothers. [1672]

(ib)  The sending of missionaries
                   - The foundation of a Society for the evangelisation ad gentes

With the above mentioned deeply held convictions, De Piro looked at the world and saw that many parts of it had never had the opportunity of listening to the Good News. Helped by God’s given charism the Servant of God founded the Society of St Paul for the not yet evangelised countries.

We have already referred to the short appreciation of De Piro made by Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap. In it he said more than the above; Mizzi emphasised the foundation of the ad gentes missionary Society: 

Menzione Speciale

 

Un ricordo specialissimo è da tramandarsi, di quell’insigne Missionario nostrale che risponde al nome, benedetto da tutti, dell’Illmo, e Rmo. Mgr Can. Decano Giuseppe De’ Marchesi De Piro. Egli fondò per le missioni la “Società San Paolo” per la quale visse e mori’. Fu da Dio richiamato proprio solo quindici giorni prima che salpasse dai nostri lidi, per venire recare all’autore di queste pagine, un secondo e valido aiuto nell’opera della missione Maltese dei Somali (Etiopia), menandogli un Sacerdote e un Fratello Coadiutore, già destinati entrambi alla stazione di Gololcia, dove lavora, dal 1928, il primo frutto della stessa veneranda Società S. Paolo, Fra Giuseppe Francesco Caruana, SSP…

Tutta Malta riconobbe in lui, i sentimenti profondi e generosi del vero apostolo e missionario, quantunque egli non sia mai stato propiamente nelle missioni.[1673]

                   - Seemed to be primarily for Maltese migrants

                   - De Piro’s own writings

When De Piro presented his Society, he himself used such words as, “… allo scopo di formare dei missionari , particolarmente ed in primo luogo per le colonie di Maltesi all’estero;”[1674] “che esso in primo luogo, è inteso a favore dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria…incominciando dai Maltesi lontani dalla patria…;”[1675] “.. ad incominciare dall’assistenza dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria…;”[1676] “… and they will probably start from the Maltese far away from their country…”[1677]

                   - The impression of others

Others conceived the Society as having the work among migrants as its main aim, “A me pare che l’opera deve esser foggiata a somiglianza di quella di Mgr Coccolo per gli emigranti Italiani. Sarebbe buona cosa accordarsi col P. Vella sj il quale per essere stato lungo tempo fra I Maltesi in Grecia, potrà dare utilissimi lumi”[1678] “I buoni Maltesi lontani dalla patria avranno da voi altri grandissimi aiuti.” [1679] “Mgr De Piro col consenso di Mgr Pace di F.M. fondò questa pia unione in favore dei Maltesi residenti all’estero.”[1680] “… visto che l’Istituto della Piccola Casa di San Paolo non si occupa che di Missionarii per i Maltesi residenti fuori dell’Isola e non per altri Missioni ed infedeli …”[1681] “Innanzi tutto però occorre che Mgr De Piro chairisca meglio la finalità dell’Istituto. Nella relazione inviata dalla S. V. si dice che l’Istituto cercherà di venire in aiuto di quei popoli I quali defettano di operai evangelici, incominciando dai maltesi lontani dalla patria… Ora il’porre come fine precipuo l’assistenza dei maltesi all’estero…”[1682] “Sarei stato ben lieto d’interessarmi della cosa, qualora l’opera sua fosse destinata all’evangelizzazione degli infedeli, però veggo che ella intende provedere col suo Istituto all’assistenza religiosa dei maltesi lontani dalla patria.”[1683] “… l’Istituto non riguarda direttamente la conversione degli infedeli, ma i Maltesi dimoranti…”[1684]

Some of the above persons, amongst whom Cardinal La Fontaine, Mgr Emmanuel Vassallo, Cardinal Van Rossum of Propaganda Fide and Don Archangelo Bruni, were quite familiar with the Founder’s thought. With them he had shared more than once his “idea”!

 

                   - The Maltese migrants, only a chronological priority; the missions ad gentes, the primary aim

But in fact De Piro clarified more than once what was the main aim of his Company of St Paul; he wanted a Society whose primary apostolate was the evangelisation of the ad gentes countries; the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants was only a chronological priority:

 

Anzitutto come Ella potrà vedere dal foglio che accompagna la presente, nel dire in primo luogo, non si intende fare l’esclusione supposta dalla Sacra Congregazione; ed utinam il Piccolo Istituto Maltese possa in futuro avere quest’onore di inviare Missionarii presso gli infedeli e per tutto il mondo. Ma come ben comprenderà l’Eccellenza Vostra da parte nostra sarebbe troppo ardire il solo accarezzare una simile idea - Inoltre ho desiderato che il titulo per l’ordinazione fosse quello di Missione, per imprimere sempre più nella mente e nel cuore dei giovani l’idea missionaria. Ella che conosce qualche cosa di Malta, sa molto bene quanto il Maltese sia attaccato al suolo natio; e comprenderà anche che l’idea delle Missioni Estere non trovando terreno fertile, se lo deve formare per se.[1685]

 

Io infatti avevo spiegato che coll’ incominciare dalla coltivazione spirituale dei Maltesi all’estero non si escludeva la conversione degli infedeli, ma che anzi un tale inizio nell’acquistare il favore del paese verso il nascente Istituto gli avrebbe dato l’agio di lanciarsi nel vasto campo dei paesi infedeli, dopo acquistata una certa vigoria.[1686]

 

Senza alcuna mia premura ma per semplice disposizione della Divina Provvidenza mi son trovato in contatto colla Congne de Propaganda Fide…

… poiche, questo Istituto ha per fine la conversione degli Infedeli, ma per le ragioni adotte incomincierà l’azione sua a favore dei Maltesi. In Africa poi, dove ci sono colonie di Maltesi vi sono anche infedeli e mi pare che l’Egitto stia tuttora sotto la giurisdizione della Congne’ de Propaganda.” [1687]

 

Ma il De Piro con lettera del 18 Agosto esprime il suo dispiacere di interrompere le sue relazioni con la S.C di Propaganda, perchè da essa si riprometteva un accrescimento dello spirito missionario; torna poi a chiarire meglio il suo scopo, dicendo che l’assistenza dei Maltesi è un mezzo scelto per acquistare il favore del paese per il nascente istituto, mentre il fine propostosi è sempre l’evangelizzazioni degl’ infedeli.[1688]

 

There were several times when the Servant of God asked for the titulo missionis for the ordination of some one of the members of his Society.[1689] Each time, he did this for a specific reason:

Inoltre ho desiderato che il titulo per l’ordinazione fosse quello di Missione, per imprimere sempre più nella mente e nel cuore dei giovani l’idea missionaria. Ella che conosce qualche cosa di Malta, sa molto bene quanto il Maltese sia attaccato al suolo natio; e comprenderà anche che l’idea della Missioni Estere non trovando terreno fertile, se lo deve formare per se.[1690]

 

When on 10 November 1922 the Founder presented to the Archbishop of Malta the first two parts of the Constitutions of his Society, he wrote that the aim of the Society was, “… di salvare le anime venendo in aiuto di quei popoli, i quali difettano di operai evangelici* …”[1691] But related to these words he added a footnote indicating how the members had to proceed in their process of evangelisation. He was quite clear that the evangelisation of the Maltese abroad was to happen chronologically before, but also for the advancement of the ad gentes one, “*Incominciando dalle Colonie Maltesi all’estero.”[1692]

In the section “Delle Missioni” of the same Constitutions, De Piro was quite clear about the type of Society he wanted: namely one which, having finished its work, goes elsewhere to evangelise there, “Terminata poi nel Signore l’opera loro, con sollecitudine si ritirino dal campo evangelizzato.”[1693]

The Founder was not founding a Society that established itself in one place and stayed there permanently. Rather he wanted one that worked for the plantatio ecclesiae and therefore one that was after first evangelisation.

                   - De Piro sent the first member of his Society to the missions ad gentes

In 1927 the Servant of God celebrated the 25 anniversary of his priestly ordination. On that occasion, the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, sent his friend, Mgr De Piro a very important letter. It included a very clear declaration about the main aim of the Society. And His Excellency referred also to the fact that in reality the “Piccola Società San Paolo” was already living its principal aim; on 21 June of that same year Br Joseph Caruana, one of the two first members who had joined the Society in 1910, had gone to Abyssinia in order to evangelise that ad gentes country:

 Dear Monsignor De Piro,

 

I was very much pleased to see the Society of St.Paul for foreign missions, which you founded and are directing, is progressing under your care. I hope it will not be long to start performing its work for those who are still in the darkness of death and deceit. I said I hope it won’t take long to start. I would have better said it would not take long to increase what it has started because one of your sons is already working in Abbysinia.

Every beginning has an end. I am very anxious to give the missionary cross to those brave ones who wander across the world like the Apostle Our Father St. Paul. People who wander where Faith leads them, where the love to spread the kingdom of God with the name of Jesus leads them.

Won’t you be well paid for the work you have performed, beloved Monsignor, if this year in which you have celebrated the 25th anniversary of your ordination and service for God, you see this result? Still I augur you more than that. I wish that what you planted and has sprouted, what you have watered by your sweat , what grew and is bearing fruit, on your 50th anniversary of priesthood will be a large tree; and a large one at that. I hope that you will also see many plants taken from this tree and planted elsewhere. I hope that these plants will have become trees and that on them birds of every kind will fly to seek shelter. I hope that on that day you will listen to these birds singing without rest, as if thanking God for finding shelter, light and life through you.

That this wish may be fulfilled I wholeheartedly bless you, the missionaries your sons and all those who help in your work and share it with you.

 

From my Valletta Palace on the 8 December of the year 1927.

+ Maurus o.s.b. Archbishop, Bishop of Malta [1694]

                   - Br Joseph Caruana in Abyssinia

Until today we do not know how, when and where De Piro communicated for the first time with Fr Angelo Mizzi, the Apostolic Vice Prefect of the Maltese Capuchin Mission in Abyssinia. It could have been that it was Mr Alphonse Maria Galea who introduced the two men to each other; Galea was the cousin of Mizzi and an old friend of De Piro. Therefore Galea knew quite well about Somalia’s big need of missionaries and on the other hand about the evangelising zeal of the Servant of God. Whatever the cause and the way of their first contact, from what we have in our records, the first letter of Mizzi to De Piro carries the date of 4 March 1927.[1695] But from this same letter we can rightly conclude that there must have been some sort of communication between them even before this date. In the letter of 4 March, the Capuchin Friar thanked the Servant of God for the Almanac he had sent him. Also, the words of the second paragraph are these, “Poi debbo ridomandarla dei Catechisti capaci di far la scuola ai nostri fanciulli.[1696] The word “ridomandarla” means that Mizzi had already asked De Piro for catechists! Then, further down in the letter Mizzi called De Piro “amico[1697] Immediately after this he told the Founder that his was the first request regarding the missions.[1698] Had he asked De Piro for something else in the past?

As has already been said just above, Mizzi asked the Founder for catechists. In this same letter the Capuchin missionary asked the Servant of God also what were the conditions for the payment of the trip and the remuneration the Founder expected for the work of the catechists to be sent to Somalia. De Piro answered Mizzi on 5 April 1927. The Founder seemed to have understood quite well that it was the great need of personell in the mission field that made Mizzi ask for several catechists. At the same time in 1927 De Piro’s Society was still small in number and therefore the Founder could not afford sending to Abyssinia but one member, “Ho ricevuto la sua preg. ma del 4 marzo 1927 e come mi richiede la accolgo con tutta la generosità. Spero di poterle mandare uno…”[1699] In this letter of 5 April, the Servant of God emphasised a lot his belief in prayer in favour of the missions and especially in favour of the missionary vocations:

… il quale, accompagnato dalla benedizione del Signore non mancherà di tirare altri dietro di se. Ella faccia pregare i piccoli ragazzi Somali, registri le loro preghiere sull’annessa formula e faccia il farne di mandarmela. Lo dico per esperienza, da quando ho fatto pregare i piccoli ricoverati negli istituti di beneficenza la piccola opera missionaria ha acquistato maggiore consistenza.[1700] 

 

From the Almanac we know that the insititutes were St Dorothy School, Mdina; Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun; Adelaide Cini Institute, Santa Venera; the Pilar Inatitute, Valletta; the Franciscan House of Perpetual Adoration, Valletta; Vincenzo Bugeja Institute, Santa Venera; the Franciscan Institute, Troina, Sicily; and all the other Institutes under the care of De Piro.[1701]

As usual, De Piro was not sending Br Joseph to Abyssinia to get any money; he again showed his belief that if he gave generously the Lord would pay him back, “In quanto al pagamento dell’individuo non esigo niente. Il Signore benedirà l’opera nostra.[1702]

But Monsignor’s generosity was not a need in him; it was a virtue and therefore he could afford telling Mizzi that he could not pay Brother’s trip himself, “Non posso fare la stessa offerta per il viaggio, che l’opera nostra è ancora bambina.”[1703]

                   - More correspondence between De Piro and Fr Angelo Mizzi

De Piro wrote to Mizzi on 5 April 1927. Fr Angelo answered De Piro on 23 April 1927. After thanking the Founder for the member he was going to send to Abyssinia, Mizzi asked De Piro whether the new missionary was going to be a priest or a catechist Brother. He also told Monsignor from whom and how he could get the money for the trip. He then asked the Founder to provide him with personal information regarding the future missionary. Again Mizzi started and ended his letter referring to the friendship that existed between him and De Piro.[1704]

From the letter written by Mizzi to De Piro on 30 April 1927 it seems that the latter had sent some material to the former regarding the celebration of his 25 anniversary of priestly ordination. In this letter of 30 April, Fr Angelo assured Monsignor of his prayers for his work in the charitable insititues, but more and more for his being able to send a member of his Society to the missions that same year.[1705]

De Piro wrote to Mizzi on 1 June 1927. He gave him the information asked for: that the future missionary was going to be a catechist Brother; his name was Br Joseph Caruana; and that he was 36 years of age. Then followed a list with some components which according to the Founder made Caruana a good missionary, “…uomo di molto spirito, capace, sa adattarsi molto coi ragazzi e fa anche   l’infermiere.”[1706] Then De Piro told Mizzi, “Io perdo il suo aiuto quà…”[1707] But he also told the Capuchin missionary why he was going to sacrifice Caruana, “… ma sono contento di fare questo sacrificio nella persuasione che il Signore manderà altri a supplirlo.”[1708]

In the last part of his letter the Servant of God showed again his great generosity. He was providing all the material needs of the members of his Society and at the same time when he found out that there were difficulties to get the money for Br Caruana’s trip in the way Mizzi told him, he did not keep the Brother from going. He himself paid for the trip, hoping to be reimbursed afterwards.[1709]

It seemed that Fr Angelo had not received De Piro’s letter of 1 June 1927. Therefore on 4 June 1927 Fr Mizzi sent another letter to Monsignor and asked him again for the information about the member who was going to Abyssinia. Mizzi assured De Piro about the prayers asked for by the latter and asked the same thing for the mission of Somalia.[1710]

Mizzi wrote to the Servant of God again on 18 June 1927, this time assuring the latter that he had received his letter of 1 June 1927. Fr Angelo also asked the Founder to intervene on behalf of the Abyssinia Mission so that another two missionaries could go to Abyssinia together with Br Caruana. [1711]

The Founder answered Fr Angelo on 1 July 1927. It was a short letter where he mainly asked the Capuchin Friar to pray the Lord for more missionary vocations.[1712]

The next letter of Mizzi, written by him on 6 July 1927, is important because by it he gave the Founder the news of the arrival of Br Joseph Caruana in the Somaliland:

Grazie mille e grazie infinite al Cielo. Il suo caro Fra Giuseppe Caruana è giunto a Dirre-Dawa (a cinquanta sette chilometri da qui) il 4 corrente (forse il 3) inaspettato assolutamente perchè non fu finora avvertito della sua partenza da Malta.

Scendo domani per abbracciarlo e condurlo io stesso nella mia stazione di Sofi dopo averlo fatto conoscere alla S. Ecc. Rma. Mgr Andrea Jarosseau che le rimane riconoscentissimo per il sacrificio immenso che si e imposto in favor di questa missione Maltese nascente.

Continui a far pregare I fanciulli per I nostri bisogni e l’espressione di tutta la mia profonda gratitudine.

Le scriverò fra giorni e più a lungo quando avrò abbracaiato il caro nuovo missionario nostro.”[1713]

- De Piro provided continuous support to his first missionary

Unfortunately we do not have the letters written by De Piro to Br Joseph Caruana, but from those written by the latter to the former we know that the Servant of God wrote regularly to this first missionary of his Society.[1714] The Founder helped Br Caruana by writing frequently to him about his spiritual duties, “As regards the retreat do not worry, because before Fr Joachim was made superior we talked about its necessity for the missionary and I told him also how much you like it, and that you frequently recommend it to me.”[1715] At the same time De Piro was convinced that even the other aspects of the life of the missionary had to be supported:

Brother Joseph once wrote to us that it is not enough to baptize the pagans and abandon them. Some times you have to sustain them and help them in their needs. The same thing happens with the missionary. It is not enough to send the Missionary and leave him on his own. You must support him and give him that help which he requires. Otherwise when he finds himself among many people who do not know him, and maybe even against him, and certainly they expect much from him, if he does not find the means he needs, his eagerness for action slowly withers away.[1716]

 

Therefore the Founder personally sent Br Joseph some object or other the latter had asked him for. But more than this, the Servant of God, together with his mother Ursola, set up the Somalia Museum and the Missionary Laboratory in order to support Brother in a more organised way.

                   - The Somalia Museum

In his letter written to the Founder on 21 July 1927, Br Joseph Caruana mentioned “the project of your mother”.[1717] Brother Joseph did not specify anything about this project of Ursola De Piro, but from the letter Fr Angelo Mizzi wrote to the Servant of God ten days after Caruana had written his own, we know that the latter was referring to “The Somalia Museum”. The aim of the Museum was to make the Maltese more sensitive to the needs of the missions in general and the Somalia work in particular.

Ursola sought the help of Fr Angelo Mizzi in order to find the material for the Museum. On his part the Capuchin missionary immediately started sending Baroness De Piro whatever was available.[1718]

                   - The Laboratory for the Abyssinia Mission

  One type of this work consists in what is called the Missionary Laboratory, meaning that some good souls, moved by God’s grace, meet together every now and then and offer their work to help some field in the large Estate of the Missions. And therefore we too who are just touching the Missionary field, we have thought about and erected a small Missionary laboratory with the blessing of our beloved Bishop.[1719]

 

The Servant of God published in his Almanac several articles about the Laboratory. While reading about this Organisation the Maltese were animated with the missionary spirit.[1720] After being filled with enthusiasm, the Maltese helped the evangelising activities, both spiritually and materially.

It was at first intended to site the Laboratory at St. Joseph Home. Since the Orphange was diocesan property, the Servant of God asked the permission of the Archbishop. The first reaction of His Excellency was negative. But in fact the Laboratory was then actually inaugurated there sometime towards October 1927.[1721]

This project was run by a group of pious women and it provided sterling assistance in sending gifts and necessary items to Somalia. The help provided by the Laboratory and by Mgr De Piro was indeed extremely important.[1722]

The Laboratory was later transferred to St Agatha’s, the Motherhouse of De Piro’s Society, in Rabat, Malta. When there, it was known as Saint Agatha Laboratory.[1723]

                   - Further Plans for Ethiopia

It had always been in Mgr De Piro’s mind to be able to send priests to the missions. In July 1927, Father Angelo Mizzi wrote from Somaliland suggesting the name of the then director of St. Joseph Home in Gozo, Father Michael Callus, for Ethiopia.[1724]

On 14 September 1927, the Bishop of Somalia, Mgr Andrea Jarosseau wrote to the Servant of God to thank him for his work so far and to request the sending of a priest of the Society for his mission. [1725] De Piro answered on 30 October 1927. It is worth putting down the exact words of the Servant of God:

L’appreciation que vous faites de notre tre`s petit secours il a ètè pour nous une grand consolation. Le notre dèsir il est azzez plus grand de ce que nous avons faisais jusqùa pre’sent. Mais le notre regard se lance sur le futur lorsque, avec le secours che Bon Dieu, nous pourrons faire quelque chose de plus. Le notre Istitut se trouve encore dans les difficulte’s de commencement, et il dever jusqùa ici aller contre la courant; parce que l’insulaire est trop attachè a son pays. Comme la notre Istitution est encor diocesaine elle depend de l-Ordinaire de Malte; et c’est pourquoi une nvet de Vote Grandeur à Monsenieur l’Archeveque Caruana elle tenira le chemin aplain pour le futur – Pendent les notre conversations. Le Mission Africaine des Somalis a toujours son leiu; comme encore dans notre prieres quotidiens. Parce que, “Nisi Dominus aedificaverit domum in vanum laboraverunt qui aedificant eam”. De la grand necessitè de priere “Dominus Messis” a venir a notre secours, et d’accèlèrer le jour de voir accomplè le notre vive desir d’envoyer a la mission des pretres aussi…[1726]

         

On 18 January 1928 Mizzi wrote once again to remind De Piro about sending a priest and imploring him to persevere with the Bishop of Malta so that official permission be granted without further delay.[1727] All through 1928, Mizzi kept informing of the situation in the mission and the almost desperate need for a priest, preferably Father Callus.[1728]

Father Mizzi, who although a Maltese, belonged to the Capuchin Province of Toulouse, in France, was at that time very keen in making the Maltese Province interested to take over the running of the mission he was looking after. In these efforts he also tried to enlist Mgr De Piro to put pressure on the Maltese Capuchin Community to bring this about.[1729] Mizzi ends this letter by telling De Piro:

Non mi dica che Lei non può niente, Lei c’ha degli amici intimi fra i Cappuccini e potrà arrivare a questo risultato grazie al suo tatto delicatissimo eda al suo personale disinteress nella questione.

Mi renda questo servigio, e Lei vedrà che colla preghiera e la sua profonda fiducia nell’aiuto di Dio, riuscirà perfettamente a cambiare I sentimenti attuali del M. Rdo. P. Provinciale dei Cappuccini di Malta.[1730]

 

Time showed that the Maltese Capuchins never took over this mission.

As regards the possibility of sending a priest from the Society, De Piro’s letters became more infrequent during 1929, though Mizzi’s demands remained inistent, this time asking for a priest and a Brother.[1731]  At this time De Piro was however suffering from exhaustion and mental tiredeness brought on by the heavy workload he had to cope with. In fact, on the doctors’ orders, he went on a trip to Lourdes.[1732]

In 1929 the Somalia mission suffered further drawbacks. Locusts devastated the harvest and brought about a serious famine. The chapel at Gigiga was destroyed in a fire and a Capuchin friar and two Franciscan sisters died. All this obviously made the need for more missionaries all the greater.[1733]

Father Mizzi’s perseverance to get the Maltese authorities interested further in Somaliland eventually led to the mission being offered to the Diocese of Gozo which was then administered by Mgr Michael Gonzi.[1734] But even these efforts moved too slowly, particularly to Mizzi’s expectations, and eventually came to nothing; Mgr Gonzi did not want to get inolved without the Archdiocese of Malta as well.[1735]  

During these attempts to involve the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Mauro Caruana, in taking up this offer, Mizzi once again wrote to De Piro to act as messenger on his behalf.[1736] Certain local difficulties were, however, making it extremely improbable for these wishes to be realized. On the other hand Father Mizzi’s methods started upsetting many individuals, including Brother Joseph Caruana himself, who, on 9 September 1931, advised De Piro not to send anybody else because he "…does not know how to administer at all and he acts like a child without thinking matters over." [1737]  Early the following year Father Mizzi’s jurisdiction over the Maltese mission came to an end though he remained vice-prefect. Another Maltese Capuchin, Father Joachim, was appointed Superior in his stead and he proved a better administrator.[1738]

The major reason that had stopped Archbishop Mauro Caruana to send more help to Abyssinia was that there was the hope that the Society would be soon in a position to take over the running of one of the missions. When Father Mizzi got to know of this plan he at once agreed and, though by that time he was not in charge of the mission, he approached Bishop Jarosseau on the Society’s behalf.[1739]

Bishop Jarosseau offered Gigiga to the Society. Gigiga was the most important station and the capital of the entire Maltese mission. As a result of how Mizzi conveyed the message, Bishop Jarosseau took a stand and declared that he did not want any of the Maltese Capuchins there. The matter was far from clear and, Father Mizzi explained to De Piro, it seemed that the Bishop was only interested in keeping the Maltese mission subservient to the French one. This information made De Piro extremely careful lest he should be involved in some case of ecclesiastical politics.[1740]

Gradually the position clarified itself. Bishop Jarosseau explained that the offer should be made conjointly to the Society and the Dioceses of Malta and Gozo, though Mgr De Piro was to be the official spokesman for the three of them.[1741]

(ic)  De Piro himself for Abyssinia

At one time it seemed probable that Mgr De Piro had the intention to go personally to Somalia to see matters for himself and to discuss the project with Bishop Jarosseau.[1742] Naturally Brother Caruana was extremely pleased with this news, though such a visit could not be arranged at short notice.[1743]

Eventually the Founder wrote to Mizzi explaining that his Society could not take up the entire mission being offered to it and added that he would have liked to see his members being assisted by the Capuchins already there. Mizzi was greatly pleased with this but warned him to be careful of any agreement unless all details were clear.[1744]

De Piro however would not be hurried and for that reason delayed his departure to Somalia. Moreover Brother Caruana had written on 3 November 1932, telling him not to allow Father Angelo meddle with anything as this would only lead to failure. Brother Joseph’s letter also maintained that he was making ready a humble room in the station of Gololcia, a piece of news that led to De Piro actively consider taking up this particular station.[1745]

The "negotiations" went on for quite some time because De Piro was meticulous and careful in whatever he did. Certainly he did not want to involve the Society in any problem. It was not an easy decision because often Brother Caruana and Fr Joachim sent conflicting evaluations and suggestions.[1746]

Mgr De Piro thought deeply about the whole matter and asked for advice from whoever could give him one. However as he was about to take a decision, on 9 January 1933 he received a letter from Father Joachim in which the acceptance of the mission was not even mentioned.[1747]  In the meantime he had also asked Brother Caruana for more information about Gololcia and the reply had taken long to arrive. Caruana gave all the required details explaining the local conditions.[1748]    In Somalia Bishop Jarosseau was getting anxious to hear a definite reply. On 9 February 1933 Mgr De Piro convinced the Council of the Society which, in addition to himself, included Father Michael Callus and Father Joseph Spiteri. Brother Caruana’s letter was read out and, “It was decided by the Council for the Society of St Paul to ask for the station of Gololcia from Bishop Jarosseau, the Apostolic Vicar of Abyssinia, as its first missionary camp and a priest will be sent together with a Brother-cathecist or two.”[1749]

That same day Mgr De Piro wrote to Father Joachim about the happy news. The Founder also announced his intention to lead these first missionaries himself the following autumn.[1750] On 28 February 1933 he wrote to Brother Joseph giving him all the necessary details regarding the Society’s decision.[1751]

Both Fr Joachim and Br Joseph wrote back to express their pleasure and satisfaction. On 19 March 1933, the former informed De Piro that Bishop Jarosseau was keenly interested in the Society’s contribution and that the Founder was to have full freedom in his actions.[1752]  Br Joseph wrote to De Piro on 2 April 1933. He told him that he too was happy with the developments. He also assured Monsignor that when there he would have a room for his own.[1753]

Mgr De Piro started preparing for this voyage. By August 1933, he seems to have been completely involved in getting together all the necessities. He was so busy that, for the first time, he delegated the compiling of the Society’s “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of th Missions”. That month he told his companions, “You will be responsible for next year’s Almanac. You will do it on your own. I will not be with you”.[1754]

Unfortunately De Piro never went to Somalia. His sudden death on 17 September 1933 hindered him from doing this. And it impeded him also from taking some other missionary or two to accompany Br Joseph Caruana in his mission.

(id)  De Piro’s missionary convictions in the Constitutions of his Society

In the Original Constitutions of the Society, the Founder presented two whole sections about the ad gentes missionary activity of the Society. He started the part “Dei Campi d’Azione” with the section “Delle Missioni”.[1755] Then coming to the vows he added “Del Voto di Missione” to the sections about the three vows traditionally related to religious life.

                   - First among the apostolates of the Society

It has been indicated just above that this section has been presented as the first one in the list of apostolates of the Society founded by De Piro. Then in the very first paragraph the Founder was quite explicit about this priority of the evangelisation ad gentes for the members of his Society, “… le Missioni sono tra i nostri ministeri il principale…”[1756]

                   - With no geographical limits     

The aim of the Society already indicated that according to the Servant of God there had to be no territorial boundaries regarding the evangelisation of the members of his Society, “… di salvare le anime venendo in aiuto di quei popoli, i quali difettano di operai evangelici…”[1757]

In “Delle Missioni” the Founder emphasised this unconditional consecration of the members of his Society, “… ed in forza del voto di missione tutti sono obligati di essere sempre disposti e pronti di recarsi in qualsivoglia parte del mondo.”[1758]

                   - Within the context of a parish

“Oltre alla predicazione, confessione ed altre pie pratiche, che verranno osservate nelle nostre chiese, i Missionarii si daranno anche a quelle azioni ministeriali, che sono strettamente parrocchiali[1759]

                   - Always subject to the local hierarchy

“… sempre naturalmente, secondo quello che viene richiesto dagli Ordinarii dei

 luoghi.”[1760]

                   - Accountable to the immediate superior of the Society

In the original Constitutions De Piro put a lot of emphasis on accountability. He demanded it from formators [1761] and in the parish work.[1762] He also requested it from all evangelisers ad gentes:

Il Superiore di ogni Missione avrà la cura ogni settimana, di informare il Padre Superiore più prossimo, di tuttociò che succede di notabile, e di chiedergli consiglio e direzione. Lo stesso è a dirsi di coloro, che trovansi lontanti dalla communità per ragioni di ministero.[1763]

                   - The prayerful life of the evangeliser - a support for his evangelisation

I Missionari da ultimo quanto più per ragione della loro missione, saranno privi dei grandi benefici della vita in communità, altrettanto procurino di ardere dal desiderio della propria perfezione, e siano più strettamente osseranti delle Sante Regole della Compagnia e non tralascino mai la meditazione e gli esami di coscienza quotidiani, e tutti gli altri esercizi di pietà.[1764]

                   - Prayer for the evangelisation itself

De Piro was a priest who was all the time more than busy; he was all the time doing something or other. The witnesses who knew him well referred to this characteristic of his. Even the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” gives proof of this; when he presented some missionary model many a times he emphasised this reality in the individual.[1765] At the same time the Servant of God believed that: “Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labour in vain…” [1766] For this reason he insisted on the members of his Society that they, “… appena dall’ubbidienza viene loro assegnata una Missione, procurino di accogliere questa come dalle mani della Divina Provvidenza, ed incomincino fino da allora a pregare pei popoli che devono evangelizare.”[1767]

And the missionaries must continue with this praying all along their mission, “…preghino ogni giorno per le anime affidate alla loro cura…”[1768]

                   - And by an exemplary life

In Maltese we say that “the word moves the other person, but the example drags him.” Monsignor was convinced of this. After insisting on the importance of prayer he draws the attention of the missionary towards a personal good life, “Arrivati sul luogo abbiano sempre innanzi ai propri occhi le parole di San Paolo nostro Padre, "Christi bonus odor sumus" 2 Cor. 2.15, e si terranno contenti della camera, del letto e del cibo con cui verranno trattati.”[1769]

Even as days go by, the members must remember that good living is an evangelisation in itself, “… e massima premura venga da tutti usata, che non vi sia neanche l’ombra del cattivo esempio, ma tale sia sempre il loro modo di vivere e di trattare con coloro che evangelizzano da conciliarsi la loro venerazione…”[1770]

The Founder continued by emphasising that the evangelisers must be always discreet in their apostolate, very attentive in observing their boundaries and never to mix roles. He mentioned such things as matchmaking, the involvement in the drawing of wills, and their being godfathers.[1771]

As regards discretion in evangelisation the Founder has these words, “… ma si guarderanno in questa cosa dall’eccedere la debita misura con danno spirituale proprio e degli altri.”[1772]

                   - What De Piro meant by evangelisation

In senso stretto - Per missione in senso stretto s’intende l’invio di due o più Missionarii in una parrocchia o in un altro luogo per amministrare il pane della parola di Dio, e distribuire il sangue preziosissimo di N.S. Gesù Cristo per mezzo dei sacramenti della Penitenza e dell’Eucaristia.[1773]

                   - Evangelisation of the whole person

De Piro did not want to be misunderstood when presenting the last instruction. He did not want the members to get the impression that evangelisation had to do only with the spiritual aspect of the human life. He therefore encouraged his followers in the Society in favour of the formation of the human dimension of the people they evangelised, “I Missionari però che devono evangelizzare dei popoli infedeli, non rifiuteranno di educare i selvaggi nei doveri della vita civile, ciò infatti contribuisce molto allo stesso bene spirituale degli stessi…”[1774]

                   - A non possessive evangelisation or plantatio ecclesiae

The Founder finished the section “Delle Missioni” by presenting to the members of his Society an attitude that had to exist in their evangelisation of the ad gentes countries, “Terminata poi nel Signore l’opera loro, con sollecitudine si ritirino dal campo evangelizzato.”[1775]

De Piro did not want the members of his Society to possess those they evangelised. On the opposite, he urged them to leave the place when they would have done their duty. And this without delay!


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Part Three

De Piro’s Charity


 

If Mgr Joseph De Piro were to write an autobiography he would have undoubtedly put these words somewhere in the beginning:

The spirit of the Lord has been given to me, for he has anointed me. He has sent me to:

·         be a father and a mother to the girls and boys of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes;

·         sustain in their various needs the boys and youths of the B’Kara Oratory;

·         see to it that there is a provision for all the needs of the seminarians at the Mdina Major Seminary;

·         be a real “Padre” to the members of my Missionary religious Institute;

·         help, in their various needs, the families of the girls and boys of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes;

·         follow the old girls and boys of these institutes;

·         create social assistance to the employees of these institutes, of the Mdina Cathedral School and of the Major Seminary;

·         give alms to the many poor and miserable beggars, whether young or old, women or men;

·         help the Maltese workers earn a just wage;

·         help the Maltese families enjoy a decent living;

·         mediate for peace and concord between conflicting individuals or entities;

·         keep strong the faith of the faithful Maltese in Malta, whether young or old, women or men;

·         rejuvenate the faith of the Maltese migrants, whereever they are; and

·         announce God’s love to those who have never heard of it.

 

The Servant of God was a man whose life was to help others.[1776]

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter Four

De Piro’s Charity: Aspects

 

Many were the ingredients that made up the charity of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro.

 

(i)  An option for the materially poor

Joseph De Piro had the possibility to enjoy a very prosperous life. He could have become a drawing or painting artist.[1777] In his teens he spent three and a half years as member of the Royal Malta Regiment of Militia[1778] where, if he had remained, he could have easily been promoted to higher ranks. In 1898 he started the law course at the University of Malta which could have led him to a lawyer’s career.[1779] Being of noble birth, De Piro would have undoubtedly become a member of the Maltese nobility.[1780] The De Piro title meant a lot of property, both mobile and immobile, for which Joseph had a right.[1781] His nobility also implied a popularity in the Maltese society and therefore the possibility of some important role in the civil administration of Malta.[1782] The Servant of God left all these behind him and opted for the priesthood.[1783]

Joseph had not yet began his seminary studies at the Rome Gregorian University when on 24 August 1898 he wrote to his mother from Rome:

Secondo i calcoli incalcolabili che ho fatto; se non morrò probabilmente canterò messa da qui ad altri quattro anni; poichè più di due anni di filosofia non credo che mi faranno fare, e poi dopo due anni di teologia credo che mi lasceranno cantarla. Pregate a S. Tommaso d’Aquino che mi intercede la grazia di aprirmi un poco la mente, ed allora forse un anno di filosofia sarà sufficiente, ed allora potremo fare più presto … Il corso di teologia è di quattro anni e poi quello di diritto canonico è di tre, cosichè se ancor ben faccio l’addizione mi pare che fino a 30 anni trovo da studiare.[1784]

 

According to this letter Joseph De Piro had planned ten years of study in Rome, finishing with a specialisation in Canon Law. At the same time during this very first year at the Capranica College, or a very little while after he had made his choice for the priesthood, young Joseph seemed to be already favouring an option different from the one just mentioned or the specialisation in Canon Law; he was already preferring St Joseph’s Home rather than academic specialisations.[1785] Through this last option the Servant of God showed that his was going to be a priestly life dedicated to the poor. In fact, immediately after finishing his first year of studies in Rome, he returned to Malta for his summer holidays and went to St Joseph’s to meet Mgr Francesco Bonnici, the Founder - Director of the Institute.[1786] To his astonishment, Joseph found out that Bonnici had retired from the Institute and there was Fr Emmanuel Vassallo instead.[1787] The latter was being helped by Fr George Bugeja.[1788] While at St Joseph’s, during his second summer holidays from Rome, young De Piro showed Vassallo that, after finishing his studies, he wished to go himself to the Institute and live there with him.[1789]  Joseph, the seminarian, continued his contact with Vassallo and Bugeja[1790] and wrote to them all through the years of his stay at the Capranica.[1791]

At the end of De Piro’s studies in Rome, Malta’s Archbishop, Mgr Peter Paul Pace, offered him more than once the possibility to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica dei Nobili”.[1792] The same did the President of the “Accademia”.[1793] Joseph did not accept this offer. He still preferred to return to Malta and stay at St Joseph’s Institute.[1794] The Archbishop accepted the option of the Servant of God.[1795] Again, De Piro left behind him a career full of prosperity and prestige, this time in the Church, and opted for the poor boys of St Joseph’s Orphanage.

After ordination and some three months of more study in Rome, Fr Joseph went to Davos, Switzerland, to recuperate his health.[1796] In Switzerland he spent 18 months, after which he returned to Malta[1797] and stayed for almost 3 years in Qrendi, a parish to the south of the Island, again with the aim of continuing to regain his strength.[1798] Although De Piro had talked to Fr Emmanuel Vassallo about his wish to go to St Joseph’s,[1799] Vassallo did not offer him the possibility to live there. Instead, in 1907, the Archbishop of Malta, Peter Pace, assigned to Fr Joseph the direction of Fra Diegu, a Home for orphaned and poor girls.[1800] This was only the first of a series of ecclesiastical charitable institutes to be entrusted to the care of the Servant of God. Another five followed: Jesus of Nazareth;[1801] St Joseph’s, Malta;[1802] St Joseph’s, Gozo;[1803] the Home for babies;[1804] and St Francis de Paul.[1805]

In itself the acceptance of Fra Diegu by De Piro included some other options. Pastoral work has always been the thing wished for avidly by all young priests. De Piro was quite settled in Qrendi.[1806] He felt himself accepted and loved there.[1807] Most probably it was not that easy for De Piro to leave the Parish. In spite of all this, he left it, and without hesitation went to help the poor girls of Fra Diegu Institute.

Fra Diegu was not the Institute of his wish; he wanted to go rather to St Joseph’s, which, besides being an Institute for orphaned boys, was a Home from where he had thought that there would come out a male Society under the patronage of St Paul.[1808] Fra Diegu was an Orphanage for girls and therefore it was not possible to initiate a male society in it. The Servant of God put the Society’s project aside. He left Qrendi, he also put aside the Institute where he had been thinking to start the Society, and opted for Fra Diegu.

In 1922 he also accepted the direction of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute.[1809] He had been dreaming about the possibility to go to St Joseph’s, Malta, since his first scholastic year in Rome (1898-1899).[1810] For several years or until November 1922 the offer had never been made to him. Instead, another Institute was put in his hands, the Jesus of Nazareth, at Zejtun. This was again a girls’ Institute and therefore as in the case of Fra Diegu, the Servant of God could never get from it members for his new Society, as in the case of St Joseph’s. Yet, he accepted Jesus of Nazareth and dedicated himself completely for the good of the poor orphans of that Institute.

While accepting Fra Diegu and Jesus of Nazareth, De Piro was not sure that there would come a moment when he would be offered the St Joseph’s Orphanage. On the opposite it seemed that the Institute for which he had sacrificed the diplomatic career would never be given to him. In such a situation the Servant of God did not address himself only to the Society by refusing the direction of the two female Institutes mentioned above. Instead, he opted for the poor girls of Fra Diegu and Jesus of Nazareth and became Director of both.

But it was not only for himself that De Piro made a continuous option for the poor. He wanted that even his Society would prefer these in its apostolate. In fact as far as 7 August 1905, the Servant of God wrote what he meant by his “idea” or Society.[1811] After saying that the main aim of his Congregation was going to be the foreign missions, he also mentioned the other three apostolates. St Joseph’s Home, Malta, was going to be the first of these secondary pastoral works of the Society.[1812] 

On 30 June 1914 the Founder wrote to Bishop Angelo Portelli, Malta’s Apostolic Administrator, asking him the permission for the members of his Society to wear the habit. With this petition, De Piro sent a Breve prospetto delle Regole of the Society. Number 2 of the rules was made up of these words, “Scopo della Piccola Compagnia sarà quello di venire in aiuto dei popoli privi di operai Evangelici particolarmente ed in primo luogo dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria, ed a tal fine le sarà a cuore la cura di case di beneficenza.[1813] These words include quite clearly another option for the poor. This time it was not only St Joseph’s Home, in Malta. It was not even limited to the other charitable institutes in his native country. Rather, the Founder wanted that the members of his Society, wherever they were going to be, would opt for these homes of poor children.

In the part of the Constitutions of the Society, written by the Founder, and which were approved by the Archbishop of Malta on 18 March 1924,[1814] Mgr De Piro almost repeated what he had written in 1914, “Essa si propone come fine … di salvare le anime venendo in aiuto di quei popoli, i quali difettano di operai evangelici, (*I) ed assumendo la cura di case di beneficenza.”[1815]

When the Salesians of Don Bosco had been asked by Notary Michael Casolani, the Founder of the B’Kara Oratory, to take responsibility of the place, on 5 March 1910, Fr O’Grady, of the Salesians, wrote to Malta’s Archbishop asking him the permission for the Salesian cooperators to build a chapel for that same Oratory.[1816] Seven days after, Canon Alphonse Borg, Provost of the B’Kara parish, wrote to the Archbishop recommending the building of the chapel.[1817] With this letter Borg sent His Excellency also a copy of an extract of the Rules of the Society of St Francis de Sales. In Part 1, chapter 1, of these Rules there were these articles:

Art. 1223 - Lo scopo dell’Oratorio , essendo di tener lontana la gioventù dall’ozio e dalle cattive compagnie particolarmente nei giorni festivi, tutti vi possono essere accolti senza eccezione di grado o di condizione.

Art. 1224 - Quelli però che sono poveri, più abbandonati e più ignoranti sono di preferenza accolti e coltivati, perchè hanno maggiore bisogno di assistenza per tenersi nella via dell’eterna salute.

Art. 1226 - Non importa che siano difettosi della persona, purchè siano esenti di male attaccaticcio o che possa cagionare grave schifo ai compagni, in questo caso uno solo potrebbe allontanare molti dall’Oratorio.[1818]

 

The above Rules were quite clear about whom the Salesians accepted in their oratories: they welcomed the boys of all conditions and grades, but the poor, the abandoned and the ignorant were given preference.

After a few years, Canon Michael Camilleri, who took over from the Salesians, wrote an undated letter to Field Marshal Lord Methuen, who was the Governor of Malta from 1915 to 1919. Its contents showed that article 1224 of the Salesian Rules was still practiced at the Oratory at the time of Sammut:

His Excellency

Field Marshal Lord Methuen G.C.B.G.C.V.O. C.M.G

Governor of Malta and its dependencies and commander in chief of the troops serving within the same.

 

Your Excellency,

…the hundreds of poor boys attending the Institution whereof I am in charge …There are hundreds of poor boys who daily flock to our Institution (The Oratory, Via Strada S. Guiliano, Birchircara) …It is heartrending to see so many of our children shivering with cold for want of sufficient clothing and to know that, however we might strain our resources in order to provide for a very bad care …those who are kept away from attending the Government’s Elementary School simply because their parents are so poor that they cannot dress them with even the minimum degree of decency required for the purpose.[1819]

 

Reference has already been made to the letter sent by Casolani to De Piro on 15 December 1925.[1820] By the words, “… mi si dice che Ella sia, da qualche tempo, ritornato dal Suo Viaggio, che spero esser stato proficero alla Sua salute tanto preziosa per quanti hanno a cuore le opere di beneficenza in queste nostre isole,”[1821] Casolani showed that he was quite conscious about the specific contribution of De Piro in Malta. In the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, where De Piro was Director, the children were orphaned and poor boys and girls! On 4 April 1927 Notary Michael Casolani donated the Oratory to the Servant of God. This was a Center for poor boys.[1822] De Piro, on his part, took over the Oratory and bound himself and his Society to continue directing it on the same lines on which it had been led before.[1823] It was another option of the poor!

The letter from the Treasury, Malta, sent to De Piro on 24 March 1927 proved that the Oratory was known as one for poor boys:

 

Doc: D

Registered No

302/122/27                                                                    

 

The Treasurer    

Malta

 

24th March, 1927

 

With reference to your application dated the 22nd ultimo, I have the honour to inform you that His Excellency the Governor has been pleased to direct that the transfer to the Company of St.Paul of the "Utile Dominium" of the field called "tal Uita" in Strada San Giuliano, Birchircara, together with the Chapel and other buildings erected thereon in order that the said property may be used as an Oratory for the education of the children of the poorer classes, be exempt both from Donation and from Stamp Duty.

 

I have the honour to be,

Sir,

Your obedient servant

J. Huber

          Treasurer.

 

Signed

The Most Reverend

Monsignor Can: G.De Piro,

St. Joseph`s Institute,

Hamrun.

 

fti. G.Can Decano De Piro - G Casolani - Not. M.L. Casolani - M. Can. Sammut - Not. Ed. Calleja Schembri.[1824]

 

In June 1928 De Piro, as director of the Oratory of B’Kara, wrote a letter to the Minister for the Treasury. Monsignor introduced the place by these words and was quite clear about who were the boys who attended the Oratory:

Sir,

The “Oratory”, Sda San Giuliano Birchircara, is an Institution established in 1910 for the Religious and moral education of the sons of the people, on the identical lines of the Salesian Oratory at Sliema and of the other similar “Oratories” of the Venerable Don Bosco existing all over the world.[1825]

 

In a contract made between Mgr De Piro and the Provost of B’Kara, on 1 February 1930, the same aim was emphasised, “Primo:- Che avendo il Signor Notaro Michael L. Casolani fondato un Istituto inteso alla educazione religiosa e civile dei figli del popolo…”[1826]

In another contract, made by Mgr De Piro and Fr George Preca, Founder of the catechetical Society, MUSEUM, in the presence of Notary Louis Gauci Forno, on 11 June 1930, the Oratory was referred to as, “… opera d’educazione, religiosa e civile dei figli della classe operaia, in Birchircara…”[1827]

All the above material proves that the Oratory was a center for the poor children of the common people. It was such a place that De Piro took under his care.

What helped De Piro opt for the materially poor

                   - Gratis apostolate

One of the virtues that helped De Piro be dedicated this much to the poor was undoubtedly his disinterest in financial remuneration for his ministries. Because Fra Diegu Institute was a diocesan orphanage, the Archbishop’s Curia sent every now and then sent some trusted person to examine the financial accounts of the Institute. Alphonse Maria Galea was the one sent to do this job in 1916. In the report he wrote on 10 February of that year, Galea said that, “… egli (De Piro) ha sempre prestato l’opera sua gratuitamente (gratis et amore Dei) e che non ha intenzione alcuna di chiedere compensi per l’avvenire.”[1828]

In 1920 Galea made another audit of the financial registers of Fra Diegu and on 8 March he presented his findings to his Ecclesiastical superiors. In this last report Galea again referred to De Piro’s gratis ministry, “Mgr Can. De Piro Navarra molto generosamente rinunzia al proprio diritto di economia …”[1829]

                   - His humility

The Servant of God was thirty years old when entrusted with the direction of Fra Diegu. According to the testimony of Sr Pacifica Xuereb, the Franciscan Sisters who did the day to day work of the Institute at first imagined that the new Director, belonging to a distinguished Maltese family, would be aloof and difficult to approach. This notion was rapidly dispelled as soon as De Piro met them for the first time. Indeed they were pleasantly surprised at his ability to mix with the young orphan girls, in spite of the fact that this was his first such experience.[1830]

Srs Giakkina Vella, of Fra Diegu, emphasised the fact that the Director did not want the Sisters to treat him differently from the orphaned girls of the Institute.[1831] The same thing was said by Sr Bibiana Zammit.[1832]

The testimony of Sr Pia Caruana shows the different aspects of De Piro’s humility: while his clothes were clean and tidy, there was no distinctive mark on his cassock which showed that he was canon of the Cathedral. He used the ordinary means of transport and always travelled with the common folk; he talked to everyone he met; he always wanted to eat the same food as the orphans; he gave money to the needy; he always worked for the poor; he himself gave a helping hand in the fundraising activities that were organised to support the charitable institutes; in these activities he did not want to be treated differently from the other people – if he bought anything he wanted to pay for it; he used to beg alms for the poor; he himself became poor.[1833]

 

(ii)  An option for the poor lacking the Good News

From the above, one may get the impression that De Piro opted only for the poor in need of material things. But in the previous pages of this thesis it has already been clearly indicated that even in the very same charitable institutions, the Servant of God did not cater only for the material dimension of the orphans or poor children and youths living or attending there. Even in both the ecclesiastical charitable institutes and in the Oratory themselves, Monsignor realised that the children greatly lacked the Good News. And he did help them even in this.

                   - The choice between remaining in Rome in order to go to the “Accademia”, or returning to Malta where he could start the Society which was expected to help quelli che difettanto di operai evangelici.

The Servant of God started the pages of his Diary by saying that after finishing his studies in Rome he wished to stay at St Joseph’s, Malta.[1834] Almost immediately afterwards he also wrote that an internal feeling told him that from that Institute, God wanted the setting up of a Congregation whose members would go even abroad.[1835] Therefore when De Piro preferred coming to Malta rather than staying at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”, he did not opt only for the poor orphaned boys of St Joseph’s. He also favoured the Institute in order to set up in it a Society for those countries which were poor of evangelisers.

De Piro registered the above option in another place in his Diary. He was writing about his experience in Davos, Switzerland, “Ho continuato intanto durante tutto il tempo della cura a carezzare le mie ormai divenute antiche idee. Ma tra il ghiaccio delle Alpi cosi’ lontano dal paese dove intendevo metterle in effetto non mi restava altro che la preghiera - mia ottima compagna - ed ho pregato, pregato, pregato”[1836]

The country mentioned here by De Piro was undoubtedly Malta. For him the Island was therefore the place where he intended to concretise his “… ormai divenute antiche idee…” In another place in his Diary, the Servant of God explained what were “his ideas”, “Una Società di missionari[1837]  The scope of this Society was going to be, “Missioni estere.”[1838]  Therefore when De Piro favoured Malta instead of remaining at the “Accademia”, he opted for the country where he could found a society which was going to cater for those who were poor of evangelisers or missionaries. Or one can say that De Piro did not opt for Malta only in order to go to St Joseph’s Orphanage and there live with other priests among the poor orphaned boys. He also wanted to start his Society there; a Society that was to cater for those peoples who lacked evangelisers.

After being ordained priest, the Servant of God made another choice. This time it was not between the “Accademia Ecclesistica” and St Joseph’s, Malta, the Orphanage where De Piro wished to work for the poor boys who lived there. It was not even between the “Accademia” and St Joseph’s, Malta, where he also thought to start a Society the members of which were to dedicate themselves for the evangelisation of those who lacked the Good News. These options he had already made since his retreat for the diaconate. As a newly ordained presbyter, Fr Joseph had to make another choice. On the one hand he could live like his brother, Fr Sante, as a priest in his family palace, surrounded by all the commodities which could be found in noble surroundings. On the other hand he was faced by the possibility of being the founder of a Congregation for the evangelisation of the ad gentes people. De Piro again opted in favour of the poor, this time those lacking the Good News.

                   - A choice between continuing the option of the apostolate with migrants and the more immediate approval of the Society

If one were to have a look at Appendix 5 [1839] one would immediately realise that De Piro had every reason to put aside, at least on paper, the Maltese migrants’ apostolate and present the missions ad gentes as the one and only aim of the Society. Had he done so he would have undoubtedly acquired what he wanted so much from Propaganda Fide; if not the Decretum Laudis at least the affiliation of the Society with the Missions Congregation. The Founder did explain to his superiors why he always included the Maltese abroad in the aim of the Society.[1840] At the same time he stuck to his charism and continued implying the Maltese migrants in the draft constitutions of his Society.[1841] Because of this he had to accept his Society’s affiliation with the Congregation of Religious.[1842]

 

What helped De Piro opt for the poor lacking the Good News

                   - The love of the Father shown through the Incarnate, suffering, and Eucharistic Son, the One with a Heart full of love for all

Joseph De Piro can be said to have been imbued with the love of God the Father, expressed in a special way through the various mysteries of Jesus Christ. In his sermons the Servant of God referred very frequently to the Lord’s incarnation – through it Jesus became one with us.[1843] The passion and death the Son suffered for us, sinners, were the mysteries that influenced so much the Servant of God himself since his early youth and countinued helping him move forward all through his own life.[1844] The Eucharist was for De Piro the continuation of the incarnation - the Sacrament invented by Jesus and through which he becomes one with us.[1845] Christ’s Sacred Heart was for the Servant of God nothing less than the abode of the divine love and therefore that which saves us continuously.[1846] Being permeated with this divine love, De Piro, personally or through others, could not but continuously tell his brothers and sisters, whether the Maltese in Malta, the Maltese migrants or the ad gentes people, about this same divine love. He also uninterruptedly evangelised the faith: a faith that embraced the civilization and the holistic melioration of the human being,[1847] that which introduces liberty in human society,[1848] the giver of life,[1849] and light for humanity.[1850]

There is also a sermon of Monsignor where he showed quite clearly what was his conception of evangelisation. De Piro was rector of the Maltese Major Seminary from 1918 up to 1920.[1851] Some time after, a newly ordained priest who had been a seminarian during those two years, invited the Servant of God to preach the sermon in his first solemn high mass.[1852] Since De Piro was preaching on the occasion of the feast of a priest, he presented the teaching of the Good News as the work of the priest, but from De Piro’s words one can easily see what the Servant of God understood by evangelisation in itself:

Non può negarsi che la Società … nelle arti, nelle scienze ed in ogni sorte d’invenzione, a chiunque ama la prosperità della sua patria non può non compiacersi del suo incivilimento e del suo progresso - Però per quanto una nazione abbia camminato nelle vie della civiltà e del progresso, ha sempre bisogno di una luce che la conduca al porto della gloria. Si l’insegnamento religioso la è di una assoluta necessità; essa ha bisogno di essere istruita, ammaestrata, come deve deportarsi al cospetto di Dio - Ora chi soddisferà a cosi’ forte bisogno? F.D. non son io che vi risponderò, non sono i filosofi antichi e molto meni i moderni. È solo lo stesso Gesù Cristo che additandovi il suo messo, il suo ambasciatore, additandovi il suo sacerdote, vi dice ecco la luce che vi preserverà dall’errore, ecco la luce che vi condurrà al porto di salute e di gloria. Sentitelo a G.C. come parla, come ordina, come comando` (S. Matt. 28) ‘Andate ed ammaestrate.’ Ed in un altro luogo per confermare questa sua missione cosi’ suggerisse ‘Qui vos audit me audit’ (Luc X) ‘Chi ascolta voi ascolta me’ - Ecco dunque come si taglia alla società il Sacerdote cattolico essa viene derubata da ogni bene. Perchè tolto il sacerdote è tolto altresi Gesù Cristo e dove non regna … Gesù Cristo non vi è luce ma tenebre, non vi è verità ma errore, non vi è vita ma morte perchè solo Gesù Cristo può dire come ha detto ‘Ego sum via veritas et vita.’ (S. Giov. XIV 6) ‘Ego sum veritas.’

F.D. qualunque volta che l’errore come serpente velenoso incomincia a diffondersi in un paese, in uno stato, in una nazione ed incomincia ad oscurare le menti, a guastare e corrompere i cuori, è il sacerdote che grida, che alza la voce come una tromba, tiene vivo il fuoco sacro della fede cattolica - Quando trionfa l’egoismo, e vengono maltrattati i poveri, la vedova e l’orfanello, è il sacerdote che predica il precetto della carità evangelica e con apostolico coraggio ricorda a tutti quella giustizia … che attende l’uomo nell’altro mondo. E quando la corruzione si è introdotta ed ha guastato la famiglia, è sempre il sacerdote che fa sentire la sera voce e alla sua parola vi torna la calma, la tranquillità, la pace, quell’ordine, quell’armonia che rimette la famiglia sul diritto sentiero e la innalza alla sua pristina dignità. - È il sacerdote che chiama alla sua scuola le moltitudini, i popoli, il sacerdote che parla, parla ai giovani e ai vecchi, parla ai grandi, e ai piccoli, ai ricchi e ai poveri, al sapiente, all’ignorante, al sovrano ed al suddito: parla ed alla sua parola tutto diventa sacro: sacri i fanciulli, sacro il popolo, sacra l’autorità, perchè il sacerdote grida indistintamente, amate Dio, amatevi a vicenda, seguite la virtù, fuggite il male.[1853]

 

 When one reads these words of De Piro, one can already understand why he opted so much for those brothers and sisters who lacked the Good News!

 

(iii)  An option for those in immediate need

In some of De Piro’s options for the poor it was quite clear that the Servant of God had still another option; while following or living a particular option for some poor, Monsignor did not hesitate to live another option: he always chose those in the most immediate and urgent need; after always choosing the poor, he then chose those who were in the most imminent need; he had a scale of priorities in his preferences of the poor. The Sette Giugno events are a case in point. By 1919 De Piro was dedicated to the poor orphans of Fra Diegu Institute. He was also very dedicated to those who were in need of learning the Good News, whether the Maltese in Malta, the Maltese migrants or the ad gentes people. But when on the 7, 8, and 9 June 1919, the Maltese asked his help in order that they could acquire their basic needs, he left everything and for three days he dedicated himself completely for them.[1854]

 

What helped De Piro opt for the most immediate need

                   - De Piro’s adaptability

There seemed to be in the Servant of God a virtue that helped him a lot to live in this way: his adaptability. The De Piro family house was one of the rich palaces in Mdina. Yet the Servant of God adapted to several other completely different environments, so much so that he was able to live in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes,[1855] in the old house which had to hospitalise the Gozo St Joseph’s boys,[1856] in the first small and very poor houses of the Society,[1857] and in the not yet finished St Agatha’s Motherhouse in Rabat, Malta.[1858] When he was preparing to open St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo, he thought of a private celebration.[1859] But it happened that while he was in the House, helping in the preparation for the opening, the first floor gave way and the Servant of God fell through to the ground floor, so much so that he had to spend some days of convalescence.[1860] The inauguration date was transferred to another day.[1861] Not only. From a private celebration it turned to be a moderately solemn occasion: the Director invited the Diocesan Bishop, several Monsignori, the parishpriests, the local clergy, the Governor General, members of parliament, the benfactors, and the public in general.[1862] On this occasion De Piro also delivered two speeches, one to the Bishop and the other one to the Governor General.[1863] When thinking of the foundation of the Society the Servant of God was open for any suggestion from the side of Archbishop Peter Pace.[1864] When Pace gave him a letter he had received from the Mill Hill superior General, De Piro was prepared even to open a minor seminary for the formation of the boys for the missions.[1865] He kept a dialogue with his companion priests, especially Frs George Bugeja and John Mamo.[1866] De Piro discussed each step forward with Mgr Peter La Fontaine and did as was told by this big friend and benefactor of his.[1867] From the contents of his sermons he seemed to adapt a lot to the kind of congregation he had listening to him.[1868]

 

(iv)  A personal involvement

De Piro’s options for the poor of some sort or other did not stop at the moments when he made these same choices; he continued involving himself personally even throughout the process of their concretisation. To the six ecclesiastical charitable institutes under his care or the B’Kara Oratory, he paid regular visits, in some more than in the others; he was not rarely personally present in each one of them. [1869] When some families of children of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes who had some trouble or who had some member sick, De Piro personally visited these families and himself did his best to help.[1870] As regards the old girls of the institutes he personally worked for their well being through the Sacred Heart Laboratory.[1871] He was also personally present in Parliament on 21 February 1933 to defend the well being of the institutes’ girls.[1872] He personally wrote more than once to the Archbishop asking the money of some legacy for some girl or other of the Institutes.[1873] He was so much personally involved with the employees of St Joseph’s that he himself wanted to pay their wages. This shows that he knew well their financial situation and helped them when there was the need.[1874] In the case of the Sette Giugno 1919 riots he was there personally for the well being of the Maltese in general, for the employees, and for their families.[1875] He was also there on the 9 June of that same year to defend the interests of the Archbishop.[1876] He was also personally there when accepting to make part of the Committee “Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919”.[1877] As regards the evangelisation to the Maltese in Malta De Piro was continuously involved in preaching.[1878] He himself started the publication of the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” and uninterruptedly wrote most of the material of the 1922-1933 editions.[1879] De Piro personally took care of the promotion of the cathecism classes in several places: in Mtarfa by going himself to teach the children of that poor Rabat suburb;[1880] in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes by personally checking the teaching of catechism and himself examining the boys and girls of these institutes;[1881] in the first House of the Society in Mdina by paying visits to the boys who attended there;[1882] and at the B’Kara Oratory by going regularly there himself.[1883] As regards the Maltese migrants he personally visited the Maltese in Tunis[1884] and Carthage.[1885] In the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”, he himself wrote articles about the Maltese abroad.[1886]

He himself struggled to find nuns and diocesan or religous priests who could accompany the Maltese in the far away countries.[1887] As regards the ad gentes missions he assiduously published the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” for 12 whole years and wrote the articles about the missionary activity of the Church.[1888] This, while carrying on the many other responsibilities he had. He was undoubtedly personally involved in the foundation and first years of his missionary Society.[1889] He planned to go himself to the Abyssinia mission.[1890] He himself lost a lot when he sent Br Joseph Caruana to Abyssinia.[1891]

 

What helped De Piro be personally involved

                   - The incarnate Jesus

Reference has already been made to some words De Piro used in order to refer to the incarnation of the Son of God.[1892] These expressions which Monsignor used in his written sermons about God’s coming personally among us in order to help us be saved, are already a clear indication of one of the main models Monsignor had in him for his personal involvement when helping his needy brothers and sisters. Here are some other such phrases, again taken from his sermons: “Verbo umanato”,[1893] “incarnazione del Verbo”,[1894] “Dio fatto uomo”,[1895] “si fece uomo”[1896] “discendi fra noi”,[1897] “amore divino sceso dal cielo”[1898] “scendere dal Cielo Iddio onnipotente per divenire uomo come noi”[1899] “Gesù Bambino”[1900] “nacque Bambino”[1901] “nato Messia”[1902] “l’incarnazione del Verbo”[1903] “(il) Verbo che loro comandò di adorare nell’unione ipostatica colla natura umana”[1904] “nell’incarnazione la natura divina è unita alla natura umana [1905] and “la presenza di Dio in mezzo a noi”.[1906]

                   - Jesus in the Eucharist

Without doubt Jesus personally present in the Eucharist was another model for De Piro and his personal involvement in his charity towards the needy. The Eucharistic expressions he used in his written sermons, prove this. Some of them are made up of only a few words: “L’ultimo termine consiste nell’unione più intima con noi …,”[1907] “… nell’Eucaristia si unisce a ciascuno di noi …,”[1908] “…quel Gesù, di Betlehem, Nazareth, vita pubblica, passione, morte, Gloria, sta dentro di te, ed il tuo palpito è il tuo,”[1909] “Quello che Gesù fa per unirsi a noi,”[1910] “… noi che abbiamo il Dio nostro cosi’ vicino a noi nel Santissimo Sagramento dell’altare non in figura - non in ombre ma in realtà,”[1911] “…come il Re’ in mezzo ai suoi sudditi come un padre in mezzo ai suoi amati figli - come un Pastore in mezzo alle sue pecorelle …,”[1912] “…si è compiacuto di stare con noi…,”[1913] “Ma nell’Eucaristia, ma nella Comunione, l’anime nostra diviene una sola cosa coll’anima di Gesù, lo spirito suo diviene una sola cosa collo spirito nostro,”[1914] “…in me manet et ego in illo vivit in aeternum,”[1915] “…Gesù è con noi …,”[1916] “…ego vobisum sum …,”[1917] “…nel tabernacolo abita con noi la Sapienza incarnata,”[1918] “…Gesù … arde continuamente dal desiderio di unirsi a noi,”[1919] “…un re che visita i suoi sudditi …”[1920] Other De Piro quotations about Jesus who becomes personally one with us in the Eucharist are longer:

‘ego vobiscum sum, omnibus diebus, usque ad consummationem saeculi.’ Io sono con voi per tutti i giorni sino al terminar dei secoli. Si S. Agostino ce lo lascio scritto che l’Eucaristia non è altro che l’estensione dell’Incarnazione e perciò lo stesso fine dell’incarnazione, della passione e della morte di N.S. è anche il fine dell’Eucaristia. Anzi l’Eucaristia è il compimento dell’Incarnazione. Ora questo fine è divinamente espresso nel Simbolo che si dice nella Messa, ivi dunque è detto che il Figlio di Dio è disceso dal Cielo e si è fatto uomo. ‘Propter nos homines et propter nostram salutem.’ ed altrove lo stesso Gesù ci dice ‘Ego veni ut vitam habeaut et abumdantius habeant.’[1921]

 

… la Comunione è l’unione più stretta che la creatura possa contrarse con Dio. Si fine ultimo dell’Eucaristia è l’unione dell’uomo a Dio… ma questo solo (l’eucaristia) ha l’unione per suo oggetto immediato.[1922]

 

Questo entra nella sostanza del nostro corpo, diviene il nostro sangue e le nostre ossa; si cangia in quel cervello con cui pensiamo ed in quel cuore con cui amiamo. È in questo modo che si compie la nostra unione con Gesù come elemento (permettetemi la parola) più forte attira noi a se e ci assorbe come l’elemento piùforte attira ed assorbe l’elemento più debole ed ecco perchè al tempo della Comunione ciascuno di noi con vertià può dire con San Paolo "Vivo ego, iam non ego, vivit vero in me Christus." Io vivo ma non son io che vivo ma è Gesù Cristo che vive in me …[1923]

 

Ora l’azione, il fine del fuoco è di investire talmente di sua virtù gli oggetti a cui s’appiglia che più non si distinguono dal fuoco medesimo. E gli effetti che produce differiscono dalla diversità degli oggetti sottoposti alla sua azione cosi’ p.e.

~ riscalda, mette in ebollizione, scioglie in vapore l’acqua

~ dissecca, avvampa, carbonizzi, incenerisce il legno

~ assoventa, ammollisce e liquiefa il ferro.

  Ora applichiamo questo principio a ciò che stiamo trattando. Nell’Eucatistia questo fuoco dell’amore divino di natura sua investe totalmente tutti coloro che comunicandosi si appressano a lui e si sottomettono alla sua azione.[1924]

 

 È quello stesso Gesù ceh poche ore prima di morire nel cenacolo di Sion in mezzo ai suoi discepoli istitui questo sacramento, e mutò la sostanza del pane e del vino nel corpo e sangue suo prezioso per poter restare con noi, perchè la sua delizia è di restare con noi ‘Deliciae meae esse con filius hominum.’[1925]

 

…in questo sacramento che Gesù si mostra qual padre che dona se stesso ai propri figli - qual pastore che non è contento di aver dato la propria vita per le sue pecorelle ma continua a pascerle colle stesse sue carni e poi do l’ultimo e sommo grado dell’amore sta nell’unione tra l’amante e l’oggetto amato; quale unione più grande e più intima di quella che passa tra Gesù e l’anima che si comunica?[1926]

 

(v)  In unity with others

From the above, one may get the impression that De Piro lived his charity on his own. The reality was not so. On 5 April 1902 De Piro wrote in his diary that the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, had tried more than once to persuade him to continue his studies at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica dei Nobili”.[1927] But according to the Servant of God himself, in the retreat before his diaconate, which started on 11 December 1901, he had already decided to abandon the idea of the “Accademia” and instead go to St Joseph’s Orphanage, Malta.[1928] In the same entry of his Diary he said that he had arrived at this decision after making another[1929] of his pros and cons discernment exercises.[1930] It is interesting to note that among the reasons in favour of St Joseph’s Home, De Piro put down these words, “2. L’amore di vivere in communità di persone ecclesiastiche e perciò sento dover essere contento in compagnia dei due sacerdoti, che già stanno in direzione della Casa di San Giuseppe.”[1931]

At this early age of 24, and even before his being ordained deacon, Joseph De Piro was already showing that for him it was not enough to do pastoral work, but that he wanted to do it in communion with others. In the case of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes De Piro’s unity was undoubtedly practiced first and foremost with the Bishops of Malta and Gozo. Since his first year of studies in Rome, the Servant of God had thought that after finishing his theology he would ruturn to Malta and settle at St Joseph’s Institute.[1932] He continued cultivating this thought, but in his diary the Servant of God wrote about his wish to be continuously united with the Archbishop “… dichiarandomi peraltro pronto ad ubbidirlo.”[1933]

St Joseph’s, Malta, was most important for De Piro. Besides wishing to live there with other priests,[1934] an internal feeling had told him that at St Joseph’s a Congregation under the patronage of St Paul would be born.[1935] In fact, once back in Malta in 1904, he immediately tried to find other priests who could join him.[1936] In 1907 the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, did not nominate the Servant of God to St Joseph’s. Instead, he asked him to go to Fra Diegu, an Institute for girls.[1937] De Piro obeyed and, in unity with his ecclesiastical superior, started his apostolate there.[1938] Fifteen years passed since De Piro had been made Director of Fra Diegu. Another Institute was entrusted to the care of the Servant of God. Again, it was not St Joseph’s, but the Jesus of Nazareth Orphanage.[1939] Again, this Institute was a Home for girls, and therefore Monsignor could never get any vocation from there for his nascent Society. In spite of this, De Piro accepted, only because he wanted to collaborate with his Archbishop, this time Mauro Caruana.[1940] It was only at the sudden death of Fr George Bugeja, the Director of St Joseph’s, on 23 November 1922, that Mgr De Piro was nominated to take responsibility of that Home.[1941] The Servant of God did as before; being determined to be one with Archbishop Caruana, he obeyed and took over St Joseph’s, Malta. The unity of De Piro with Gozo’s Bishop Michael Gonzi could be noticed quite clearly in the continuous contact there was, in one way or another, between His Excellency and the Servant of God, both before and after the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo.[1942] At first there was some lack of agreement between His Excellency and De Piro on some points of the statutes written by Gonzi, but after some meetings and a bit of correspondence, Gonzi accepted De Piro’s views[1943] and St Joseph’s, Gozo, was opened on 21 May 1925.[1944] On that day the Director delivered a speech addressed to the Bishop. His words there continued showing his bond with Gonzi:

… qual sempre siamo E. R. ad onorarla ed esternarla il culto che conserviamo in cuor nostro verso la Sua Venerata Persona …ci sentiamo oltremodo contenti che spetta a noi l’onorevole ufficio di salutarla per la prima volta in questo luogo … E non sia mai che noi su questo foglio omettessimo l’espressione del sentimento contrario. Vivissime grazie pertanto siano rese dinanzi a tutti a V. E. per la generosità ed abnegazione con cui accolse nella Sua Diocesi questa nuova sezione della Casa di san Giuseppe di Hamrun …[1945]

 

De Piro was close to the Foundress of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Guzeppina Curmi. Mother Teresa Degabriele, one of the first members of the Institute, testified that, “The Monsignor used to come to our Institute once a month. After having lunch with us we used to spend some time talking together. I, Mother Teresa, was in Hamrun. When De Piro came to our Institute, the Foundress used to inform me. I used to go to Zejtun and both of us met the Monsignor.[1946] Sr Scolastica Pace confirmed this in her 2 March 1992 testimony.[1947]

Before taking over St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God was in continuous communion both with Fr Emmanuel Vassallo and with Fr George Bugeja, his predecessors in the direction of the Institute. He was still in Rome for his studies and from there he wrote regularly to Vassallo.[1948] With Bugeja, De Piro had a lot of contact because of the Society the latter wanted to set up.[1949] When Fr George became Director of St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God himself substituted him when he had to be away for about a month.[1950] At other times, after the Servant of God had founded his Society, there was so much contact between Bugeja and De Piro that the latter more than once sent the members of his Society to St Joseph’s to substitute the Freres De La Salle with the boys.[1951]

Within the context of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes the Servant of God was also continuously one with those who were in charge of the day to day running of these same Homes. He collaborated so much with the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus in their care of the Fra Diegu girls that these Sisters sought his help even in matters regarding their own religious Congregation.[1952] Again, the bond that existed between the Servant of God and the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth helped these religious to seek De Piro’s help for the foundation and first years of their Congregation.[1953] This relation between the Servant of God and the Jesus of Nazareth Sisters helped the former entrust the new Home for babes near St Joseph’s, Malta, to the care of these nuns.[1954] Hand in hand with the members of his Society Monsignor worked for the orphaned boys of St Joseph, Malta and Gozo.[1955]

De Piro had been chosen as the first of four Monsignori to represent the Cathedral Chapter in the National Assembly of 1918-1921, led by Sir Filippo Sceberras, to write a draft constitution for Malta.[1956] On 25 February 1919 De Piro met the other members of the National Assembly for their first session.[1957] On 7 June of the same year the members met for the second time.[1958] While the members attended this meeting, in the streets of Valletta the tragic riots of 7, 8, and 9 June 1919 started to unfold.[1959] The Assembly members were asked to help calm down the angry mob.[1960] There were 270 members in the National Assembly,[1961] but only a handful offered themselves.[1962] The Servant of God was one of these few ones.[1963] He collaborated with this small group and together with them mediated for the acquisition of peace.[1964]

In the first houses of the Society, the Founder worked hand in hand with the members in order to give a good catechetical preparation to the boys of Mdina and Rabat.[1965] The Director, and again the members of his Society, collaborated together in the teaching of catechism to the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta.[1966] At Fra Diegu Institute the Servant of God was one with the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus in the catechetical instructions given to the girls there.[1967]  De Piro, the members of his Society and the laity worked together to give a good basic catechetical formation to the boys who attended the Oratory of B’Kara.[1968] For the teaching of catechism in B’Kara, the Oratory’s Director also sought the collaboration of the MUSEUM members.[1969]

De Piro wanted to set up a Society which, at least in terms of time, had to work first and foremost among the Maltese migrants.[1970] But until it could grow up and provide the evangelisers for the Maltese abroad, the Founder cooperated with those who wrote to him on behalf of the Maltese migrants by collaborating with diocesan and religious priests and helped some of these to go abroad with their conationals.[1971]

The Servant of God was one with the anonymous millions and millions of persons who still lacked the Good News by working for the setting up of a Society whose main aim was evangelisation in ad gentes countries.[1972] He also collaborated with these millions and millions of persons by publishing in his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” many articles about the ad gentes missionary activity of the Church.[1973] He was so much one with Fr Ang Mizzi OfmCap., and the other Capuchin Friars in Abyssinia, that he really worked hard to find some member of the Society to go there.[1974] After Br Joseph Caruana was chosen,[1975] and in fact went to Ethiopia,[1976] the Founder did not stop sending him letters.[1977] The Servant of God also worked for the setting up of the Laboratorio Sant’Agata and the Missionary Museum in order to guarantee the material and spiritual support to Br Caruana.[1978] To these activities one must add the many articles De Piro published in the Almanac related in one way or another to the missionary activity of Br Joseph.[1979]

De Piro returned to Malta from Switzerland on 2 March 1904.[1980] Although some three years had passed since his diaconate retreat mentioned above,[1981] De Piro’s wish to live in community was still burning in his heart and mind. In fact on 9 January 1905 he consulted with his spiritual director, Fr Ferrara, and asked him whether he had to share with Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the director of St Joseph’s Institute, his wishes about his going to live with him at the Orphanage.[1982] Ferrara encouraged De Piro to talk to Vassallo.[1983] Fr Joseph met Fr Emmanuel in Valletta on 16 January 1905 and he talked to him for the first time about his “idea”.[1984] Since the wish of the Servant of God included even the foundation of a missionary Society,[1985] it was not that easy for the Director of St Joseph’s to immediately invite De Piro to go and stay with him at the Institute. Also, Vassallo ended up his mission at the Orphanage in 1905 and was succeeded by Fr George Bugeja as director. To the latter, De Piro talked about his project on 10 December 1906.[1986] Again some time passed and little was done. It was only on 19 February 1907 that De Piro and Bugeja decided something quite significant. They agreed that if they were to invite any other priest to join them they would not mention the vows, but, “… la formazione della comunita.”[1987]

Some other time passed and both De Piro and Bugeja did their best to find other priests who could join them.[1988] To one of the priests who showed himself interested, De Piro said this on 26 January 1909, “… che l’opera doveva incominciar colla vita in comunità.”[1989]

The Servant of God continued mentioning community living and not the vows. On 1 August 1909 he did this when he formulated the first draft of the profession that was supposed to be done by the members of his future Society:

In Nome del Padre, del Figliuolo e dello Spirito Santo, Cosi’ sià.

Promettiamo innanzi a Dio, alla Beata Vergine Assunta in Cielo ed a San Paolo Apostolo di formar parte della Piccola Compagnia di San Paolo appena ottentuta l’opportuna autorizzazione dalla Santa Sede.

Scopo della Compagnia è quello di formare dei Missionarii ed inviarli ove occorrono.

La Compagnia considererà come proprio il libro degli Esercizi Spirituali di S. Ignazio di Loyola dal quale estrrrà le proprie regole e constituzioni.[1990]

 

On 7 August 1905 Fr Joseph wrote that his Society “… se coll’aiuto di Dio e della Vergine si arriverà all’erezione di corpo regolare, questo deve essere perfettamente tale.”[1991] For a society to be regular the members had to profess the vows. In fact in 1915 the Founder introduced the promise of the vows in the profession formula of the first two members of his Society. But he kept also the community aspect.[1992]

In the CIC (1917), or better in the commentaries to this Code, there was the use of the phrase “community life”, but it was nothing more than “common life”: “In every organisation the community life shall be followed faithfully by all, even in those things pertaining to food, clothing and furniture[1993] It was then mentioned again in CIC (1917) 2389, but here only the violation of community life and the punishment to be incurred were presented. In many of the sections of the Original Constitutions of our Society, De Piro put down here and there several articles which were intended to help the community living, but the Founder never used the word “community”, except in the section about the librarian.[1994] Only the phrase “common life” is to be found. Obviously one cannot therefore find a particular section about the community aspect in the Original Constitutions. At the same time the Servant of God wrote a whole section about charity.[1995] This can be considered without hesitation as the section about the community living.

De Piro, started the section about charity with these words:

Tutti devono essere persuasi della grande necessità di mantenere fra noi il più stretto vincolo di scambievole carità. Infatti quanto più uniti, saranno fra loro i membri della nostra Compagnia, altrettanto questa si mostrerà più vigorosa, e sarà ognora più atta alle imprese della gloria di Dio e salute delle anime.[1996]

 

In 1901 De Piro had mentioned his wish to live personally in community with other priests. From 1905 up to 1907 he laboured, in communion with other priests, to set up a missionary society. In 1907 he decided, together with another priest, to set up a society of priests living in community. This he insisted upon even in 1909.[1997] Then coming to the Constitutions of his Society, the Founder wanted to make the members realise that the heart of all their apostolate must be the unity among them. This is what he emphasised again in his spiritual testament:

Ed intanto raccomando a tutti i membri indistintamente della Compagnia di S.Paolo, siano essi superiori o sudditi, ad usare tutte le loro sante premure per mantenere tra di loro la mutua carità in Cristo tenendosi per persuasi che nulla potrà maggiormente procurare la gloria di Dio, la prosperità della Compagnia, il bene spirituale proprio e del prossimo, quanto la conservazione della stessa giusta le parole di S. Paolo Nostro Padre ‘Charitas vero aedificat’ I Cor.[1998]

 

What helped De Piro love in unity with others

                   - His leadership

The Servant of God possessed certain virtues that helped him a lot to live and act continuously in union with others. He was a true leader by nature and therefore one who could work with others. To the Inquest Commission, set up by the British Government to investigate the events of the Sette Giugno 1919, Advocate Caruana Gatto testified that although he himself was the leader of the mediators between the angry Maltese and the civil administration, it was Monsignor who had this role de facto.[1999] It was De Piro who told Caruana Gatto and Serafin Vella, another lawyer, that the three of them had to go and tell the people to stop their aggressive rampage because it would not help their good cause.[2000] On the 9 June 1919, it was Bishop Angelo Portelli, Apostolic Administrator of the Archdiocese of Malta, who declared Mgr De Piro a leader of the Maltese.[2001]

                   - Delegated responsibilities

During the years he spent at St Joseph’s, Malta, Nazzareno Attard could notice that the Director delegated the various responsibilities related to the administration of the Institute, “I know that work at St. Joseph’s Institute was well organized and everyone knew who was responsible for what.” [2002]

At St Joseph’s, Gozo, De Piro chose Fr Michael Callus, one of the first members of his Society, as his delegate in the administration of the Institute.[2003]

                   - Did not mince words

In the report mentioned above, the Servant of God, as Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina, showed that he was worried about the ever worsening situation of the satisfaction of the basic needs of the seminarians. At one moment he referred to the evening meal that was becoming poorer and poorer.[2004] This situation was caused by the increasing cost of living in Malta.[2005] It was the year just after the riots of the Sette Giugno 1919, which were sparked amongs others by the lack of basic needs of the Maltese.[2006]  The Rector therefore highlighted the need of a resident treasurer so that the provision for these needs could be better guaranteed.[2007] He was considering the improvement of this aspect as so important for the seminarians that he addressed these strong and quite clear words to the Archbishop: “ …per provvedere immancabilmente e con urgenza, presentandole, suo malgrado, l’alternativa di chiudere il Seminario in caso d’impossibilità.”[2008] And there were 35 seminarians at the Seminary![2009]

Joseph De Piro can rightly be called the father of the orphaned boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes. Also, he was so much faithful and loyal to his ecclesiastical superiors that while not yet ordained a priest, Mgr Peter Pace had encouraged him to continue his studies for a dipomatic career in the Church,[2010] and then nominated him as Director of Fra Diegu Institute.[2011] Besides many other responsibilities,[2012] Archbishop Mauro Caruana chose him as his private secretary.[2013] In spite of his unique dedication to the charitable insitutes and his great respect for the Church’s hierarchy, the Servant of God did not hesitate to express his objections to Bishop Michael Gonzi before accepting the direction of St Joseph’s, Gozo. When things were not yet clear for him he did not hesitate to ask Fr Joseph Hili, the representative of the Gozo parishpriests, for clearer terms.[2014] While in the original statutes Gonzi presented the Gozo Institute as under the jurisdiction of the local Ordinary,[2015] De Piro wanted it to be affiliated to St Joseph’s, Malta, and therefore himself becoming its superior.[2016] The Servant of God also wanted to introduce the members of his Society as responsible for the day to day running of the Home.[2017] Also the numerus clausus mentioned by Bishop Gonzi in his original statutes[2018] was another thing not accepted by the Servant of God.[2019] De Piro was quite clear: had these articles of the original statutes remained unchanged, he would not have accepted the direction of St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo.[2020]

The Servant of God had long felt the need of some sort of shelter and a workshop for the girls who ended up their term in some ecclesiastical charitable institute.[2021] After a lot of fatigue he succeeded in finding a place and started the Sacred Heart Laboratory.[2022] For its day to day running there was a certain Maria Assunta Borg.[2023] At one moment the latter started thinking that she was the one responsible for the Laboratory while De Piro was the real director.[2024] Although Monsignor had worked so much for its beginning, when matters came to a head he did not hesitate to terminate Borg’s term of office … and close the Laboratory.[2025]

After the Maltese general elections of 11, 12 and 13 June 1932, Archbishop Mauro Caruana chose Mgr Joseph De Piro as one of the clergy representatives in the Maltese Senate.[2026] The Servant of God remained senator until the end of that short legislature, 23 July 1933. During these months he intervened only twice.[2027] On 21 February 1933 he made his second intervention. On this occasion he did not mince his words. He told the senators that what had to be considered an issue of morality was dragged to the political arena and was being discussed within this context.[2028] While the Senate was debating the age when the girls had to be allowed to work in bars, the Servant of God most explicitly said that they did not have to be allowed to work there at any age, whatsoever.[2029] After praising the good intentions of the Minister of Police, De Piro showed that according to him the Minister’s intentions were not clear.[2030] He addressed the Minister himself and in direct words asked him to use his power and see to it that there be an implementation of this law.[2031]

When it came to the aim of his Society, the Founder was very clear: he wanted it to work in ad gentes countries.[2032] At the same time he continuously said that he wanted it to arrive at this by first evangelising the Maltese migrants.[2033] Were he a person who played with words he would have put aside the migrants’ apostolate and mentioned only the ad gentes missions … and he would have got, if not the decretum laudis, at least his affiliation with Propaganda Fide immediately. But De Piro was not like this; he was always clear in his words.

                   - De Piro respected the roles of others

Peter Camilleri, one of the old boys of St Joseph’s, Gozo, testified that on his part the Director respected the role of those responsible for the House, “He did not like to interfere with the administration of the Home, but left it to the superior who was in charge.”[2034] A little while after the same Camilleri said also that, “As regards the rest, the Servant of God, did not interfere in the things mentioned; it was more pro­bable that he gave a free hand to those responsible for the running of the Home.”[2035]

                   - De Piro’s ability to relate well with the employees of the entities under his care

Together with the members of De Piro’s Society there were some lay employees at St Joseph’s, Gozo. Carmelo Gauci was the cook there. He could say how the Director behaved in relation to the employees, “Another time I suspected that certain individuals were meeting the Administration of the Gozo Curia to dismiss me. De Piro showed me that he was aware of this, and he accertained me that he would help me to keep my

job.” [2036] Further on he also said:

He also showed interest in the health of his employees. In fact when I was at the Institute and fell ill, De Piro came to see me in bed. He inquired about my illness and in order to see what could be done for me he said he was ready to take me to a doctor, who was a relative of his. As a result a short time after this Fr. Karm took me to Malta to see a certain Professor Debono, who though not related to De Piro examined me very carefully and gave me the necessary help.[2037]

                   - His ability to seek the help of others

If De Piro was able to cooperate with others and helped them in their work, he himself did not hesitate to ask others to support him in his apostolates. As regards the ecclesiastical charitable institutes under his care the Servant of God sought the cooperation of government ministries in order to get special financial concessions or some other particular permit.[2038] For the day to day running of these institutions the Director continuously asked the help of the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus,[2039] the Jesus of Nazareth Sisters[2040] and the members of his Society.[2041] He sought the help of school teachers and instructors to educate and train the boys and girls of these institutes.[2042] At times the Director asked for the help also of old boys and girls of these same institutions.[2043] Since these Homes depended on charity, the Servant of God asked for the material support of rich families,[2044] businessmen,[2045] and the common folk.[2046] At times he even asked for the cooperation of his mother.[2047] For the daily running of the Sacred Heart Laboratory he accepted the help of Maria Assunta Borg.[2048] In relation to the Oratory, at B’Kara, he again asked for  the help of the government ministries for certain permits, financial concessions, etc.[2049]  Similarly, as regards the daily running of the Oratory he sought the help of the members of his Society.[2050]

When De Piro started thinking about the foundation of the Society, he consulted with his spiritual directors, Fr Vincent Sammut sj[2051] and Fr Ferrara sj.[2052] He talked to his friends Mgr Francesco Bonnici,[2053] Frs Emanuel Vassallo, [2054] George Bugeja[2055] and John Mamo.[2056] He referred to the Apostolic Visitor to Malta, Mgr Peter La Fontaine,[2057] and Malta’s Archbishop, Peter Pace.[2058] After the foundation of his Society, the Servant of God continued seeking the help of his friends Mgr Emmanuel Vassallo,[2059] Mgr La Fontaine[2060] and that of Mgr Angelo Portelli, the Apostolic Administrator of Malta,[2061] Mgrs Peter Pace,[2062] and Mauro Caruana,[2063] the Archbishop of Malta, Vatican officials,[2064] the canons of the Rabat Collegiate Chapter from whom at one moment he asked temporary lodging for his Society,[2065] the Maltese Jesuits for the secondary education of the members.[2066] He asked the Augustinian Fathers for help with the literary, philosophical and theological studies of the members,[2067] and for a formator for the spiritual and religious formation of the junior members.[2068] He asked various speakers to talk to the members about the missionary aspect of their life,[2069] and Maltese migrants, their chaplains and other missionaries for their prayers for the Society.[2070] He sought the help of some lay people like Alphonse Maria Galea,[2071] and the generosity of the benefactors for prayers and financial help.[2072] Not to mention the support he sought from his mother, Ursola.[2073]

                   - He was able to dialogue

It was since his early teens that Joseph De Piro showed his ability to dialogue. Jerome De Piro, one of the nephews of the Servant of God, testified that when his uncle felt the first inclinations towards the priesthood, he discussed this with his father.[2074]

Some years passed and the Servant of God decided in favour of the priesthood. He therefore went to Rome and started his studies of philosophy and theology. In his second summer holidays he came to Malta and while here he discussed with Mgr Emmanuel Vassallo, the Director of St Joseph’s, his wish to live at the Institute after his priestly ordination.[2075] During the retreat at the beginning of the scholastic year 1901-1902 he even talked to Padre Gualandi, his spiritual director, about his going to the Orphanage.[2076] 

Archbishop Peter Pace had been trying to persuade Joseph to continue his studies at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”.[2077] De Piro was determined not to go there.[2078] In fact he wrote to the Archbishop expressing his wish.[2079] At the same time he showed himself open to know and accept His Excellency’s will.[2080]

After being ordained priest and spending some seven years in Malta, Fr Joseph found out that Archbishop Pace had nominated him Monsignor of the Metropolitan Chapter.[2081] On his part De Piro told His Excellency that for more than one reason he did not want to become Canon.[2082] At the same time he was ready to respect the Archbishop’s will.[2083]

In 1925 De Piro was asked by the Gozo parishpirests to start and direct St Joseph’s Institute in their Diocese.[2084] Before this request, Mgr Michael Gonzi, the local Ordinary, had prepared the Statutes[2085] which were sent to the Servant of God.[2086] De Piro did not like some of the articles of these Statutes. [2087] In fact he was going to accept the direction of that Institute only if the Statutes were changed.[2088] But this in itself offered an opportunity for De Piro to dialogue with Gonzi and the parishpriests, so much so that after some correspondence between the two sides,[2089] Gonzi, De Piro and the parishpriests came to an agreement and the Servant of God became the first Director of St Joseph’s, Gozo.[2090]

It seemed that it was with Padre Gualandi that Joseph talked for the first time about the foundation of a congregation.[2091] On 2 March 1904, Fr Joseph returned to Malta for good and he immediately started meeting other priests with whom he discussed his plans about the foundation of the Society.[2092] On 29 September 1908 he started a similar discussion with Archbishop Peter Pace.[2093] The Servant of God was so open to dialogue with His Excellency that on the same occasion he asked Pace whether he blessed the project.[2094] Also, the Archbishop mentioned a letter written by the Mill Hill Superior General and promised to send it to him.[2095] The project mentioned in the letter was not similar to that of De Piro, but the latter wanted so much to dialogue that he showed himself ready to abandon his original “idea” and address his energies towards the foundation of the seminary mentioned in the letter.[2096] On 2 November 1909 he even discussed his plans with Mgr Peter La Fontaine, who visited Fra Diegu Institute as Apostolic Visitor.[2097] As regards the development of the Society, De Piro continued to dialogue both with the local and Vatican authorities[2098] and with his companion priests.[2099]

But the Servant of God dialogued not only with his superiors or equals. In 1922 De Piro was made Director of St Joseph’s, Malta.[2100] Immediately after his nomination, there arrived at the Institute a letter addressed to Fr George Bugeja, Monsignor’s predecessor as director of the Orphanage.[2101] In it Mr Costantino Gatt, an emigrant in San Francisco California, U.S.A., invited Bugeja to send to America those St Joseph’s boys who wanted to find work in that country.[2102] Since Fr George had just died, De Piro, being the new Director, was the one to handle the letter. The first thing he did was exactly a dialogue with the eldest boys of the Institute; he shared with them the contents of the letter in order to know the boys’ opinion.[2103]

Round about the year 1914 the Founder was trying to write down the first formal set of rules for his Society. Fr John Vella, one of the first two youths who joined De Piro on 30 June 1910, testified that while writing the first formal draft of the constitutions the Servant of God used to call around him the members and tell them what he was writing.[2104]

As the years passed by, it was the Founder himself who felt the need to ask the Archbishop of Malta to give him the possibility to choose two members of his Society to constitute with him the general council. According to De Piro himself these two members were expected to help him especially with the choice of the new entrants and the preservation of the spirit of the Society.[2105]

                   - De Piro’s gratitude and appreciation

De Piro’s gratitude and appreciation were two virtues so dear to the Servant of God that in the speech addressed to Bishop Gonzi at the opening and blessing of St Joseph’s, Gozo, he said this, “Vien detto che l’ingratitudine è un peccato tanto grande, che nessun legislatore umano abbia maì trovato una pena condegna, ma che questa è riservata unicamente al legislatore Eterno[2106]

These two virtues were among those which helped De Piro live and work in unity with others. His gratitude made him recognise and appreciate whatever was done to him personally. Helen Muscat was an old girl of Fra Diegu Institute. When she was going to be married she invited the Servant of God to bless her wedding. On her wedding day he told her, “I am so happy that I have come here. The old girls have never invited me to bless their wedding. This is the first wedding I have ever celebrated for the old girls.”[2107] Srs Consiglia Vassallo and Felice Vella, of Fra Diegu Institute, said that, “On his 25 anniversary of his being director of the Institute he was given lace for his vestment as a gift. With great simplicity he wore it in order to show how pleased he was with it.”[2108]

During De Piro’s two years as rector of the Major Seminary, and on his birthday or feast day, the seminarians used to organise some small feast in his honour.[2109] A similar thing was done by the members of his Society.[2110] Not to mention the Institutes under his care.[2111] On such occasions he showed a lot of appreciation for what was done in his name.[2112]

Monsignor’s virtue of gratitude made him appreciate and recognise all the efforts made by persons who before him had wished to initiate projects similar to those he himself started or was directing. In the inaugural speech at the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Servant of God reminded those present of Mgr Peter Pace who had been Bishop of Gozo, Fr George Bugeja of St Joseph’s, Malta, and all those who before De Piro had wished to set up an Orphanage in Gozo.[2113] In the very short speech with which he greeted Archbishop Peter Pace at the blessing and opening ceremony of the first House of his Society, the Servant of God dedicated a whole paragraph to those zelous members of the Maltese clergy who before him had thought to found a similar Society: Mgrs Francis Bonnici and Emmanuel Debono.[2114]

Monsignor was thankful to the founders of the institutions under his care. In his will he wrote that he left the money for a mass to be said on 13 January of each year for the repose of Fra Diegu Bonanno, the Founder of the girls’ Institute in Hamrun.[2115] In the speech at the ceremony of the opening of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute, the Servant of God expressed his own satisfaction for the progress done on the building , but he also mentioned the satisfaction of Ms Guzeppina Curmi, the Foundress of the Institute.[2116] In the welcome speech addressed to Bishop Gonzi at the opening of the St Joseph’s, Gozo, De Piro showed his appreciation and gratitude for the efforts done by the parishpriests of the Diocese in order to start their own Orphanage.[2117]

It has just been said that in article 8 of his will, Monsignor left a legacy for the celebration of a yearly mass for the repose of Fra Diegu Bonanno. But De Piro was also grateful to his successors in the direction of the Institute; he mentioned even these in his will.[2118] He also included the priests who had given, were giving or were going to give their share in this Orphanage,[2119] and the nuns who were in charge of the day to day running of the Institute.[2120] In the speech of the opening of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, the Director acknowledged the part played by the cooperators of the Foundress, Guzeppina Curmi.[2121] In a report written to Archbishop Mauro Caruana about the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, the Servant of God made a list of the services given by him in favour of poor and needy girls. In this report De Piro pointed out to the Archbishop that in this ministry there were women who were helping him generously and with a lot of self denial.[2122]

It can be said without hesitation that De Piro appreciated in a special way the support of the benefactors who helped him in his many apostolates. Mother Cleophas Bondin noticed this gratitude of the Director in relation to the benefactors of Fra Diegu Institute,“He gave a lot of importance to the benefactors of the Insititute. He used to organise fairs for the Institute and recreative activities, and he used to invite the nobility for them.”[2123]

In the speech at the opening ceremony of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute in Zejtun, the Servant of God had these words for the benefactors, those whom he considered as “strumenti docili nelle mani di Dio”:

A questo punto mi permetterà di presentare ai nostri benefattori, strumenti docili nelle mani di Dio, i sensi più profondi ed intensi della nostra gratitudine per l’aiuto direi spontaneo ed inspirato, col quale vennero a nostro soccorso per questo primo compimento di un opera da tutti e sempre ammessa come eminentemente sociale e cristiana. Tante erano le industrie del soccorso, da farci spesso sentire la verità, che molte e molte sono le vie della Provvidenza, ma ciò che più rifulse e maggiormente glorificò Iddio, e sarà al certo di conforto a V.E. è la modestia, tutta quanta evangelica, colla quale, al par di messi celesti, ci avvicinavano; non mancarono infatti dei casi in cui appena noi potevamo venire a conoscenza della mano benefica. Da parte nostra corrispondemmo coll’alzare la nostra debole ed umile voce all’Altissimo per ripagarli del centuplo promesso, ed oggi a soddisfare meglio questo dovere, osiamo sempre a nome di tutto l’Istituto, umiliare a V.E. la supplica di ricordare questi nostri buoni benefattori e benefattrici; mentre per le Sue sacre mani, Gesù Ostia verrà immolato al Padre Celeste, per la prima volta, entro questo sacro recinto.[2124]

 

Loreto Rapa referred to the Director’s appreciation of the benefactors of St Joseph’s, Gozo. He mentioned De Piro’s gratefulness towards these.[2125] Concetta Sciberras, whose family had helped the same Institute in Gozo, said that the Servant of God, “… welcomed us and was very pleased with our presence. He said that the Institute owed its existence to us. In a few words he showed a great appreciation for our work in favour of the Institute.” [2126]

Monsignor himself, in the speech at the opening ceremony of the Gozo Institute had these words for the benefactors of that place, I nostri sensi di riconoscenza giungano all’orecchio di un numero discreto di benefattori che quale schiame di api, qui’ si aggirano attorno a noi, studiando il modo di opportarci e cera e miele per rendere ques’arnia sempre più atta ad avvantaggiare i poveri ragazzi di Gozo.”[2127]

To show his gratitude to the benefactors of his Society the Servant of God used to publish their names in the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”.[2128] At times he even published short information in the Almanac about some contribution given for the Abyssinia mission of the Society.[2129]

In this gratitude towards the benefactors of the institutions under his care, De Piro did not discriminate in any way between the big contributors and the small ones. This was witnessed by Mother Pacifica Xuereb of Fra Diegu Institute:

Whenever Providence knocked at the door or I spoke to him of any donation given, he would promptly write a note of thanks to the donor. When the donation was not a big sum and still he would want to write a ticket of thanks, I used to tell him, ‘Why are you sending him a note for such a small sum?’ ‘No,’ he used to say, ‘Small things and big things are the same in God’s eyes. One can give so much and another can give more, but they have both the same merit. Always be grateful for whatever comes as a Providence.[2130]

 

The Servant of God was also grateful and appreciated the support and backing given to him by the Church’s hierarchy in his apostolate. In the speech he delivered at the opening ceremony of the New Jesus of Nazareth Institute in Zejtun, the Director referred to the support received from His Excellency, Archbishop Mauro Caruana.[2131] In the speech at the opening ceremony of St Joseph’s, Gozo, and which was addressed to the Diocesan Bishop, the Servant of God showed his gratitude towards His Excellency for his efforts towards the opening of the Institute. Amongst others he told Mgr Gonzi:

Vivissime grazie pertanto siano rese dinanzi a tutti a V. E. per la generosità ed abnegazione con cui accolse nella Sua Diocesi questa nuova sezione della casa di San Giuseppe di Hamrun. L’azione nobile spiegata verso di noi, sarà per noi e ei nostri successori di edificazione non solo, ma anche uno sprone continuo a corrispondere ‘totis viribus’ allo sviluppo e completo stabilimento di questo Orfanatrofio …[2132]

 

In the above mentioned speech the Servant of God also thanked the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, for making it possible that in Gozo an extension of St Joseph’s, Malta, could be set up.[2133]

In the already mentioned ceremony of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Servant of God showed also his appreciation to the civil authorities for the support they showed in the foundation of the Institute. In the speech addressed to the Diocesan Bishop, De Piro thanked the, “… membri componenti il Governo di queste Isole nonchè a quelli delle due Camere pel sussidio finanziario assegnato a quest’Opera nascente.”[2134]

But not only this! Immediately after this address to Mgr Gonzi, the Director delivered another one to the Governor General.[2135] It was the latter whom De Piro asked to open the Orphanage.[2136] The same recognition and appreciation Monsignor showed to the civil authorities in the correspondence he had with them. After asking something or other for St Joseph’s, Malta or Gozo, for the Oratory at B’Kara or for his Society, he always thanked the one or ones who helped him.[2137]

De Piro has already been presented as a realistic and down to earth person. When he was pushing forward some project or other he never alienated himself from what was not yet done. At the same time the virtue of gratefulness made him appreciative of what had already been done. The Servant of God had worked a lot to see the first part of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute ready. In 1930 there was still more to be done. At the same time the Director was quite appreciative of the part that had already been built. This is what he said to those present at the opening of the building of the Zejtun Institute, “L’odierna sacra e cara ceremonia forma una prima tappa del cammino che ancora ci rimane, essa è una dolce e soave oasi che ci rinnova la lena per riprendere il viaggio, essa è il primo pianerottolo di una scala ben più alta [2138]

But without doubt De Piro was first and foremost grateful to God … and His providence. He had been thinking about his vocation since he was 14.[2139] For some time he did not think about it any more,[2140] until there came a time when he put to writing the reasons in favour and against the priesthood.[2141] In reason 5 in favour of this call, the Servant of God showed his gratitude to the suffering love of Jesus Christ, “Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio avendo Egli sofferto pei mei peccati.”[2142]

In his sermons De Piro preached a lot about his gratitude towards God and the divine love. In a most explicit way his sermons about the Incarnation of the Son of God,[2143] those about the Eucharist,[2144] and the ones about the Sacred heart of Jesus,[2145] were from beginning to end an acknowledgement of the divine love.[2146] Similarly, even though in his other sermons the Servant of God dealt with other topics, even in these he made clear his acknowledgement of the divine love.[2147]  In his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” De Piro published an article which he called “Treasures”.[2148] In this writing of his, the Servant of God reminded the readers about some of the gifts donated to us by God: our faith, our fatherland and the virtue of charity. In relation to the latter he put down these words, “Then Charity is treasure above treasures. It is the queen of virtues, the fullness of perfection, God himself. And who is like God? Man’s first and greatest obligation is to love first and above all else the great God our Lord because we owe it only to Him what we are and what we have.[2149]

In the very first entry in his diary, Joseph De Piro said that after his priestly ordination he wished to settle at St Joseph’s, Malta. A little while later he put in another entry. In this one he mentioned the Orphanage in relation to the foundation of his Society. In a very clear way he acknowledged that the Congregation was not his but God’s own project, “… Iddio da questo Istituto voglia formare a Malta, una Congregazione [2150]

The Founder continued in this same way in his correspondence with the local and Vatican hierarchy: he repeatedly showed his gratitude towards God’s help for him and the members of his Society. In fact in a brief note about the history of the Society, written on 22 August 1916, the Founder wrote that, “… pure d’altra parte la Divina Provvidenza non mancò di lenire i guai, interpolando le contrarietà con delle soavi consolazioni [2151]

Not to mention his many expressions like: “… grazie a Dio …”[2152] and “…ringrazio la Divina Providenza …”[2153]

Francis Scerri, a lay catechist at the B’Kara Oratory, witnessed to De Piro’s acknowledgement of God’s help in his life, “Whenever he finished something, he used to go to the chapel to pray.”[2154]

But De Piro’s acknowledgement of God’s help in the life of the Society showed most when the Founder quoted Psalm 127 (126): at the beginning of each one of the three sections of the Constitutions, “Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labor in vain.”[2155]

 

(vi)  A limitless incentive and creativity

As Director of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, De Piro never put any limits as to how many boys or girls there had to be in a particular institute. On the contrary, the Servant of God did his best to welcome all those who showed their wish to enter anyone of the institutes under his care. At the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, Br Felix Muscat referred to the building extensions the Director intended to do at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2156] When in 1922 the Servant of God accepted the direction of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, he immediately involved himself in the building of the new big Home in Zejtun.[2157] It was exactly De Piro’s continuous non acceptance of a numerus clausus in the institutes led by him that was going to be one of the reasons why he was thinking not to accept the direction of St Joseph’s, Gozo. In the original statutes written by Bishop Michael Gonzi, his Excellency limited the number of boys to 24.[2158] The Servant of God considered this as,  “… certe suscettibilità poco conformi ai sentimenti di carità … a cui deve inspirarsi la contemplata opera di beneficenza”[2159]

It was only after Bishop Gonzi changed the original statutes[2160] that De Piro accepted to initiate, and then direct, the Institute.

Some five years after opening St Joseph’s, Gozo, De Piro immediately started thinking about the building of a new Institute.[2161] It was only because of opposition from a farmer who cultivated the land where the new Institue was going to be built, that Monsignor’s dream never came to fruition.[2162]

If Monsignor never limited the number of boys and girls in his Institutes, similarly he did not reserve the institutes for any particular type or types of boys and girls. In Malta there is still another Institute directed by the Salesians of Don Bosco which existed even at the time of the Servant of God. Until today the direction of this Home chooses which boys to accept in it. Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit witnessed that, “Mgr De Piro accepted all, even those not accepted at the Institute run by the Salesians.”[2163] Cachia Zammit, a medical doctor, continued saying that, “… these children, besides being poor, were in many cases dirty and infested with infections.[2164] The same Cachia Zammit narrated this story to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal:

As regards the case of the children I insist that he did his utmost, so much so that my father said that he knew about four unfortunate boys who lived like animals; they had no food or clothes and much less care of their souls. This was so because their mother had died and their father was busy with his work at St. Lucian’s Tower. My father informed Mr. Fons about them. The latter approached Mons. De Piro and asked him to keep them at St. Joseph’s. In fact Mons. De Piro without hesitation accepted three of them in the Institute ant took care of them; the fourth one was in the care of my father.[2165]

 

Nazzareno Attard, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Malta, testified that he was himself handicapped.[2166] In relation to St Joseph’s, Gozo, Loreto Rapa said that, “… I remember that the Servant of God accepted a handicapped boy [2167]

De Piro’s limitless love for the poor boys and girls of the institutes could be seen in the never ending patience he himself practiced towards these orphans. The same unlimited patience he wanted to be lived by those who took care of the boys and girls. Mother Cleophas Bondin, of Fra Diegu Institute, said that, “When I talked to him about the behaviour of the girls he used to tell me, ‘We must thank God they are here instead of being somwhere else.’ ”[2168] And, “I do not know that he ever shouted at the girls. He always treated them kindly. Whatever he could give them he gave them. He was all out to make them happy.”[2169] Sr Assunta Galea testified that, “Whenever he came to Fra Diegu Institute and saw some girl standing in the corridor because she would have been up to some mischief he used to remark, ‘Oh, poor girl, what did she do? Please have mercy on her, Mother.’ Then he used to turn to the girl and tell her, ‘Will you promise Mother you will never do it again?’ ”[2170]

Mother Pacifica Xuereb testified that the Director always said to the Sisters not to shout at the girls but to be always patient at them.[2171] The same Xuereb said even this to the Ecclesiastica Tribunal:

Children in those days were a bit naughty and whenever there used to be a girl who was up to some mischief, mother superior used to bring her in front of Monsignor and tell him, “Monsignor, I brought her in front of you so that you correct her.” “Yes, bring her in,” he answered. Do not think that he shouted at her! Not at all. He used to tell her some words in a gentle way. He would warn her not to do it again and never punish her for whatever she would have done. Even whenever he spoke to the girls together about their behaviour, he never used harsh words.[2172]

 

The Servant of God wanted that the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth Institute behaved in the same way with the orphans of their Institute, “Once he saw me, Sr Pia, shouting with a girl. He immediately told me, ‘Oh, be gentle witht the girls.’ ‘It is useless to tell them anything,’ I answered him. He replied ‘And we tell them continuously! Imagine we do not tell them.’”[2173]

Fra Diegu Institute was originally founded in 1886 in a small house in Birkirkara.[2174] It then moved to another house in Hamrun and then to another one in the same town.[2175] By 1907, when De Piro took over the administration of the Home,[2176] it was already providing for at least the basic needs of the girls. Yet, the Servant of God himself started examining the girls for their First Holy Communion.[2177] Carmena Mallia, an old girl of the Institute, mentioned the introduction of the devotion to Our Lady of Pompei by the Servant of God.[2178] Mallia also testified that although at Fra Diegu some trades already existed before the coming of Monsignor, he increased their number.[2179] He even invited important people to visit the institute, [2180] and buy the objects made by the girls.[2181] She also said that they were even given some money.[2182] Srs Pauline Cilia and Eletta Sant, nuns at Fra Diegu at the time of the Servant of God, and Elena Refalo, one of De Piro’s nieces, referred to the introduction of the Christmas Tree.[2183]

At the Jesus of Nazareth Institute the situation was completely different. Although Guzeppina Curmi, the Foundress, had started gathering the girls as early as 1913,[2184] she did not have a proper house where to hospitalise them. Therefore when De Piro, in 1922, was asked by Archbishop Caruana to take over the direction of the Institute,[2185] he immediately started helping Curmi to build a new Institute. From the documents, one can easily conclude that it was he who in fact took care of the building.[2186] After the construction work was ready De Piro even helped the organisation of the day to day needs of the girls living there.[2187]

De Piro’s limitless dedication for the poor orphans of St Joseph’s, Malta, made him do his best to find work for the eldest of those youths, in the United States of America. When the Director received the letter written by migrant Costantino Gatt to Fr George Bugeja,[2188] he immediately wrote to Malta’s Prime Minister asking him to subsidise the trip expenses of those lads who wanted to go abroad.[2189]

The House for babies at St Joseph’s, Malta, was another of the neverending list of projects of De Piro in favour of the Maltese orphans.[2190]

Monsignor did not limit his charity to the inmates of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes; his helping hands were stretched as far as the very poor families of the orphans. Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu, was quite explicit about this, “The parents of children at the Institue also benefited from his generosity … he gave financial aid to those families who needed it.”[2191] Mother Pacifica Xuereb said almost the same thing, “He was a man of great charity… For example, some of the children’s mothers used to come and visit them; he used to give them some money he himself was going to spend.”[2192] Not to mention the various entries in the Petty Cash Book “Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932”. In this ledger the Servant of God registered, amongst others, the various donations he made to the families of the boys who were at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2193]

As long as the boys were still at St Joseph’s Institute they were never given any money by the Director for any work they did there. Instead, according to Nazzareno Attard, some money was saved for them and this was given to the boys when they left the Institute.[2194] Carmena Mallia said the same thing as regards the girls of Fra Diegu Institute:

His care for us was not limited to our stay at the Institute but followed us even when we came to leave. It pleased him to buy bales of cloth for making into clothes, and when we reached the age of fifteen he would tell the Mother Superior to prepare a parcel with the clothes we needed when we left the Institute, and to start putting by a little money regularly to be given to girls at the time of their departure.[2195]

 

The Director continued following the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes even after they left the Homes. More than once he helped financially those who left St Joseph’s, Malta.[2196] In the name of the old girls of Fra Diegu Institute the Servant of God made several petitions to the Archbishop in order to get for them the money of legacies from the Curia.[2197] On the 25 anniversary as director of Fra Diegu, he invited the old girls of the Institute. In the speech he delivered on the occasion h showed them that he was still their father, “If you would be in need of anything come to me, do not hesitate. The fact that you have left the Institute must not hinder you from coming.”[2198]

De Piro’s limitless creativity, inventiveness and initiative in favour of the old girls, especially those of Fra Diegu, made him found, in 1927, the Sacred Heart Laboratory in Valletta.[2199] Here the girls could learn a trade, practise that same trade, get paid for the work they did, and in this way got a living.[2200] For the Servant of God this did not mean only creating the idea and then selling it to someone else. He begged the government to lend him the place.[2201] He had to work hard for the money he needed in order to rent the place.[2202] There was need of instructors to teach the girls the trades.[2203] And Monsignor had to seek the cooperation of a lady, Maria Assunta Borg, in order to be in charge of the day to day running of the place, a cooperation that was not easy to work out with Borg.[2204]

Though as Senator he had never intervened in the Senate sessions of the Third Maltese Parliament, when it came to the life of the old boys and old girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes De Piro made a memorable speech in order to help the ex inmates of the charitable institutes from living in the streets.[2205]

De Piro was not interested only in the work the employees did at St Joseph’s Institute. In the employees the Director saw more than the workers. For him these were human beings. He was sensitive enough to notice their needs. He was also “courageous” enough to take some money from the Institute, a money he so much needed for the boys and the building extensions of the Orphanage, and give that money to the employees or their families. According to George Wilson, a bookbinder at St Joseph’s Home, the Director used to pay the workers himself so that he could give some extra money to those who needed it, without anyone else knowing it.[2206] De Piro gave money to a certain Nazzareno Attard who was injured at work at St Joseph’s.[2207]

In 1911 Fr Joseph De Piro was chosen by Archbishop Peter Pace as Monsignor of the Metropolitan Cathedral.[2208] On his part the Servant of God did not want this.[2209] It was only out of obedience to His Excellency that he accepted. [2210]  De Piro was first made coadjutor to Mgr Vincent Vassallo who was the dean of the Cathedral. Therefore when Vassallo died the Servant of God substituted him even in this role.[2211] Because of this status De Piro was afterwards involved in a hundred and one committees, commissions, councils, etc., both ecclesiastical and civil.[2212] This included his being the first representative of the Metropolitan Chapter in the 1918-1921 National Assembly of Sir Filippo Sceberras.[2213] De Piro’s unlimited option for the needy made him accept. During the second session of the National Assembly the riots of the Sette Giugno started.[2214] The members of the Assembly were asked to intervene and help their Maltese brothers and sisters get their basic rights from the British authorities.[2215] Only a handful of the members offered themselves.[2216] Again De Piro’s limitless dedication to the poor meant he was one of the volunteers.[2217] Since, on that very day, 7 June 1919, four Maltese were killed and several were wounded, there was set up the Committee Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919.[2218] Because of his never ending selfgiving, the Servant of God accepted to be the cashier of this Committee.[2219]

De Piro’s limitless dedication to the needy could be noticed most clearly even in his zeal to catechise. Christian Scerri said this to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal,  “When I used to meet him (the Servant of God) on the bridge going to Mtarfa for the catechism classes, because he taught catechism there… Yes, when he found out that the children of this area did not learn any catechism he started going there himself. And he was a Monsignor already!”[2220]

The above testimony meant that the Servant of God did this evangelisation when he was already burdened with a lot of responsibilities! We do not know for which specific years Scerri was referring to, but if we were to take into consideration even the very first year of De Piro’s Monsignorate we find out that by that time he was already Director of Fra Diegu Institute. This had something like 138 girls in it[2221] and the Director there had to go as far as running here and there begging alms for the girls and the nuns who took care of them. Also, a year before becoming Monsignor, in 1910, he had just started his missionary Society. Its members depended on him for all the aspects of their life, whether human, academic or spiritual. And, De Piro went to Mtarfa on foot. This meant a half hour walk! Not to mention the fact that especially in those days the Maltese would have never imagined a Monsignor teaching catechism to small children. More and more was this not conceived by the Monsignori themselves. It was considered too downgrading for these dignitaries! Besides, this, Monsignor came from a noble family, and therefore was himself a noble!

In the Church’s charitable institutes the Director was not satisfied with only providing for the basic needs of the poor boys and girls who lived there. He himself checked their preparation for their first holy communion and confirmation.[2222]

When it came to his Society, the Servant of God wanted that even its members would be unlimited in their availability towards the needy; the Founder introduced them even to the catechetical evangelisation.[2223]

At the beginning of the Society the catechism imparted in Rabat, Malta, was many a times given in the parish church for all ages together.[2224] According to Christian Scerri, De Piro and his Society were not satisfied with only gathering the boys together; they wanted to have something more organised according to ages, or at least according to stages, “… in order to gather together the boys for catechism. After a while there were added another two classes, one for the First Holy Communion and another one for Confirmation. His first attempt was to gather together the boys after the First Holy Communion.”[2225]

Paul Sammut, another witness in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, confirmed that De Piro and his Society formed separate classes for the children of different ages.[2226]

As time passed De Piro and his Society entered St Joseph’s, Malta. There the boys were provided with catechetical formation.  Even here this was given according to age groups.[2227]

At the time of the foundation of the Society the teaching of catechism was restricted to the preparation of the children for their first holy communion and their confirmation. De Piro and his Society gave this, but since the very first years of the Society even more was offered. Joseph Tonna said to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that, “There we were prepared for our first Holy Communion and our Confirmation and there was also another class for those who wished to continue after that. There were therefore classes for the youngest ones, those preparing for their first Holy Communion and those more advanced.”[2228]

The fact that at St Joseph’s, Malta, there were four separate classes, according to the ages of the boys,[2229] signified in itself that the Director and the members of his Society followed the boys further than their confirmation.

The limitless charity of De Piro and the members of his Society towards the needy made them offer a catechism more organised than that found in other places. Joseph Tonna confirmed this:

… at Rabat … lessons … could hardly say that they were very well organized. On the other hand in the house of the Society in Mdina things were very much better run and organized. So much so that every Wednesday the advanced class held a special service known as ‘Massime Eterne’. Brother Joseph Caruana, who was responsible for the teaching of catechism would read the ‘Massime’ while they sat around a table on which stood a crucifix and a skull. Then again every Sunday we would meet for Mass, generally at the Cathedral, and we also had every facility to go to Confession.” [2230]

 

This was also a time when the teaching of catechism was synonymous with memory work. Paul Sammut testified that the Servant of God and the members of his Society did not stop at this; they offered something further than memorising:

Memory work became limited. More emphasis was laid on deeper learning of things already known; they even introduced meditation. This was often held in a special room where, in addition to the benches, there used to be a table with a skull and cross on it. The room was dark with only a candle or lamp for a light. Often, the teacher encouraged us to use our imagination and make use of daily material things to remember God, and other spiritual things - a kind of ‘memorial exercise’.[2231]

 

At St Joseph’s, Malta, there were four catechism classes.[2232] As regards the first and the second, the catechetical moment was known as “istruzione religiosa”.[2233] Instructions are not memory work! As regards the fourth class the moment of catechism was known as “spiega catech., e memoria”,[2234] which means that there was the distinction between catechism and memory work. Therefore the Director who set the timetable, and the members of the Society who imparted the teaching, knew that there was memory work and they did give it. At the same time they also gave catechism which they presented as distinct from memory work.

The Founder so much wanted that the members of his Society impart more than memory work that in the Constitutions he put down these words, “Ove è possibile perciò nelle nostre case … verrà istituita una Congregazione … i quali oltre chè colla pratica di vari esercizi di pietà, si potranno anche aiutare con qualche utile e santa attrattiva come sarebbe una sala da studio.”[2235]

Although the Piccola Casa San Paolo was in Mdina boys came even from Rabat for their catechetical classes; De Piro and the members of his Society did not put any geographical boundaries for their catechetical service. Joseph Tonna was quite explicit about this, “I may say here, that these classes were not exclusively for us Mdina children, but children from Rabat were also accepted…”[2236]

De Piro was so limitless in his selfgiving in evangelising the Maltese in Malta that he was not satisfied with his own catechising activity mentioned just above. Nor was he contented with having the Society doing this same apostolate. Nor was he satisfied with his own frequent preaching on many topics in the various parts of Malta. In 1921 the Servant of God set up the first edition of his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” for the year 1922. He continued compiling it until 1932 when he prepared the one for the year 1933.[2237]

When De Piro started publishing the Almanac he had been director of Fra Diegu Institute since 1907.[2238] In 1910 he had founded his Missionary Society,[2239] the members of which depended totally on him.[2240] He had been made Monsignor of the Metropolitan Cathedral in 1911,[2241] and its dean in 1920.[2242] In 1921, the National Assembly, of which Monsignor had been member since its beginning in 1918,[2243] had just finished its drafting of a constitution for Malta.[2244] Without doubt, all these activities were already a lot for one person. Imagine adding to all these the publication of an almanac. And Fr Augustine Grech testified to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that it was the Founder who wrote most of the material of this yearly publication.[2245]

De Piro continued this particular evangelisation even when his work increased considerably with his being nominated director of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute,[2246] St Joseph’s, Malta,[2247] St Joseph’s, Gozo,[2248] the House for Babes[2249] and St Francis de Paul.[2250] In 1927 the Servant of God, after a lot of efforts,[2251] succeeded in sending the first missionary to Abyssinia,[2252] a project that implied a lot of work even after its being initiated, including the St Agatha’s Laboratory and the Somalia Museum in order to support this same mission.[2253] In 1928 he founded the Sacred Heart Laboratory for the old girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes.[2254] During these same years he did not abandon his Society. On the contrary he introduced in it such new elements as the aspirandate at the Oratory, B’Kara,[2255] and the novitiate for the Brothers at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2256] In 1932 Monsignor was chosen as one of the two representatives of the clergy in the Third Maltese Parliament.[2257] Not to mention the many committees, commissions, boards, etc., of which De Piro was a member.[2258]

And what about the financing of such an evangelising initiative as the Alamanac? The Servant of God had been the source of income for all the needs of his Society,[2259] let alone of the Almanac. There could have been some benefactors who gave small donations for its publication. But were these enough?

The contents of the Almanac continued proving De Piro’s limitless self consecration for the Maltese in Malta who were in need of strengthening the various elements of their faith. On the one hand the Servant of God did not restrict himself to only a few topics about which he felt himself comfortable to write. Rather, he presented material that had to do with most of the elements of the christian life of the Maltese who lived in Malta.[2260] But Monsignor was not satisfied with this; he also treated another two topics in the Almanac: the Maltese migrants[2261] and the ad gentes people.[2262]

With his writing about the Maltese migrants De Piro helped the Maltese around him be informed about their brothers and sisters who lived away from their country.[2263] He encouraged the Maltese at home to pray for the migrants.[2264] De Piro also encouraged the Maltese in Malta to pray for the youths so that after being gifted by God with the priestly or religious vocation they could go to their migrant brothers and sisters and help them with their second evangelisation.[2265] The Almanac was also accessible to already ordained priests and professed religious. With its publication the Servant of God could encourage these priests and religious to leave Malta and Gozo in search of an apostolate among the Maltese in far away countries.

Writing in the Almanac about the ad gentes missions the Servant of God helped his conationals to be informed about the missonary activity of the Church and also to be formed in the missionary spirit.[2266] The Maltese had already been very generous in their help for the missions. With their reading about the Church’s activity in these countries they could pray more for the missions and become more enthusiastic and generous financially. Even here De Piro expressed his wish that more priests and religious would go to mission countries and do first evangelisation.

 

What helped De Piro live his limitless incentive and creativity

                   - Zeal, devoted dedication, responsibility, determination, courage, perseverance and consistency

 The virtues that existed in the Servant of God could not but make De Piro express his charity through a limitless incentive and creativity. At the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit testified that De Piro had the virtues necessary to face the many difficulties in order to run the institutes under his care.[2267] On 2 August 1907 the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, chose the Servant of God, Director of Fra Diegu Institute.[2268] In the nomination decree His Excellency referred to several of the virtues of Fr Joseph.[2269] Among these there was mentioning of the latter’s zeal.[2270]  The author of the article “Giubileo Sacerdotale”, published in the journal “Malta” of 19 April 1927, mentioned “the devoted dedication” of the Servant of God. [2271] In 1920 De Piro was Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Monsignor of the Metropolitan Cathedral, member of the National Assembly, had just finished his mediations in the Sette Giugno riots and was more than busy with his nascent Society. He was also going to end his two year rectorship at the Major Seminary in Mdina. In spite of all these heavy duties, he possessed so much the virtue of responsibility that he did not keep back from giving the Archbishop a detailed report about the various aspects of the life of the Seminary.[2272] For Loreto Rapa, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Monsignor had three important virtues which helped a lot his limitless incentive and creativity. Among these Rapa mentioned the Director’s determination and courage. [2273]

The Servant of God lived the two virtues just mentioned, in a particular way when founding the Society and during the first years of its existence. In order to initiate the Society and help it go further, the Founder faced many difficulties. Among these there was the fact that Propaganda Fide was unable to understand how the Society could be ad gentes and at the same time be destined to work first and foremost among the Maltese migrants.[2274] De Piro wrote many times to the officials of the Congregation,[2275] and he himself went to Rome to explain well his plans.[2276] Although he had thought that he had made himself clear,[2277] Propaganda did not accept Monsignor’s Society as one for  ad gentes countries.[2278] Yet, the Founder was not disheartened and did not give up. On the opposite he kept on trying until he had his Society approved.[2279] This was also the fruit of his perseverance, which helped him face this particular challenge and many other challenges such as the going away of several of the first members of his Society.[2280]

During the Sette Giugno riots Monsignor showed his great perseverance and consistency. The National Assembly, set up by Sir Filippo Sceberras, had 270 members.[2281] During its second meeting, held on 7 June 1919, some Maltese who were in Valletta “struggling” for their fundamental rights, entered the Assembly Hall and asked their representatives to intervene on their behalf.[2282] Only six of the many members offered to mediate between the Maltese and the British government. De Piro was one of the six.[2283] Out of these six, only three continued till Sunday, 8 June.[2284] The following day, Monday, 9 June, the Servant of God was alone defending the Archbishop.[2285]

His perseverence, consistency and determination made him continue till the end not only in the Sette Giugno events. Together with a lot of patience these same virtues also showed continuously before De Piro founded the Society and all along the first years of its existance. Some of the Maltese clergy could not understand his “idea”.[2286]  Propaganda Fide never understood how he could set up a society ad gentes and at the same time mention so much the work among Maltese migrants.[2287] After the foundation in 1910 he and the members had to go from one house to another because it was not possible to start the building of the main House until 1932.[2288] Many youths who joined the Society abandoned it after a while.[2289] Even the first priest left to become diocesan.[2290]

                   - De Piro’s belief in God’s providence

When Mr Alphonse Maria Galea was sent by the Archbishop’s Curia to inspect the ledgers of Fra Diegu Institute, he presented a report to His Excellency which covered the years 1907-1915.[2291] Amongst others he presented an excellent certificate about De Piro’s trust in God’s Providence:

 … non che quello formato per le economie del presente Direttore ed Amministratore dell’Istituto, Monsignor Can. Don Giuseppe di Marchesi De Piro d’Amico, durante i suddetti otto anni di sua gestione; e mentre l’E.V. Revma m’ha offerta un’altra occasione di ammirare la Providenza Divina, mi è grato di rilevare che coll’aiuto di Dio, con insistente affetto filiale implorato dall’Amministratore e con ferma fiducia di esserne esaudito …[2292]

 

Br Paul Spiteri OSA, an ex member of De Piro’s Society, witnessed to the trust in providence of the Servant of God as Director of St Joseph’s Institute.[2293] As did Ms Elena Refalo, one of the nieces of Monsignor.[2294] On 16 July 1930 there was the opening of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun. On this occasion the Servant of God delivered a speech in which he reminded those present of the difficulties met with while building the place. But he also referred to God’s help, “Ma ora che il passato venne superato, godiamo! Perchè non ci resta che di lodare l’azione divina, che prevenne ed accompagnò, l’umile, se non inutile, opera nostra.”[2295]

On 25 December 1924 Fr Joseph Hili wrote to De Piro in the name of all the Gozo parishpriests and asked him to start and direct St Joseph’s Institute there.[2296] The Servant of God wrote to Mgr Caruana, Malta’s Archbishop, to get from him the permission to do this.[2297] In this letter of De Piro to Caruana, the Servant of God said that he was accepting, “…fidandosi sempre nell’aiuto della Divina Providenza …”[2298]

When dealing with the Bishop of Gozo about the foundation and opening of an orphanage there, De Piro could not accept that the statutes made by His Excellency would include a numerus clausus of boys who could be accepted at the Institute.[2299] For him this was nothing but, “… certe suscettibilità poco conformi ai sentimenti di carità e di fiducia nella Divina Providenza a cui deve ispirarsi la contemplata opera di beneficenza.”[2300]

In a letter De Piro himself wrote to the Superintendent of Public Works on 12 January 1930, the Director of St Joseph’s, Gozo, showed that he was planning to build another Institute and he wished that the government would give him some land next to the existant Home. Monsignor himself admitted that at the moment of writing the petition he had no money, but, “… the mere fact of having acquired the site will, under divine guidance loosen the purse-strings of people who can afford to defray the necessary cost.”[2301]

In the very beginning of the petty cash book of the Sacred Heart Laboratory, De Piro put really strong words as regards his complete trust in God’s help. In the very first page of this register the Director declared that he was starting the administration of this Workshop, “In Nomine Sacri Cordis Jesu. Amen.”[2302] Then at the beginning of the income and expenditure columns of each year of the Workshop’s existence, the Servant of God always put the words, “Spes mea Deus”[2303]

The two declarations just mentioned, or others similar to them, were made by the Servant of God even in the petty cash books of his Society. In fact they can still be seen in the Registro della Dispensa,[2304] in the Spesa Giornaliera della Piccola Casa di San Paolo,[2305] in the Libro Cassa,[2306] in the Educandato Santa Maria, Oratorio, B’Cara – Registro Primo,[2307] in Borsa di studio affidata alla Vergine Maria Assunta[2308] and in the Procura, Missione d’Abissinia - Libro Cassa presso l’Economo Generale.[2309]

The Founder lived his belief in God’s Providence within the context of his Society even at other times and in other different circumstances. In the speech delivered at the opening of the first house in Mdina, the Founder admitted with Archbishop Pace and those present, that the house lacked a lot of things, but he trusted in God’s help.[2310] This trust in God’s support he continued referring to many a times in his correspondence about the Society’s foundation. He used such expressions as: “la fiducia … la Providenza Divina,” [2311] “abbandonarmi intieramente nelle mani della Divina Providenza,”[2312] “aiuto del Divino Maestro,”[2313] “la Divina Providenza non mancò di lenire i guai, interpolando le contrarietà con delle soavi consolazioni,”[2314] “il Signore ci farà assaggiare qualche frutto di tante fatiche e sacrifici,”[2315] “disponente la Divina Providenza,”[2316] “grazie a Dio,”[2317] “piacendo a Dio,”[2318] “aiuto di Dio.”[2319]

In the Constitutions the Founder wrote for the Society, he saw to it that each of the three sections began with the first verse of Psalm 127 (126): “Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labour in vain[2320] On the occasion of the blessing of the foundation stone of St Agatha’s Motherhouse, De Piro delivered a speech which he addressed to Archbishop Mauro Caruana and those present.[2321] After beginning this speech with the same biblical verse mentioned just above, the Servant of God said what these words meant for him:

Nisi Dominus aedificaverit domum, in vanum laboravernut qui aedificant eam.

 

Your Excellency,

 

The divine words kindle total trust in us, without any reserve, in God’s help. Better still, they give us strong faith in the first movement of the Principal Agent; they were already chosen and placed at the beginning of the rules which guide the new Missionary Institute which gathered us here for the benefit of its increase and prosperity. These words are, no less fitting and worthy to be remembered to day.

As everybody knows- Your Excellency- God’s works and not ours, bear contrariety as a sign and as an ornament. In the work we have before us and in our hands, for the span of about fourteen years, there were so many difficulties one after the other, that they could have tired every man. But since it was God who set to work at the task, His servants never lacked courage. Moreover, like a firm and sweet breeze God’s spirit which always accompanied the difficulty blew in the sails of our poor boat, troubled by the waves.[2322]

 

Further on in his speech, the Founder continued referring to God’s Providence:

 … on the other hand we look upwards and put our hope in him who is Our most beloved Father because, when God is building, those who build the walls do not labour in vain. We find another consolation in the thought full of truth that God’s power which made everything out of nothing and the power of the God Man who fed thousands of people from five loaves, has never changed and is still there for ever.[2323]

 

Camillo Aquilina, one of the first members of the Society said that the Founder, “… had great faith in Providence. Whenever we went to him and told him that we had something missing he always told us, ‘The Lord will provide.’ ”[2324]

The Founder was going to send Br Joseph Caruana to Abyssinia. Since Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., was in charge of this mission he asked De Piro what payment he expected to get for this missionary. The Servant of God wrote back to Mizzi and told him, “In quanto al pagamento dell’individuo non esigo niente, il Signore benedirà l’opera nostra.” [2325]

De Piro trusted in divine providence not only as regards money and material things; he also believed that God helped priestly vocations. Mother Pacifica Xuereb testified that the Servant of God paid the money for the education of a Sicilian youth, whom he met during mass and who showed his wish to become priest. Xuereb advised De Piro to pay attention to the boy’s real intentions. In fact it happened that the boy, after getting a good education, abandoned his vocation. Mother told Monsignor about this, and he answered her, “Do not ever worry, and tell Saviour not to worry at all. These things are understood only by God.”[2326]

De Piro shared with Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., this conviction about God’s sending him new members for his Society. Br Joseph Caruana was going to Abyssinia and the Founder wanted to introduce him with the Capuchin Friar. He also referred to what encouraged him to send Caruana to the missions, “Io perdo il suo aiuto quà ma sono contento di fare questo sacrificio nella persuasione che il Signore manderà altri a supplirlo.”[2327]

The Servant of God considered as part of God’s providence even the negative aspects of life. On 10 January 1898, while on a holiday in Italy, Joseph’s father fell ill and after a short while died[2328] leaving his wife Ursola a widow and his nine children orphans. At the end of this same year, while a seminarian at the Capranica College for his first year of priestly studies, Joseph wrote to his mother, brothers and sisters, “L’altro anno secondo il nostro modo di vedere, ci è stato sfortunato, dico cosi’ perchè Iddio non opera che perfettamente e le sue azioni non possono essere altro che ottime; e poi in quella circostnza siamo stati tanto consolati, che non esito a dire che la nostra consolazione sopraffece il dolore della sfortuna.”[2329]  

On 18 April 1925 the decree with which De Piro was declared director of St Joseph’s, Gozo was published.[2330] After this, Monsignor went to Gozo to prepare the old house which was expected to welcome the orphans in it. On 25 April, after waking up from his siesta, some stone slabs gave way under him, and he fell down about 4 metres, finding himself in the coal room below.[2331] He was not badly hurt, but he could not walk for some days and therefore he had to stay for a while in bed. On 30 April he wrote to Fr Michael Callus, one of the members of his Society, who was in Malta. In this letter the Director referred to this accident, “Sia ringraziato il Signore che tra tanta prosperità ha voluto visitarci con un poco di contrarietà. Del resto anche questo saprà volgerla a favore quest’opera nascente.”[2332] 

                   - Did not give up when facing difficulties because he believed that God’s help was stronger than the devil’s power

Even when faced with difficulties, the Servant of God did not give up; he considered them as coming from the devil and therefore as being challenges which had to be faced and overcome. After he had already decided on the date of opening of the St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo, De Piro fell from the first floor to the second one. In his speech addressed to the Diocesan Bishop at the opening celebration of the Institute, De Piro was quite explicit, “Ecco il momento propizio al nemico di ogni bene, approfittandosi del nostro intento e maliziosamente secondando lo stesso, divisò di seppellire, tra le macerie,la opera anche prima, direi che fosse nata, e cosi impedire perfino un grido infantile ad una piccola batteria che veniva costruita contro il suo campo.”[2333] Loreto Rapa, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, confirmed this attitude of the Director.[2334]

The Servant of God considered in the same way the accident where a boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, was terrified because he said he had seen a Turk in the House.[2335]

At the same time the Director strongly believed that the help from God is stronger than the evil power. During the actual opening celebration, the Director delivered a speech to the Governor General, and then another one to the Diocesan Bishop, Mgr Gonzi. In the latter De Piro showed his belief in the divine power, “… per renderci sempre più perseveranti nel tenere in alto il nostro sguardo ed anche il nostro cuore … Ma viva a Dio che innanzi a Lui umiltà non significa distruzione; la parte comica della diabolica manovra superò la parte tragica, ed il sentimento di riconoscenza che occupò il nostro cuore in sull’istante traboccò nel canto triplice dell’Inno Eucaristico.”[2336]

He used to share this belief even with the boys of St Joseph’s, Gozo. Loreto Rapa said that, “This courage of the Servant of God, was not only a natural quality but it was the effect of the faith he had in divine providence. Sometimes he told us not to be discouraged when facing difficulties, for God knew what he was doing and would not leave us alone.”[2337]

                   - Strong intellect, realistic and practical

When Mr George Pisani was witnessing at the Gozo Ecclesiastical Tribunal he mentioned Monsignor’s strong intellect.[2338] In the speech addressed to Bishop Gonzi on the occasion of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, De Piro himself referred to the many things that were still lacking at the Institute.[2339] Although he was the one responsible for the Home he did not try to give the impression that everything was complete. On the opening of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute in Zejtun, the Servant of God delivered another speech. In it he mentioned the anxieties experienced during the five years until the building was ready.[2340] De Piro was a realistic and objective person.

The Servant of God was also very practical. In his dealings with Fr Angelo Mizzi about the Abyssinia Mission, the Capuchin missionary adviced De Piro to ask Mr Alphonse Maria Galea for the money for the trip of Br Joseph Caruana.[2341] There seemed to be some difficulties on the side of Galea to hand over the money to Monsignor. At the same time the days were pressing and Caruana had to be sent on his mission. De Piro did not get mixed up. Instead, having informed Mizzi about the outcome, the Founder paid the trip from his own money hoping to be refunded afterwards by Mizzi himself.[2342]

                   - Prudent

When Archbishop Peter Pace nominated the Servant of God Director of Fra Diegu Institute, His Excellency referred to De Piro’s prudence.[2343]

De Piro’s prudence could be noticed each time the Servant of God was going to embark on some new project. When it came to the foundation of his Society he was quite clear about its aim: he wanted an ad gentes religious insitute.[2344] But at the same time he wanted this to be reached in two stages: The members had to go first to the Maltese migrants and when they get accustomed to going abroad they would then be sent to the ad gentes missions.[2345]

The Servant of God was himself completely dedicated to the houses of beneficence. But he wanted that even the members of his Society would give their share in these charitable institutions, both in Malta and abroad.[2346] Still, when the Gozo parishpriests offered him the direction of St Joseph’s,[2347] he did not rush to give an answer; he wanted to know things more clearly.[2348] It was only after he had more information that he accepted the Gozo Institute.[2349]

De Piro was also very prudent as regards the Abyssinia Mission. On 4 March 1927 Fr Angelo Mizzi, the Capuchin responsible for that mission, wrote his first letter to De Piro asking him for members who could teach catechism in that African country.[2350] We do not have the letters written by the Servant of God to Fr Angelo, but from those of the latter to the former we know that De Piro, although he had been waiting for such an opportunity for more than 17 years,[2351] he was not carried away by enthusiasm. Before taking any action he wanted to have the necessary information about the Ethiopian mission in general and what was expected of the member of his Society whom he was sending there.[2352] When afterwards Mizzi invited Monsignor to take one of the stations in the Abyssinia mission under his care, the Founder became more and more cautious. He continued asking more and more information from Mizzi himself.[2353] Not only this, but the Founder also wrote several letters to Fr Ireneè OfmCap.,[2354] Fr Joachim OfmCap.,[2355] and to Mgr A. Jarosseau, the Bishop responsible for that mission.[2356] Not to mention the many other letters written to Br Joseph Caruana, the member whom he had sent to Abyssinia.[2357] But more than writing these letters he was planning to go to Abyssinia to see for himself that mission.[2358] 

                   - Methodical

Monsignor also excelled in orderliness. Alphonse Maria Galea was sent by the Archbishop’s Curia to audit the registers of Fra Diegu Institute. In his report Galea declared that De Piro kept the records “in perfetta regola[2359] This was confirmed by Mother Pauline Cilia, a superior at Fra Diegu.[2360] The way he kept the documents related to the Jesus of Nazareth Institute prove the same thing.[2361] George Wilson testified to this orderliness in relation to St Joseph’s, Malta, “He was exact in everything, so much so that at his death everything was found in order, whether the registers, the money, etc.”[2362]

Loreto Rapa, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, witnessed to the methodical character of the Director.[2363] Not to mention what was said by Ms Piera De Piro Gourgion, one of De Piro’s nieces, “Although he was busy he did not leave any confusion after his death; in his will everything was in order.”[2364]

                   - Satisfied and happy with own achievements, grateful to himself

De Piro was able to feel satisfied with his own achievements. He was happy when he succeeded in doing something. He appreciated and recognised the results of his own efforts. He was able to be grateful and thankful to himself and his efforts after having done something. The building of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute was finished in 1930. The Servant of God invested a lot of mental and physical energy on this big project. In the speech he delivered at the opening of the Institute he admitted with those present that on that day he felt a lot of personal satisfaction for what had been done.[2365] In the same speech, after mentioning the financial problems met with while building the Orphanage, the Servant of God invited those present to be happy.[2366]

 

(vii)  Solidarity with the poor and the needy

Joseph De Piro was nearing his diaconate. In the retreat for this ordination he put to writing the pros and cons in relation to his going to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” or to St Joseph’s, Malta.[2367]  The seventh reason in favour of the Orphanage indicated quite clearly that this seminarian wanted as early as his 24th year of age not only to give something to the poor, but to be one with them, “Perchè mi sarà facile esercitare la virtù della povertà; quantunque senza voto …”[2368]

As time went on, the Servant of God continued living this solidarity. George Wilson testified for De Piro’s solidarity with the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta,  “Every now and again I used to do the cooking at the Institute, and I can say that Mgr. De Piro took the same food the boys had without any difference whatsoever because he wanted to have absolutely the same treatment they had in all respects.”[2369] Elena Refalo, one of the nieces of De Piro, confirmed this.[2370] As did Ms Beatrice Cremona, another niece of De Piro.[2371]

The Servant of God lived his oneness with the poor so fully that his mother frequently referred to her son, Joseph, as “the poor one”. Christian Scerri and Paul Sammut, two boys who attended the catechism classes in the first House of De Piro’s Society, heard Ursola, Monsignor’s mother, referring to her son with these words.[2372]  Giga Camilleri, who used to join Ursola in the meetings of St Vincent Ferreri,[2373] confirmed this.[2374] Carmena Mallia, an old girl at Fra Diegu Institute, testified that she did hear the Director’s mother referring to her son in this way.[2375] Mother Pauline Cilia who had been at Fra Diegu both as one of the nuns and then as mother superior, confirmed Mallia’s words.[2376] Even Sr Pia Caruana from the Jesus of Nazareth Institute used to hear Ursola calling her son so.[2377]

Not only this. Several of the witnesses mentioned above also testified that Ursola had reason to call her son in this way. Antonia, a maid at the Mdina house of a certain Mgr Mifsud, said that De Piro never had any money for himself.[2378] Christian Scerri witnessed that, “He gave both the salary of the Cathedral and what his mother used to give him.” [2379] Ms Giga Catania and Mr Paul Sammut said that the Servant of God gave all he had to the poor.[2380]

During the Sette Giugno 1919 riots the Maltese fought for their basic rights.[2381] Monsignor had been so much in solidarity with them that “Malta”, one of the local newspapers, eight years after the tragic events, published these words about the Servant of God:

Sacerdote integerrimo, esempio vivente di pietà vera e di unzione santa, patriota che conobbe le ansie, i triboli, le tristezze dei moti del 7 giugno 1919 che lo videro tra il fuoco ed i feriti. Mons Giuseppe De Piro offre alla sua Chiesa ed alla sua Patria il tipo del sacerdote modello e del cittadino patriota, che s’impone all’amore ed all’ammirazione di tutti.[2382]

 

What helped De Piro be in solidarity with the poor and the needy

                   - Jesus incarnate, the Suffering Jesus, Jesus in the Eucharist

De Piro’s sermons indicate in a very clear way who was the main source and model of his solidarity with the poor and the needy brothers and sisters: the Son who from God became completely one with us human beings,[2383] and the one who remained with us body, soul and all in the Sacrament of the Holy Eucharist.[2384]

 

(viii)  Did not expose the others’ mistakes

In the 7 June1919 events, Advocate Caruana Gatto and another handful of the members of the National Assembly were intervening for the Maltese. During those same interventions they, especially Mgr De Piro, were blamed for all that happened, “The first time we tried to enter the Law Courts, people in the crowd were unfriendly towards us, especially towards Mgr De Piro, and shouted: ‘You are to blame for all this!’. Mgr De Piro replied: ‘Well, well. We are trying to save you, and you are blaming us!”. [2385]

Caruana Gatto also witnessed that on 8 June the defenders of the Maltese were again offended:

At first the mob abandoned the attempt on Francia’s house, and gathered around us. I told them that attacking that house had nothing to do with politics, and asked them to stop if they wanted our political demands to have a successful outcome. However, the criminal element in the crowd gained the upper hand. They started booing us, swearing and stealing money from our pockets, and returned to Francia’s home to break down the back door. We warned them that if they carried on in this way, the army would be called in again, and there would be bloodshed. Our words, however, had no effect.[2386]

The Servant of God was asked by the Inquest Commission to testify about the events. And he did witness! But his charity was such that he left out the above details presented by Caruana Gatto. It was something that concerned him personally and therefore he could leave it out without causing any injustice to anyone. He did not want to expose the mistakes of the angry Maltese.[2387]

 

What helped De Piro not expose the others’ mistakes

                   - Good, pious and holy

It could not be otherwise in the case of the Servant of God. George Pisani, when interrogated by the Gozo Ecclesiastical Tribunal, referred to De Piro’s great goodness.[2388] The decree with which Bishop Peter Pace nominated the Servant of God, Director of Fra Diegu Institute, mentioned his piousness.[2389] The article “Giubileo Sacerdotale” of the “Malta” of 19 April 1927, presented Monsignor as holy.[2390]

 

(ix)  Towards those who did not support him

In spite of the fact that De Piro did nothing but love the others, there were a few persons who were in some way or other “his enemies” or at least an obstacle to him especially in the execution of the plans which were so close to his heart. The Servant of God had been in contact with Frs Emmanuel Vassallo and George Bugeja since his seminary days in Rome and his stay in Switzerland.[2391] He had even shared with them his wish to go and live at St Joseph’s Institute, Santa Venera, after finishing his studies.[2392] Returning to Malta, neither Vassallo nor Bugeja invited De Piro to the Orphanage. It was only when Bugeja was in need of the help of De Piro himself [2393] or that of the members of his Society [2394] that he asked the Servant of God to come himself or send the members to St Joseph’s. Instead of feeling slighted or insulted over the requests,  Monsignor unhesitantly gave his support.[2395] 

Propaganda Fide could not understand what was the real nature of De Piro’s Society, whether it was for the Maltese migrants or for the ad gentes people,[2396] so much so that he was neither granted the affiliation with the Congregation[2397] nor was he recommended for the decretum laudis.[2398] As Founder, De Piro was sure of his Society’s charism. He was also sure that he had explained everything clearly to Propaganda.[2399] For these reasons he could have reacted in an aggressive way against the Prefect and the other officials of the Congregation. Instead, the Servant of God wrote a letter to Mgr Camillo Laurenti, Secretary of Propaganda, and showed him his great gratitude for the fact that the Congregation offered him its help to recommend him to the Congregation for Religious, “Qualora poi dovessi necessariamente dirigermi alla Congne’ dei Religiosi ringrazio immensamente la Congne’ di Propaganda dell’offerta fattami di una sua raccomandazione, che accetto, di tutto cuore e sulla quale mi fido per l’ottenimento dell’ essere canonico, che tanto mi necessita.”[2400]

Some of the Maltese clergy could not understand his “idea”.[2401] At times there were those who invented ways and means how to obstruct his projects.[2402] But Fr Louis Gatt, one of the first members of the Society was quite clear about the Founder’s reactions to all the opposition he met, “He was never angry with those who created the difficulties; he often said that he offered everything for Jesus.”[2403]

Frs George Bugeja and John Mamo who had joined him before the start of the Society and at its very beginning,[2404] abandoned him after a very short while, one to return to St Joseph’s, Malta, and the other to go to the Institute he opened in one of the Maltese parishes, Tarxien. Though we do not know how he behaved with Mamo, but we have just said what was his relationship with Bugeja; he continued supporting him in his apostolate at St Joseph’s.[2405]

The behaviour of some of those who joined his Society was not that good in relation to the Padre. Fr John Vella said this about himself, “I caused him a lot of trouble because I used to answer him back several times.”[2406] Yet, Vella said also that the Founder never shouted at the members who behaved in this way.[2407]

Some of those who joined De Piro’s Society left after receiving a good academic formation.[2408] Other persons, such as Fr Anton Buhagiar, were angry at these.[2409] The Servant of God, the one who provided everything for these deserters, reacted differently, “ I do not care if they do this. I am happy that they will have acquired formation. That will suit them. Jesus never forced his disciples. Who am I to impose anything on them? God knows how to make use of their formation. The good they received will one day give fruit.”[2410] Mother Pacifica Xuereb testified that De Piro paid for the education of a youth from Sicily who had shown a wish to become priest but who changed his mind after receiving this academic formation.[2411]

Others were as far as hostile to Monsignor. Maria Assunta Borg of the Sacred Heart Laboratory was one of these.[2412] Yet, De Piro behaved quite charitably with the latter: he entrusted her with the money which remained at the Laboratory and the furniture used there.[2413]

During the events of the Sette Giugno, Monsignor was offended at least three times. On Saturday, 7 June 1919, in the afternoon the Servant of God was in the company of lawyers, Alfred Caruana Gatto and Serafin Vella. Monsignor was going out of the Law Courts. These three men were struggling with The Lieutenant Governor to save the Maltese from the British soldiers who were firing at them. The angry mob turned to them, and specifically to De Piro, and said: “You are to blame for all this.”[2414] On Sunday, 8 June, 1919, in the afternoon, Caruana Gatto and De Piro were on the steps of the Opera House trying to stop the mob from countinuing with the attack of Francia House. The criminals, who were among the people, started booing at both Caruana Gatto and De Piro. They even swore and stole money from the pockets of Carauna Gatto and Monsignor.[2415]  On Monday, 9 June 1919, in the morning, Bishop Angelo Portelli and De Piro went out of the Archbishop’s Palace in Valletta and tried to calm the people. The Servant of God asked the people what they wanted. Some were heard saying, “We want to burn the Curia.”[2416] The Curia was undoubtedly dear to De Piro! The latter reacted positively to each of these offences by those for whom he was working so much for three whole days at a time when he was so busy with other responsibilities. He continuously addressed them as his sons and daughters.[2417] Also, at the Inquest Commission he did not even refer to the above mentioned reactions.[2418]

 

What helped De Piro love those who did not support him

                   - God’s love for him, a sinner, and therefore God’s enemy

De Piro could not have acted otherwise. During his vocation discernment process, which he finalised at the age of 21, he put to writing the reasons in favour and against the priesthood. Among those which made him opt for this vocation there was the one where the Servant of God remembered God’s sufferings for him, who was a sinner and therefore God’s enemy,“Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio avendo Egli tanto sofferto pei mei peccati.”[2419]

In the pros and cons discernment method in order to decide whether to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” or to St Joseph’s, Malta,[2420] Joseph referred more than once to God’s love for him who was a sinner. In reason 2 against the “Accademia” he put on one side God’s love for him by choosing him for the priesthood, and on the other hand his being an enemy of God by his sins.[2421] He repeated the same dual reality in reason 3 against the “Accademia”.[2422] In reason 8 in favour of St Joseph’s Institute he made the same double mention: God’s suffering for him and his own sins against God.[2423]

When preaching about God, Monsignor generally preached about the Second Person of the Trinity. In the few sermons where he referred to God the Father, he repeatedly emphasised the divine mercy and forgiveness for the sinner, God’s enemy, “Dio è paziente ed aspetta - non perchè Egli non possa punire, non perchè egli non odia al sommo il peccato, ma lo fa per dar luogo al ravvedimento e alla penitenza.”[2424]

In another sermon De Piro said to those who were listening to him, “Dio aspetta, Dio chiama.”[2425] In a sermon about Our Lady, Monsignor presented God the Father as, “… Iddio nostro padre, padre amoroso, padre che conosce la debolezza dei suoi figli, un padre di bontà infinita non ha abbandonato il peccatore …”[2426]

When De Piro preached about the Son of God he said that Jesus’ work of redemption, and therefore the salvation of us, his enemies, was his greatest action, “Il pregio più ammirabile dal quale trae le sue glorie il Verbo umanato è senza dubbio l’esser Egli l’Universale Redentore.”[2427]

In his sermons the Servant of God made several references to the Letters of St Paul.  He referred 31 times to the Letter to the Romans. Here the emphasis is on the glory of God’s love for us.[2428] To Gal 2:20 De Piro referred 15 times.[2429]  In these last references Christ has been presented as the one who has sacrificed himself for Paul.[2430] When Monsignor presented the Eucharist, he quoted again Gal 2:20 and he showed he was much aware of the essence of the Eucharist: the sacrifice of Christ for the love of man.[2431] And De Piro was more than convinced that he, a man, was a sinner![2432]

 

(x)  A holistic love [2433]

At Fra Diegu Institute the girls were accustomed to celebrate the onomastic of De Piro. On this occasion one girl prepared and even read a short speech to the Director. Among the words addressed to Monsignor in the 1919 speech, there were these, “… quì, sotto le ali di questo Istituto Ella ci ha accolto, quì con viva sollecitudine, Ella ci va alimentando la vita, l’anima …”[2434]

Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit, one of the witnesses who gave his testimony at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of De Piro, presented a contrast between the attitude of Fr George Bugeja, the predecessor of the Servant of God as Director of St Joseph’s Home, Malta, and De Piro himself:

I know from my father that Mgr. De Piro took over from Fr. George Bugeja. During the time Fr. Bugeja was Director, who otherwise was a very holy priest, at the Institute there was a great lack of discipline. It was his idea that the important thing was to take a boy into the Institute, there offer him food and a place where to sleep and offer him spiritual help also. The result of this was that children there did what they liked. Besides, there was a lack of cleanliness. When Mgr. De Piro took over he had to tackle these problems. He succeeded to bring back good administration to St Joseph’s Institute. To bring back discipline, he took it on himself to see the needs of the Institute. He separated the boys into different rooms according to age. He ameliorated those things that were good. He gave a great incentive to education. I myself could notice, in general terms, that great progress was made. I could notice also certain things that showed the discipline at the Institute, e.g. in the case of the Tabone brothers, they had a fixed time in which to depart, and Mgr. De Piro asked about their behaviour. I could also notice great strides forward in cleanliness.[2435]

 

On 27 August 1920 Mgr De Piro, as Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina, presented to the Archbishop of Malta a report about the various aspects of Seminary life, for the scholastic year 1919-20.[2436] Amongst others, the Rector said these words to His Excellency:

7.             L’azione dei suddetti Ufficiali pel bene del Seminario e dei giovani è tuttora sempre molto critica stante il difetto di uno Statuto Organico come richiesto dal codice Can. 135o/. L’introduzione infatti di continue nuove disposizioni restrittive introdotte in questo Seminario da circa un decennio a questa parte ha fatto i giovani tanto nervosi da rendere assai difficile il loro maneggio. - Vra. Eccza. ci aveva già affidato l’incarico di abbozzare il detto Statuto ed effettivamente sono state da noi raccolte varie disposizioni riguardanti gli esami; ma questo costituisce solo una parte dello stesso, e per condurre a compimento anche gli altri capi; considerando utile l’esperienza altrui, osiamo suggerire a Vra. Eccza. la costituzione di una Commissione ‘ad hoc’ composta dagli Ufficiali Maggiori e dai Professori del Vendo. Seminario.[2437]

 

Three of the witnesses who gave information about the catechism taught in the first House of De Piro’s Society, testified that this teaching was given within a holistic context. According to Christian Scerri,[2438] Joseph Tonna[2439] and Paul Sammut[2440] the boys had games organised for them; Br Joseph Caruana used to take them to play football. For Christmas the members of the Society used to prepare for them cribs and statues of Baby Jesus, Mary, Joseph, etc. During the Carnival days they had a special programme

In the 1928 edition of the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” the Servant of God wrote this:

The same thing happens with the missionary. It is not enough to send the missionary and leave him on his own. You must support him and give him that help which he requires. Otherwise when he finds himself among many people who do not know him, and maybe even against him, and certainly may expect much from him, if he does not find the means he needs, his eagerness for action slowly withers away.[2441]

 

According to the speech quoted above, at Fra Diegu Institute, a holistic formation was imparted. In the above testimony, Cachia Zammit referred to the attitude of the Servant of God towards the orphans and those of a specific Institute, St Joseph’s, Malta. In the report about life in the Mdina Mayor Seminary, De Piro himself showed part of his holistic attitude towards the seminarians. The three witnesses who talked about the catechetical activity in the first House of the Society were quite clear about the all round formation of the boys who attended the catechism classes.When writing his article “How to Help the Missionary”, in the 1928 edition of the Almanac, Monsignor showed his holisitc attitude towards the missionaries and their missionary work.  But one can go as far as saying that whatever responsibility De Piro had and wherever he was, he always cared for the physical, the religious (the religious practices) and the spiritual aspects (those which have to do with the human character) of the human beings dependent on him.

                   - The physical aspect

                   - Food

The old girls and old boys of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes led by the Servant of God and who gave their testimony at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal had mixed opinions as regards the food in the Homes where they lived. Sr Scholastica Pace said that at the Jesus of Nazareth Home, Zejtun, the food situation was bad.[2442] Even Nazzareno Attard, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Malta, both in the 1987 and in the 1988-1992 witnessing sessions said the same thing for his Institute.[2443]  But Attard also emphasised the fact that the food at the Home was still better than in many Maltese families.[2444]

Br Felix Muscat, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Malta, who did his novitiate there, and was then one of the prefects in charge of the orphans, in the 1987 Testimonies, disagreed with Pace and Attard: at St Joseph’s, Malta, De Piro was attentive to see that the boys had enough good food.[2445] But the same Br Felix emphasised the fact that the Director saw to it that there was not more than the enough.[2446] Mr George Wilson and Br Venanz Galea, both of them ex pupils of St Joseph’s, Malta, compared the situation at the time of Monsignor with the days before his coming. For both of them there was an improvement.[2447]  According to Mr Philip Gatt there was no lack of food at St Joseph’s, Gozo. On the opposite it was abundant.[2448] Br Felix Muscat indicated why the Director always taught the boys not to waste any food at St Joseph’s, Malta: [2449]  De Piro had thought of enlarging the Institute and therefore he was keen on saving money.[2450] Br Felix added that the Servant of God himself lived like a poor man.[2451]

Before the Servant of God took over the Oratory at B’Kara the boys who attended there were undoubtedly poor. Canon Michael Sammut, the prodecessor of De Piro as director of this place, at one moment wrote an undated letter to Field Marshal, Lord Methuen, the Governor of Malta between 1915 and 1919, and showed him the miserable situation these boys were living in.[2452] This was not strange at all; those were the years of great depression in Malta.[2453] When Monsignor took over the Oratory, it seemed that the situation had by then improved a bit. Otherwise the Servant of God would have sensed the basic needs of the children and without doubt would have done something to help them.

In the report mentioned above, the Servant of God, as Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina, showed that he was worried about the always worsening situation of the satisfaction of the basic needs of the seminarians.[2454] At one moment he referred to the evening meal that was becoming poorer and poorer.[2455] This situation was caused by the increasing cost of living in Malta.[2456] It was the year just after the riots of the Sette Giugno 1919, which were sparked amongs others by the lack of basic needs of the Maltese.[2457]  The Rector therefore highlighted the need of a resident treasurer so that the provision for these needs could be guaranteed better.[2458] He was considering the improvement of this aspect so vital for the seminarians that he addressed these strong and quite clear words to the Archbishop: “…per provvedere immancabilmente e con urgenza, presentandole, suo malgrado, l’alternativa di chiudere il Seminario in caso d’impossibilità.[2459] And there were 35 seminarians at the Seminary![2460]

Within the context of the Society, that which was considered by De Piro as “…Madre amorosa … continuamente in aiuto dei suoi membri, tanto per cio che riguarda lo spirituale, come anche per cio che riguarda il temporale …”,[2461] the Founder catered for all the basic needs of the members, including food.[2462] According to Michael Vella Haber, one of the first members, the fact that the Society depended on the Founder’s money, meant that at times it was a bit restricted as regards finances. This made food a bit lacking at times.[2463] According to Frs Louis Gatt, and Joseph Caruana, and Mr Paul Xuereb, three of the first members of the Society, food was ok.[2464]

In the section of the Original Constitutions about “Il Compratore” the Founder showed that the buyer has to take care that there be enough food for the members, “Importa molto alla Casa l’avere un buon compratore. Sia egli pertanto diligente di fornire la casa di tutto ciò che a giudizio del Superiore è richiesto all’uso quotidiano, e di consegnarlo al dispensiere o al cuoco ad ora opportuna.”[2465]

The same responsibility did the Founder put on the “Dispensiere”, “Secondo l’ordine che dal Superiore gli verrà dato tenga la dispensa della Casa fornita di quelle cose necessarie al vitto; pertanto prima che del tutto siano consumate sia premuroso di dare avviso al Superiore perchè si possa avere del tempo per l’opportuno refornimento.”[2466]

The buyer must not only buy enough food. He has to see to it that the food is good, “Procuri di conoscere la qualità delle cose…”[2467]

In the same section of the Constitutions, De Piro encouraged the buyer not only to guarantee the quantity of food necessary for the community, and to see to it that what he buys is healthy, but when possible the buyer has to vary the kind of food to be served to the members, “Sia anche premuroso di rendere l’Economo consapevole di ciò che secondo la stagione, trovasi al mercato esposto alla vendita, e convenevole all’economia perchè entro i limiti della nostra povertà possa egli somministrare la mensa alquanto variata.[2468]

For De Piro, the ladies who formed part of the Missionary Laboratory were working mainly to support the missionaries in their evangelisation of the Good News: “More often than not someone (of the ladies of the Laboratory) reads a letter which has just arrived from the missionaries. The letter always fills everyone of them with an urge to work harder to spread the faith and to extend the Kingdom of Our Beloved Lord Jesus Christ.”[2469] But in the article referred to here, “The Missionary Laboratory”, Monsignor showed quite clearly that these “lay missionaries” had to express their love to the ad gentes people even through their providing them with food:

… The box contained also sweets for children. Everybody likes sweets; it is very rare or an unheard of thing to meet a boy who does not like sweets. The children of Sofi lack the delicacies which the children in our country have; but the Missionaries tell us that now, once they tasted sweets, they do nothing but ask for them. So, when the laboratory ladies fill a box, they try to fill every nook and cranny with sweets for the children.[2470]

                   - Clothing

What Sr Scholastica Pace said in relation to the food at Jesus of Nazareth Home, was repeated as regards the clothing of the girls: it was again poor.[2471] But Pace wanted to be just in her judgement: while the indoor clothing was poor, the outdoor one was good.[2472] Br Felix Muscat and Nazzareno Attard said the same thing as Pace as regards their clothing at St Joseph’s, Malta: it was poor, not varied and of a very coarse material.[2473] They even mentioned a form of discrimination as regards the footwear: when inside, there were boys who did have shoes, while there were others who did not have any.[2474] But then the same Muscat and Attard also said that although they still depended on what the people gave them, [2475] as time went on the situation at St Joseph’s, Malta, improved.[2476] St Joseph’s, Gozo, seemed to be a bit better. Michael Ciangura, Philip Gatt and Peter Camilleri, three old boys of the Institute were quite satisfied with the clothing at the Orphnage. [2477] There was mention of clean and smart [2478] uniforms. [2479] And unlike the case of St Joseph’s, Malta, all boys in the Gozo Institute had sandals or shoes. [2480] And this was a time of scarsity! [2481] Mother Pauline Cilia, a superior at Fra Diegu, had this to say about foorwear, “At that time the girls were barefoot. So that they would not feel humiliated the Director asked a shoemaker to come to the Institute and make a pair of shoes for each of them.”[2482]

Reference has just been made to the letter written by Canon Michael Sammut, of the B’Kara Oratory, to the Governor of Malta, Field Marshal, Lord Methuen.[2483] In it Sammut mentioned the hundreds of boys who attended this place and who were so badly clothed. He also asked the Governor to give to the Oratory the “… waste pieces of old Military Uniforms which were probably at the moment being destroyed[2484] so that “…the lady benefactors would turn them into articles of clothing for our children…”[2485] Again, it seems that during De Piro’s directorship there has never occurred such a need. At least the witnesses in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God and the members of his Society who lived at the Oratory never mentioned that the Director had ever himself given or worked that someone else would give any clothes to the boys of the Oratory. Without doubt, De Piro, who had given his own money,[2486] and his own clothes[2487] to those who needed them, would not have hesitated to help the children who attended the Oratory if the need existed.

What Michael Vella Haber said for food in the Society of De Piro he also meant for clothing; for the same reason mentioned above regarding food, there were times when the clothing of the members was not that sufficient.[2488] On the other hand Frs Louis Gatt, and Joseph Caruana, and Mr Paul Xuereb, three of the first members of the Society, were quite satisfied.[2489]

In the Original Constitutions the Founder wrote this in relation to the local treasurer, “In tutte le comunità oltre all’Economo, il quale sotto la dipendenza del superiore deve provvedere i Missionari di tutto l’occorrente, vi sarà anche un custode delle vesti[2490]

The fact that in the Original Constitutions of the Society the Founder has included a separate section about the wardrobe keeper[2491] indicates in itself that Monsignor was quite attentive about this aspect of the life of the members. Then such an article as the one below shows this a lot more, “Sarà sollecito che si facciano le richieste rammendature tanto nelle vesti; siano esse di casa, perchè i Missionari appaiono all’esterno con quella decenza propria del nostro stato; come pure nella biancherià perchè la stessa non abbia a deteriorare per trascuraggine.[2492]

The Founder even included a whole section about the habit of the Society.[2493] Here the emphasis is on simplicity. The same was the case when dealing with the hairstyle and the individual’s outward appearance.[2494]

In the Conferences to the 1929-1930 Brother novices[2495] there is almost the same material as in the Constitutions.

In the article “The Missionary Laboratory”[2496] mentioned above, Monsignor showed quite clearly that the ladies of this Laboratory rightly expressed their love to the ad gentes people even through their preparing clothes for them. And he presented himself as one who sent the clothes together with the other members of the Laboratory group:

The name itself, laboratory, shows everybody what those Ladies who take part in it must do. They meet every so many days. Everyone says what one managed to perform since they last met. Meanwhile everybody works assiduously: some take up the scissors to model clothes, others will be ready to baste, others set the sewing machines in order. For two or three hours they just work and work and think of the children at the missions for whom they sew … And when it is time to pack up, everybody sees what each can take at home so that next time, each one of them would bring some finished article. Through what is sewn and through clothes donated, clothes are collected and we think of preparing a box to send it to the Missionaries of Sofi where, as you know, a Maltese Mission is being formed … It is difficult to satisfy your curiosity and tell you the whole contents of this box. We ourselves do not remember everything. There were clothes sewn for children …[2497]

- Hygiene

Sr Scholastica Pace was rather satisfied with the hygiene at the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun; it was fairly good. [2498] Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit testified that at St Joseph’s, Malta, hygiene was lacking before De Piro took over,[2499] but he also said that he could notice great strides forward in cleanliness after the Servant of God became Director.[2500] To the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, Michael Ciangura said that at the Gozo Institute the boys had all the facilities to keep clean. [2501]

In the original Constitutions of our Society there is no specific section about hygiene, but here and there the Founder indicated that this was another aspect very central for him as regards the members of his Society. The Servant of God referred to the hygiene in the community when referring to the foodstore, “Curi il dispensiere di tenere ben pulita la dispensa, non solo ma anche tutte le cose che in essa vengono conservate. Tenga perciò per ogni cosa un posto perchè non vi sia miscela di cibi e bevande e possa cosi’ somministrare sempre ogni cibo ed ogni bevanda nel suo stato genuino e naturale.”[2502]

The same he did when presenting the section about the refectory keeper:

Curi il Refettoriere di tenere il refettorio e tutto ciò che ha attinenza collo stesso in uno stato di grande nettezza.

Ogni settimana farà cambiare i tovaglioli e le tovaglie, ove sono in uso. Riceverà  contata tutta la biancheria ad uso del refettorio e cosi’ anche la restituerà.

Abbia cura che non manchino in refettorio i bicchieri, le tazze, le posate e tutt’altre cose necessarie, e che tutto sia mantenuto nella massima pulitezza. Perciò il recipiente ove vengono lavati i bicchieri sia distinto da quello over vengono lavate le tazze ed osservi la stessa distinzione per i relativi asciugatoi.[2503]

 

Regarding the cook’s attention for cleanliness, the Sevant of God was quite detailed:

In tutto ciò che appartiene al suo ufficio procuri il cuoco, una grande nettezza. Cosi’ ad esempio non tocchi le vivande colle mani ma si serva di strumenti appositi, per lavare e preparare la verdura abbia un recipiente custodito unicamente per quest’operanzione, e per asciugare i piatti tenga sempre una tela unicamente a ciò destinata.[2504]

 

Among the conferences the Servant of God gave to the 1929-1930 novices there were one about the steward[2505]and two about the refectory and the member in charge of this place.[2506] In all De Piro emphasised the need of cleanliness.

                   - Physical health and care of the sick

According to Brs Felix Muscat and Venanz Galea, the Director of St Joseph’s, Malta, was very attentive on the boys’ physical health. Sr Scholastica Pace said the same thing ar regards the girls of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute in Zejtun.[2507] Muscat and Galea added that the Director went as far as providing himself olive oil for the St Joseph’s boys because he was convinced that this helped a lot the children grow strong.[2508] Then, when the boys got sick De Piro was always kind with them. [2509] Although he was very busy he paid personal attention to those who fell sick; he used to go himself to their sickbed and talk to them while seeing to their needs. [2510] This De Piro did not only with the children in Malta. Loreto Rapa testified that the Director visited personally even the boys of the Gozo Institute.[2511] This was obviously of great encouragement to the sick poor boys.[2512] In the case of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute Monsignor encouraged Mother Superior to send a nun to train as a nurse.[2513]

“Whenever there was a sick seminarian he visited him frequently in his room,” testified Fr Loreto Zammit, a priest who was a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship.[2514]

If the members of the Society of St Paul depended on their Founder for their food, clothing and hygiene, they did the same as regards their physical health.[2515] When it came to the sick members of the community De Piro, mentioned several exceptions in the Constitutions of the Society. When dealing with the food storekeeper the Servant of God insisted that when distributing food to the members of the community, the former must not be preferential with anyone, except when it comes to the sick members, “tenga però conto speciale per gli infermi e convalescenti come gli verrà prescritto.”[2516]

In the section about the refectory keeper, “Curi il refettoriere di trattare tutti colla stessa eguaglianza e carità; con distinzione dei casi di malattia e necessità dei quali sarà dal Superiore avvisato, e senza il permesso del medesimo non arbitri di concedere niente ad alcuno.”[2517] A little while after the Founder also put down, “Ad eccezione dell’infermiere, il cuoco senza permesso del Padre Superiore non permetta ad alcuno di cucinare o preparare alcunchè di particolare per se’ o per altri.”[2518]

The Founder wanted to give so much importance to the sick members of his Society that in the Constitutions he wrote a whole section about the nurse supposed to be in each community.[2519] Then in this section certain articles are stronger and more sensitive than the others, “Sebbene per la carità che costituisce il vincolo e la forza della Compagnia tutti devono essere preparati di darsi al servizio dei loro fratelli infermi, purtuttavia il Superiore nominerà uno o due all’ufficio di infermiere; ai quali viene affidata speciale cura degli infermi.[2520] And also, “Allorchè l’ammalato entra nello stato di convalescenza, sarà anche ufficio dell’infermiere di procurargli del sollievo o con qualche lettura gioconda o con conversazione moderata e lieta che giovi anche allo spirito.[2521]

The Servant of God then presented in the Constitutions a whole section about the sick members themselves.[2522] The section is rather exhortative. As in other parts of the Constitutions the Founder emphasised that the superior be informed about each step taken in favour of the infirm. But De Piro also told the local superior, “Il Superiore poi invigili alla cura temporale e spirituale dell’infermo, lo visiti ogni giorno e procuri che sia trattato con carità e provveduto di tutto l’occorrente tanto per l’anima che per il corpo.”[2523]

To all the members, the Servant of God said this:

Chi è sano non dimentichi che gli infermi sono gli eletti del Signore e che attirano sulla casa le celesti benedizioni; quindi preghi per loro e secondo la licenza che ne avrà li visiti con molta carità e devozione, ricordandosi che il sollievo che loro recherà con buone ed edificanti parole e coll’aiuto che gli sarà permesso di prestar loro, Nostro Signore lo riputerà recato a se stesso.[2524]

 

As in the above paragraph, the Founder exhorted the members to continuously accompany the sick person especially during the last moments of his life.[2525]  He even reminded the members to administer the sacrament of the anointing of the sick to their invalid companion.[2526]

To the 1929-1930 novices he delivered three conferences about the care of the sick.[2527]  Their content is almost the same as that of the Constitutions.

If De Piro considered it most important that the Maltese send food to the missionaries so that these could sustain themselves and the people with whom they were working, the Maltese were expected to do the same thing regarding medicines and first aid items:

… cotton and many types of medicine. They write that these things used for medications are very necessary because now this Mission has the fame throughout the country that it is qualified to medicate. Many are the sick people who visit it to get cured. It is not difficult to understand that cotton, cotton-gauze, and disinfectants, together with other medicines which they ask for, are very necessary.[2528]

 

To this quotation there can be added the article about the infirmary of Br Joseph Caruana.[2529] Through this material the Servant of God emphasised the missionary’s need to take care of the physical aspect of the ad gentes people.

                   - Housing

If for De Piro food, clothing, hygene, and physical health were among the ingredients of a balanced growth of the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, the same could be said for the provision of good housing. Br Felix Muscat indicated that the Director wished to enlarge the building of St Joseph’s, Malta.[2530] In 1925 De Piro had many responsibilities on his shoulders. In spite of this heavy load, the Director of Jesus of Nazareth Institute started the building of a new home for the girls of that Orphanage.[2531] In Gozo he wished to do something similar. The house chosen by the parishpriests for the new charitable Institute was not that adequate. Although the Servant of God initiated St Joseph’s Home in that old building, but immediately after the inauguration he started working to acquire land for the building of a new Orphanage.[2532] 

It was also the Founder who saw to it that the members of his Society would have an adequate house where to live.[2533] According to the Founder himself the first house was not suitable anymore for the Society.[2534] Michael Vella Haber was accepted into the Society on 29 September 1929. He commented that the second house (and perhaps even the third one) the Society had in Mdina, was again not good at all.[2535] On the other hand Frs Louis Gatt, and Joseph Caruana, and Mr Paul Xuereb, three of the first members of the Society again disagreed with Vella Haber and said that the lodging was quite good.[2536] Still, De Piro worked a lot so that the members would have a bigger and better house. The foundation stone of this building was blessed by the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, on 3 October 1932.[2537] St Agatha’s Motherhouse was then inaugurated on 30 June 1933.[2538]

                   - Financial and other material assistance

The Director continued following the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes even after they left the Homes. More than once he helped financially those who left St Joseph’s, Malta.[2539] In the name of the old girls of Fra Diegu Institute, the Servant of God made several petitions to the Archbishop of Malta in order to get for them the money of legacies from the Curia.[2540]

The above mentioned elements presented in relation to the charity practiced by the Servant of God towards the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes already indicate quite clearly that De Piro’s love for the orphans was holistic. But exactly because De Piro’s approach towards these boys and girls was so, he did not stop on these poor children and youths. Rather, he gave a helping hand even to the families of these same orphans. Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu, was quite explicit about this, “The parents of children at the Institue also benefited from his generosity … he gave financial aid to those families who needed it.”[2541] Mother Pacifica Xuereb said almost the same thing, “He was a man of great charity… For example, some of the children’s mothers used to come and visit them; he used to give them some money he himself was going to spend.[2542] Not to mention the various entries in the Petty Cash Book “Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932”. In this ledger the Servant of God registered, amongst others, the various donations he made to the families of the boys who were at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2543]

De Piro showed the same attitude towards the families of the dead or wounded of the Sette Giugno riots. He was in fact chosen as the cashier of the Committee “Pro Maltesi Morti o Feriti il 7 o 8 Giugno 1919”.[2544] The Committee was quite busy. In all it met 52 times up to January 1926.[2545]

De Piro was not interested only in the work the employees did at St Joseph’s Institute. In these men the Director saw more than the workers. For him these were human beings. He was sensitive enough to notice their needs. He was also courageous enough to take some money from the Institute, a money he so much needed for the boys and the building extensions of the Orphanage, and give that money to the employees or their families. According to George Wilson, a bookbinder at St Joseph’s Home, the Director used to pay the workers himself so that he could give some extra money to those who needed it, without anyone else knowing it.[2546]

The Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina had already done a lot when in his report about the Seminary scholastic year 1919-1920 he referred to the employees and said that their service was quite satisfactory. Yet, this was not enough for him. As in the case of St Joseph’s Home, the Seminary employees were for De Piro more than workmen from whom he got a service. They were human beings with personal needs and men on whom most probably depended wives and children. Therefore, although that was a time when he was more than busy with Fra Diegu Institute, the Cathedral Monsignorate, the foundation of the Society, his membership in the National Assembly, the just finished tragic events of the Sette Giugno 1919, and many other minor responsibilities, in the Rector’s report for the scholastic year 1919-1920, he showed that he was sensitive enough to notice that the salary of the employees was “…insufficiente all’attuale stato di cose”.[2547] Also, in the same report the Servant of God was courageous enough to ask the Archbishop to increase these wages.[2548]

In the file “Mgr Joseph De Piro: Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri” we find that the Servant of God had instructed this member of his Society to give £0.10.00 a month “to the widow of …” who had been working at St Joseph’s Home, Malta.[2549] Pension was also given to the wife of the worker who had probably died while still at work at the same Institute.[2550]

From some of the witnesses who testified in front of the Ecclesiastical Tribunal of the Diocesan Process in the Cause of Canonisation of Joseph De Piro, we know that Monsignor had no limits as to whom to help with his charity; people met him in the streets and were sure that the Servant of God would help them.  The ex Vicar General of the Archdiocese of Malta, Mgr Carmelo Xuereb, presented himself as witness of De Piro’s charity to a man who was begging in the streets of Valletta.[2551] Fr John Vella, the first priest of De Piro’s Society, witnessed to the Founder’s sadness when a poor man came to the Gudia Parishpiest’s House, where De Piro was acting parishpriest for a short while,[2552] and Br Joseph Caruana, who acompanied the Founder, sent him away without giving him anything. De Piro was so much saddened that he ordered Caruana to call back the beggar and give him what he asked for.[2553]  George Wilson, another witness in the Diocesan Process, testified that the Servant of God helped both individuals and families.[2554] Camillo Aquilina, a member of the Society in De Piro’s times, Madre Pacifica Xuereb, a superior at Fra Diegu Institute at the time of the Servant of God, and John Buhagiar, an employee at St Joseph’s, Malta, corroborated Wilson’s testimony.[2555] The long list of names of persons who sought the Director’s help by knocking at the door of St Joseph’s Home is again a proof of the all inclusive charity of De Piro.[2556]

In the Constitutions of his Society the Founder urged the storekeeper to think of the poor when storing back the food, “Memore della povertà sia diligente nel raccogliere tutto ciò che possa avanzare dalla mensa, perchè possa servire per altri usi domestici od anche pei poveri secondo l’ordine che avrà ricevuto dal Padre Superiore.”[2557]

The Servant of God considered the Maltese in general as a people who could enjoy a greater justice especially at the place of work[2558] and a people who could have a less expensive daily living.[2559] Especially during the three days of the Sette Giugno 1919 Monsignor treated the Maltese as those who were not interested in creating riots, but those who only wanted to fight for the above mentioned basic rights.[2560] On his part De Piro forgot all his other duties, Fra Diegu Institute, his Society, the Monsignorate, and the many other responsibilities he had, and spent three whole days running from one place to another trying to help his conationals acquire what was theirs by right.[2561]

                   - Recreation

Carmena Mallia had this to say about De Piro’s promotion of recreation at Fra Diegu Institute, “He was fully aware of the value of recreation and made sure that we had our share of it …”[2562] Sisters Maria Pia Caruana and Scholasitca Pace confirmed that even at the Jesus of Nazareth Institute the girls could enjoy recreation.[2563] Nazzareno Attard reported that at St Joseph’s, Malta, the boys had daily recreation.[2564] This was encouraged for the proper use of the free time of the boys.[2565] Michael Cinagura said that at St Joseph’s, Gozo, there was the daily recreation, after lunch, in the yard,[2566] and there was another one in the afternoon, after 5.00.[2567] Mallia continued saying that at Fra Diegu recreation consisted of: stage acting,[2568] outings,[2569] games, [2570] and the Christmas Tree.[2571] Sr Pace said that at her Institute acting on the stage and dancing were not allowed.[2572] At St Joseph’s, Malta there were theatricals,[2573] indoor games,[2574] football,[2575] and filmshows.[2576] Also, according to Attard, the Institute’s calendar demonstrated the centrality of this aspect in the Home’s life: New Year’s day, carnival, Easter, summer swimming, 1 May, St Martin’s Day, and Christmas.[2577] The one who had said that food and clothing at St Joseph’s, Malta, were bad, also said that these festivities were celebrated regularly.[2578] In the Gozo Institute the boys had swimming in summer, and De Piro used to accompany them.[2579] Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit testified that the Servant of God knew how to recreate the children. [2580]

Recreation was a very important aspect in the life of the Oratory at B’Kara. The construction of the playground in the very centre of the whole complex already showed the centrality of games and sports in the life of the Center. Before the catechism class, each weekday and on Sundays, the boys and youths had one whole hour of games.[2581] Next to the playground in importance there was the theatre hall where every Sunday afternoon the boys and youths gathered together to watch some play acted on by the local dramatic company, St Genesius.[2582] In this hall the members of De Piro’s Society even held filmshows. In fact in the Acts of the Society’s Council session of 23 April 1932, one can still find that Fr Michael Callus, the priest in charge of the Oratory at the time, asked the Society to lend him £32.00.00 for the purchase of a cinematographic projector for the Oratory.[2583] Although under a certain condition, the permission for the loan was granted.[2584] This was still the time when the Society completely depended financially on the Founder. It was also the time when the Servant of God was preparing to start the building of the main House of his Society, St Agatha’s.[2585]

In his report about the 1919-1920 seminary scholastic year, Monsignor presented the extraordinary common recreations and the walks in the countryside as a help towards the creation of more discipline among the seminarians.[2586] According to the Rector these activities could help the clerics be happy and jovial. They also helped them be more filial to the superiors and the superiors less autoritative towards the seminarians.[2587] Here the Servant of God even suggested some subsidy from the side of the Seminary in favour of such activities.[2588]

Frs Joseph Caruana and Louis Gatt and Mr Paul Xuereb all agreed that the aspirants of the Society had each day their recreation both after lunch and in the evening.[2589]  They even had walks.[2590] According to Fr Augustine Grech, all the members in formation had their recreation each day.[2591] Br Venanz Galea referred to the daily recreation of the other members.[2592] Fr Gatt also said that during the Carnival days the Servant of God took the members to St Joseph’s, Malta, for filmshows.[2593] Galea also testified that the members had their summer holidays.[2594] The members went to Marsaxlokk, a seaside resort.[2595] According to the Acts of the Council of the Society the members also went to a place called Cavallerizza, again a place near the sea;[2596]  Testimonies mentioned Qrendi, where the De Piro family had one of its summer houses[2597] The Founder also hired a house in Gozo next to St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo.[2598]

In the Constitutions, the Servant of God included a whole section about this aspect of the members’ life.[2599] The Founder was quite clear about the scope of recreation, “La ricreazione comune dopo il pranzo e dopo la cena è ordinata non meno al sollievo del corpo e dello spirito, che a fomento di mutua carità ed all’esercizio di molte virtù.[2600]

De Piro insisted that during recreation time the presence of all the members had to be an active one, “In tempo di recreazione niuno si mostri muto e taciturno, anzi procuri per quanto gli possibile è di concorrere alla comune letizia e sollievo…”[2601]

And he continued referring to the behaviour of members:

… evitando il ridicolo intorno ai compagni, alla regola ed alle cose sacre; ed anche tutti quei difetti, che sono contrarii al contegno religioso, non solo, ma anche all’urbanità e convenienza. Perciò ciascuno si guardi dai modi secolareschi e da quei tratti troppo confidenziali e liberi, che non convengono alla gravità e modestia religiosa.

Ognuno cerchi di evitare i contrasti, se però in alcuna cosa vi fosse diversità di parere e sembrasse bene ad alcuno di doverla manifestare, cerchi di proporre le ragioni con modestia e carità, e solo con animo, che la verità abbia il luogo, e non per parere in ciò superiore agli altri.

Ciascuno ancora si guardi di non dare mai segno di impazienza o di superbia, con poca buona edificazione degli altri.[2602]

 

In his conferences to the Brother novices, one finds three about recreation.[2603] They have similar material to that of the Costitutions. It is important to note the holistic conceptions, “Recreation must provide corporal and spiritual relief.”[2604] A little while after he added that, “The Rule tells us that afternoon recreation, that is, recreation after lunch and after supper should uplift us spiritually as much as it does temporarily.”[2605]

                   - The spiritual aspect (that which had to do with the human character)

                   - Appreciation for service rendered

Mgr De Piro was quite conscious of another fundamental need of the human being: every human being wants that his/her services be recognised, so much so that they are appreciated; that an individual who has received something from someone has to be grateful to that someone. The Servant of God did not take for granted the service rendered by the Franciscan Sisters at the Mayor Seminary. Again in his report mentioned above he appreciated the work done by them and the sacrifices they had to undertake in order to do this.[2606]

                   - A listening ear … and more than that

There were times when the families of the boys and girls of the Institutes did not need any financial support, but only someone with whom they could share their troubles and pour their broken hearts. Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu Institute, testified that during the years she was at the Institute there were times when the Director used to visit the girls’ families and saw to their needs, even when they were not financial.[2607]

On the 25 anniversary of his direction of Fra Diegu Home, De Piro invited all the old girls of the Institute for a reception. On that day he pleaded to the old girls to seek his help when they needed it.[2608] The foundation of the Sacred Heart Laboratory or Workshop was another proof of this extended love of the Servant of God for the Institutes’ old girls.[2609] As was Monsignor’s intervention in the Third Maltese Parliament on 21 February 1933,[2610] and his including of the old boys and girls of the Institutes in his will.[2611]

                   - The need of self government

De Piro could have considered the Maltese only as people who attended Church services; or only as those who gave charity to the ecclesiastical charitable institutes; or only as the ones who gave donations to the missions; or only as those from whom there could come out vocations for the Maltese migrants and the ad gentes missions. If one were to have even a quick look at the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” one would immediately find out that the Servant of God did consider the Maltese like this.[2612] But he also looked at the Maltese as a people who could have the government of their own country more in their hands. He would not have accepted to participate in the National assembly of Sir Filippo Sceberras had he not conceived the Maltese in this way. [2613]

It has already been said that in 1918 Mgr Joseph De Piro was nominated as one of the four Canons to represent the members of the Cathedral Chapter and the Maltese clergy in the National Assembly that was going to be set up in order to prepare a draft constitution for Malta.[2614] In the second meeting of the National Assembly it was decided that a Central Commission, made up of only fifteen members of the Assembly, be set up in order to prepare the draft of the constitution.[2615] Again, the Servant of God was asked to make part of this Commission.[2616] In spite of his many already existing duties De Piro accepted being member both in the National Assembly and in the Central Commission.[2617] He accepted again, and together with the other members of the National Assembly and the Central Commission gave his share so that Malta could have in the end its bicameral parliament: the Senate and the Legislative Assembly.[2618]

                   - Schooling

At Fra Diegu Institute the academic aspect of the girls was already organised when the Servant of God took over in 1907.[2619] It was not the same at the Jesus of Nazareth Orphanage. Here schooling was very poor in the beginning. [2620] As time went on it was improved.[2621] At St Joseph’s, Malta, the situation was still better. According to Dr Cachia Zammit De Piro, “… gave a great incentive to education.” [2622] In fact there were four classes at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2623] The first two were for those boys who had not yet started the trades.[2624] These had lessons both in the morning and in the afternoon.[2625] The boys of the third class had trades in the morning while in the afternoon they had the lessons.[2626] The boys of the fourth class had trades both in the morning and in the afternoon, while in the evening they attended lessons. [2627] In the speech De Piro delivered to the Governor General on the day of Inauguration of the Institute, St Joseph’s, Gozo was expected to provide “An elementary literary instruction.”[2628]

At St Joseph’s, Malta, the boys were taught Arithmatic, English, Italian and Maltese.[2629] The boys in Gozo lacked Italian.[2630] Both in Malta[2631] and in Gozo[2632] classes were held in the Institute itself. The teachers of St Joseph’s, Malta, came from outside the Institute.[2633] In Gozo Fr Michael Callus taught during the day,[2634] while a layman taught in the evening.[2635] In all the Institutes schooling was compulsory while outside the Institute it was not. [2636]

As regards Fra Diegu Institute, Carmena Mallia said that the Director showed a lot of interest in the academic aspect of the girls’ formation. He supervised the classes[2637] and gave individual attention to the girls during their study.[2638] At St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God did the same thing. He used to visit the classes personally.[2639] This happened especially after the Brothers De La Salle left the Institute. When there were still the Brothers it was they who cared for the academic aspect of the boys.[2640] When the Brothers left, De Piro himself took care of this aspect.[2641]

 According to Nazzareno Attard, some boys were given the possibility to continue further studies, “… I know of some who went on with their studies.” [2642]

In order to motivate the children of the Institutes the Servant of God organised a yearly prizeday.[2643] Prizes were given not only for progress but also for the conduct of all the children of the Institutes.[2644] On the prize day the children of the Institutes were involved in various activities. [2645] The Director invited distinguished guests and others for the prize day.[2646]

Obviously the report for the 1919-1920 seminary scholastic year would not have been holistic had the Rector omitted the academic aspect from it. He presented a list of the lecturers.[2647] The Servant of God put in writing his appreciation towards the progress done in relation to the teaching staff after the institution of the Prefect of Studies.[2648] According to Monsignor the attendance of the lecturers was satisfactory.[2649] The seminarians got good results.[2650] To motivate the seminarians for more study, De Piro suggested to the Archbishop the exemption from the Curia exams for those who fared well in the annual exams.[2651] Monsignor also insisted on the need of textbooks[2652] and notes on the part of the lecturers.[2653]

De Piro’s holistic attitude towards the seminarians made him say a word about at least several of the subjects taught at the seminary. For example, while he was all praise for the dogmatic theology course he did not say the same thing for the moral theology classes.[2654] There was still the lack of lecturers of ascetic theology and Gregorian chant.[2655]

Again, his holistic perspective even made the Rector suggest, in the Report, the introduction of a new subject in the Seminary curriculum: because it was the time of the drafting of a new constitution for Malta and the setting up of various Catholic social clubs in several Maltese towns and villages, De Piro proposed the introduction of lessons in christian sociology.[2656]

Even when it came to the academic aspect of the members of his Society, the Servant of God was very interested .[2657] And this even as regards the members who had not yet joined the Society.[2658]  For this dimension the Founder saw to it that the members would have ample time in their timetable.[2659] As regards the secondary education of the members the Founder asked the help of the Jesuit Fathers.[2660] For the literary formation of the students De Piro sent the members to the Augustinian Fathers.[2661] He did the same for philosophy and theology.[2662] He himself was very attentive about this aspect of the members’ life, so much so that he often discussed with them some topic or other which they were studying.[2663]

The words of Mgr Antonio Buhagiar said to Fr Louis Aloisio testify to the fact that De Piro considered the academic aspect as very important, even to those members who abandoned the Society.[2664]

                   - Trades and crafts

Fra Diegu was an Institute for girls and therefore the Servant of God saw to it that cooking, sewing, dressmaking, embroidery, lacemaking and other subjects appealing to the girls were taught there. [2665] The same thing happened at the Jesus of Nazareth Institute. In this Home the girls were taught the handcrafts usually learnt by girls.[2666] It was different at St Joseph’s, Malta. This Institute catered for boys and therefore the Director provided typography, printing, bookbinding, and other trades connected with the printing industry.[2667] There were also carpentery, tailoring and shoemaking. [2668] De Piro felt the need to add also the electrician trade.[2669] Being the one who opened the St Joseph’s, Gozo, it was he who introduced the teaching of trades there.[2670] And when the Director inroduced the teaching of trades in the Institute he could also be said to have been the first one on the whole Island to introduce this teaching; in Gozo, trade schools were completely inexistant.[2671] With the exception of the printing trades the subjects taught at St Joseph’s, Malta, were taught at the Gozo Home.[2672] Anyone in Gozo interested to further his training was even invited to go to Malta at St Joseph’s, Santa Venera.[2673]

The above is already a proof of De Piro’s interest in the teaching of trades to the Institutes’ boys and girls. But Carmena Mallia emphasised that at Fra Diegu, the Director’s interest was even personal; [2674] he himself made daily inspections of the workshops.[2675] Sr Scholastica Pace testified to the Director’s personal interest in gold embroidery; he himself taught the girls how to appreciate it.[2676] Not only this; Mallia also said that Monsignor made others love the girls’ work. And she mentioned such people as the other members of the De Piro family and Lord Gerard Strickland. [2677] At Fra Diegu Monsignor even gave prizes to encourage the girls. [2678]

While Sr Scholastica Pace testified that it was laywomen who taught crafts at the Jesus of Nazareth Institute,[2679] Nazzareno Attard mentioned the laymen as the trades instructors at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2680] Attard added that these instructors were not volunteers; the Director paid them money. [2681]

In his speech to the Governor General on the occasion of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Director explicated the aim of the Home, “… helped the boys find work, earn their living and occupy with honour a place in society.”[2682] Loreto Rapa said almost the same thing as regards the teaching of trades at the Institute.[2683]

When it came to the members of his Society, De Piro wanted that these would give their share in the running of the house. He thought them cookery, how to preserve food, etc.[2684] The novices had an hour daily for manual work. He even brought an instructors from St Joseph’s, Malta, to teach the novices the trades.[2685] He even sent the Brothers to St Joseph’s, Malta, to learn a trade there.[2686]

                   - The music band

At St Joseph’s, Malta, the music band existed before De Piro took over,[2687] but after coming to the Institute he encouraged it a lot.[2688] It was not the same with St Joseph’s, Gozo. Here it was Monsignor who started the band. He personally bought the instruments and took them himself bit by bit to the Institute.[2689] Both in Malta and in Gozo the boys were free to join the bands,[2690] but in order to be accepted the boys had to show some interest.[2691] Teaching was assiduous and was taken seriously. [2692] In Malta they had the best bandmasters of the time:[2693] Anton Muscat Azzopardi and [2694] Joseph Abela Scolaro.[2695] The same was the case at the Gozo Home; a lay professional bandmaster taught the boys to play.[2696] Boys also taught each other.[2697] There were some 34 boys: some lived at the Institute and some were old boys.[2698]

Those who joined were encouraged to stay by being offered some incentives:[2699] some pocket money;[2700] on the Institute’s feast day they were offered some more money than the other boys;[2701] they visited villages and towns;[2702] and had a distinctive mark on the uniform.[2703]

The band played in places other than St Joseph’s, Malta:[2704] at the Oratory, B’Kara; [2705]at St Agatha’s, Rabat, on the day of the foundation stone;[2706] at St Joseph’s, Gozo;[2707] and in various feasts of Maltese villages and towns.[2708] Even the Gozo band played in public.[2709]

                   - A good management

A good management of an entity is of great help for the progress of the entity itself, but when the central element of that entity is the human being even the latter benefits a lot from the management. A good management helps the human beings which compose that entity to be more organised, more calm; they are helped to know more where they are heading to. Mother Pauline Cilia, Fra Diegu’s superior, said that, “It was he who introduced the registers in the Institute. He put in them whatever had to do with the girls: when they entered the Institute, when they left, their first holy communion, their confirmation, etc. He was exact in everything so much so that when he died everything was in order.”[2710]

Reference has already been made to two assessments made by Mr Alphonse Maria Galea on behalf of the Archbishop’s Curia, regarding Fra Diegu Institute. In both of them Galea emphasised De Piro’s exactness in his adminstration.[2711] When Dr Cachia Zammit was testifying to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal he said that De Piro, “… succeeded in bringing back good administration to the Institute… He separated the boys into different rooms according to age. He ameliorated those things that were good… I myself could notice, in general terms, that great progress was made.”[2712]

As regards to the good administration of St Joseph’s, Malta, one can also refer to the various “distributions of work” still found in the file “Mons Guzeppi De Piro Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta)”. Here each one of the members of the religious staff, and therefore including the members of De Piro’s Society, knew what they were expected to do.[2713] Then the Director also put down what was expected of the prefects of the different groups of the Institute’s boys:

1.             Che tutti i maestri di scuola, e capi d’arte stiano al loro dovere.

2.             Che tutti i ragazzi stiano al loro posto, giusta’ l’orario, ed impedire assolutamente il girovagare.

3.             Adocchiare di giorno in quando la porteria, la Capella, ed i ragazzi avanti per la ‘Buona Morte’ quando vi siano.

4.             Prestate attenzione, ad essere pronti alle chiamate che avrà dalla porteria.

5.             Attenzione allle due porte .... cioè quella del Laboratorio e della reicreazione dei piccoli.[2714]

 

In his report, re: the Seminary scholastic year 1919-1920, the Servant of God wrote about the necessity of the existence of the organic statutes in order to lead the Seminary well. Because of the lack of these, seminary life was very unsettled, “l’introduzione infatti di continue nuove disposizioni restrittive introdotte in questo seminario da circa un decennio a questa parte ha fatto i giovani tanto nervosi da rendere assai difficile il loro maneggio …[2715]

The files related to Jesus of Nazareth, St Joseph’s, Gozo, and the Oratory, prove Monsignor’s good adminstration of these entities.[2716] Not to mention the many files related to the Society he founded. All these documents were not only well preserved, but all of them were properly classified according to their contents.[2717]

Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit testified at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal and said that De Piro wanted, “To bring back discipline…”[2718]at St Joseph’s Institute. Srs Giakkina Vella and Eletta Sant spoke of the Director of Fra Diegu Institute as, “… a firm administrator…”[2719]

                   - Discipline and corrections

Cachia Zammit also indicated that the Servant of God was a disciplinarian by first creating an environment for this: De Piro divided the boys according to the age groups;[2720] he improved those things that were good;[2721] and he gave a lot of importance to the education of the boys.[2722]   This in relation to St Joseph’s, Malta. Mother Cleophas Bondin said that De Piro never shouted at the girls of Fra Diegu Institute.[2723] On the opposite, he was always kind with them.[2724] Sr Assunta Galea and Mother Pacifica Xuereb, both of them from Fra Diegu, said the same thing.[2725] Sr Pia Caruana corroborated this in relation to the Jesus of Nazareth Institute.[2726] According to Xuereb even when he talked to all the girls together, the Director never used any harsh words.[2727]

But the Director was not satisfied with this; he even wished the Sisters to behave in the same way. According to Mother Xuereb, Monsignor also exhorted the nuns not to recur to shouting in order to discipline the girls.[2728] Srs Assunta and Pacifica also said that the Servant of God never gave the girls any punishment, and when the nuns punished them he did his best to save them from that same punishment.[2729] Nazzareno Attard said the same thing in relation to De Piro’s direction of St Joseph’s, Malta.[2730] Instead of shouting and punishments De Piro suggested to the Fra Diegu nuns other remedies for discipline: to be kind with the girls; keep them happy; be patient with them, and persevere; never letting them idle; and never letting them alone, but always under supervision.[2731] He even told the Sisters to remember that what they were doing with the girls was being done to Jesus himself.[2732]  With the girls, then, he always insisted that they promised not to repeat the mistake, but work for impovement.[2733] Also, while correcting the girls, he tried to suggest to them some better way how to do their duties.[2734] Whatever he could give them he gave them. He always wanted to satisfy them.[2735]

According to De Piro a superior cannot expect that there be discipline in the entity he is responsible for, if he has not created the environment for it before. In his report about the Seminary scholastic year 1919-1920, the Servant of God noted that the seminarians were not that disciplined. At the same time he tried to show that there were various factors that were making the clerics uncontrollable: (a) the non existence of organic statutes, the lack of which has led to the creation of new restrictive dispositions;[2736] (b) the evening meal that was becoming poorer and poorer;[2737] (c) certain innovations regarding the division of points of the annual examinations;[2738] and (d) the revolutionary trend that existed even in Malta at that time.[2739] Monsignor wrote that discipline could be helped by extraordinary common recreations and walks in the countryside.[2740] These activities could help the seminarians be happy and jovial. These activities could also help the seminarians be more filial to the superiors and the superiors less authoritative towards the seminarians.[2741] Here the Servant of God suggested some subsidy from the side of the Seminary in favour of such activities.[2742] Further on in his report, De Piro made reference to other aids which could strengthen the discipline of the seminarians: the choice of the prefects,[2743] and better reports from the side of the parishpriests as regards the behaviour of the seminarians during the summer holidays.[2744]

Fr Louis Gatt, was quite explicit about the Founder’s responsibility to correct the members of his Society, “He often cor­rected … He corrected always, and all members of the Society. His disci­pline was felt by all; novices, students and professed.”[2745] But the same Fr Louis was as much clear about what made the members obey the Founder, “… with prudence and charity. He was never angry. We were inspired with awe in his presence.”[2746]

The fact that the Founder was never angry was referred to by Fr John Vella, one of the first two members who joined De Piro’s Society.[2747]

Michael Vella Haber continued adding other credentials to the Founder. He was like a father to the members of his Society, [2748] so much so that they called him “Padre”.[2749] He cared for them a lot.[2750] He was a man of a big heart.[2751] He was very humane with them.[2752] He treated each one of them as mature persons.[2753] De Piro’s approach with the members was persuasive and not imposing.[2754] Fr John Vella’s words are quite clear about this, “… he always tried to make you understand what was wrong so that you would not make the mistake another time.”[2755] Obviously this was very encouraging to the members.[2756]

For the Founder the members made part of a community, but they were also individuals. As regards his relationship with the members, the Founder had talks with them together.[2757] But Monsignor also had individual conversations with them, even when they were still aspirants, [2758] or even before.[2759] For Fr Peter Paul Borda, an ex member of the Society, this was nothing but sound psychology.[2760]

Michael Vella Haber who had emphasised the personal contact for a while, also said then that the Founder did not talk to them a lot when they were at St Agatha’s.[2761] Fr Louis Gatt, who before had said that the Founder talked to the members even individaully, said at another time that De Piro did this only if asked by the individual. Here he even said that the Founder did not have time for individual contact.[2762]

In the original Constitutions, the Founder presented two types of discipline: self discipline and the discipline to be carried out by the superiors and those responsible for some aspect or other of the life of the Society or the communities. As regards self discipline, De Piro wrote the sections: “Del Distacco”,[2763] “Della Modestia”,[2764] Del Silenzio e della Puntualità”,[2765] “Fuga dell’Ozio”,[2766] “Penitenze Corporali”,[2767] and “Delle Visite e delle Lettere”.[2768] Related to the second type of discipline the Padre has all Fascicolo III of the Original Constitutions.

In the Conferences the Founder delivered to the 1929-1930 novices, the emphasis here is on self discipline. We have: four about detachment,[2769] five about silence,[2770] one about punctuality,[2771] nine about the avoidance of laziness,[2772] five about corporal penance,[2773] and five conferences about the refectory and how one must behave there.[2774] Almost all the material found in these conferences is a repetition of that found in the Original Constitutions.

                   - Relationship with family

Nazzareno Attard testified that the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta, could go to their families once a year.[2775] On the other hand the family could visit them at all times.[2776] It has already been noted that besides helping the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, De Piro was also charitable with the families of these same orphans.[2777] The same he did with the families of the dead and wounded of the Sette Giugno riots; he joined the Committee “Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919” and through it helped the families of the victims.[2778]

Fr Augustine Grech said that the Founder talked to them about detachment from their families,[2779] while Michael Vella Haber indicated the opposite.[2780] In fact the latter said that when De Piro went to Gozo there were times when De Piro took Michael with him.[2781]

                   - Relationship with other people outside the entity

The Rector was quite conscious that the seminarians, although to some extent separated from the people outside the Seminary, carried in them the trends of the society outside; they still made part of the Maltese people. Therefore if, according to De Piro, the revolutionary trend was entering Malta, it was being brought into the seminary by the seminarians and therefore they had to be prepared for the world outside.[2782]

                   - Preparation for life outside the ecclesiastical charitable institutes

At St Joseph’s, Malta, “Those who were willing had every opportunity … to leave as mature, responsible persons, capable of facing life”, said Nazzareno Attard to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal on 14 May 1990.[2783] In his speech to the Governor General on the day of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Director said these words:

The education they receive here will enable them, when grown up, they leave this place, to find work and earn their bread and occupy with honour a place in society; and ordinarily the good qualities they develop in them while here, will gain for them the sympathy of others, be they masters or equals, not only in these islands but also  far distant countries, where our people go in search of work and food.[2784]

 

Loreto Rapa, one of the first boys who were admitted at St Joseph’s, Gozo, proved De Piro as right, “When someone left the Institute, one had the required basis to open one’s own workshop and earn a living, as in fact many did.”[2785] Rapa also said that, “I feel that the Institute prepared us for life …”[2786]

                   - Vocation decision making

In his Diary, De Piro wrote that, “In sin dal mio primo anno di Collegio ho incominciato a vagheggiare l’idea di ritirarmi alla Casa di San Giuseppe del Hamrun[2787] Also, “Una delle ragioni che mi inducevano a stabilirmi alla Casa di San Giuseppe è stata la seguente: ‘Perchè un sentimento interno mi dice, che Iddio da questo Istituto voglia formare a Malta, una Congregazione di sacerdoti sotto il patrocinio di San Paolo, e così nel rendere stabile l’opera a Malta, si diffonda anche all’estero”.[2788] In fact Br Felix Muscat used to notice that the Founder seemed to wish that some boys from St Joseph’s, Malta, would join his Society.[2789] Loreto Rapa, from the Gozo Institute, said that the Director wanted to be near the boys of the institutes in order to get vocations from them.[2790] Michael Cinagura, another old boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, testified that De Piro tried several times to persuade him to join.[2791]

 The Founder went as far as organising vocational recruitment at the institutes. He entrusted the Brothers with the care of those boys who showed any interest. [2792] Then De Piro himself took care of those who wished to join. He called these to his room and talked to them.[2793] He invited them to go to the Society’s House in Mdina for meetings specifically organised for the prospectives.[2794] For these youths the Servant of God set up the Congregation of St Aloisius.[2795] A Brother was chosen to be in charge of the Congregation and he talked about the Society.[2796] Sometimes De Piro himself talked to the boys of this Congregation.[2797] Lastly, the Brother in charge chose some from among the youths and presented them to the Founder.[2798]

In spite of all this activity, Br Felix Muscat and Nazzareno Attard, another old boy of St Joseph’s, Malta, said that De Piro never pestered the boys with vocational propaganda.[2799] Michael Ciangura confirmed this last truth. De Piro had tried to persuade him to join the Society, so much so that the Servant of God sent him to the Oratory to become an aspirant. After a while Ciangura showed that he did not want to remain there. Monsignor did not force him to stay; he never exerted any pressure on him.[2800] On the contrary the Founder accepted Michael’s wish and sent him back to St Joseph’s, Malta, where he had been in order to continue learning his tailoring.[2801]

                   - The religious aspect (religious practices)

                   - Teaching of the catholic faith

De Piro preached about different topics: from the Word of God in the life of the human being, to the incarnation of the Word, to the sacraments, to the saints, to human health, and to death.[2802] In the Original Constitutions of his Society he presented this exhortation to the member preachers:

Avranno pertanto i Missionari ogni cura di ammaestrare il popolo nelle verità della Santa Religione; di esortarlo alla pratica dell’orazione, delle virtù e delle opere buone, alla frequenza dei Sacramenti della penitenza e dell’eucaristia; di mettere in orrore le occasioni del peccato, le false massime del secolo ed i piaceri dannosi; di incitare alla buona e santa lettura; di promuovere la devozione del Sacro Cuore di Gesù, della Vergine SSma. e del suo Rosario, di San Giuseppe di San Paolo e degli angeli custodi e delle anime purganti, raccomandando in favor loro l’atto eroico di carità.[2803]

 

The Servant of God preached in different circumstances.[2804] And he preached to all sorts of people: whether boys and girls, youths, laymen and laywomen, religious and diocesan priests.[2805]

The topics of the articles of his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” were again quite varied. He started from those having to do with the daily living of the readers: [2806] from blasphemy to the Church, from heaven to mortification, from the observance of the Day of the Lord, from Our Lady to peace in the world, from the Sacred Heart to suffering in the life of the human being, from the souls in purgatory to the will of God. Then he went on to widen the view, perspective, mind and heart of the Maltese by referring to the Maltese migrants.[2807] Further than this, he even wrote a lot of material about the evangelisation of the ad gentes people.[2808]

If De Piro was so keen to provide the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes with all the material basic needs for their life, he was no less attentive to supply them with the teaching of catechism.[2809] Besides guaranteeing a good teaching,[2810] the Director organised things in a way that there was memory work, but there were also instructions about the living of the faith in their lives.[2811] In the speech made to the Governor General on the occasion of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Servant of God himself said that at the Institute it was intended to give the boys  “A sound and practical knowledge of Religion.”[2812] In fact in the Original Constitutions of his Society he referred to the teaching of catechism as the culture of the youths, the formation of the various aspects of their lives.[2813] It has also been said that in the first house of the Society the members were keen to organise games for the boys who attended the catechism classes there.[2814] On the other hand the Constitutions mention another element for the creation of an environment which guarantees a holistic formation, “… i quali oltre chè colla pratica di vari esercizi di pietà, si potranno anche aiutare con qualche utile e santa attrattiva come sarebbe una sala da studi…”[2815]

This was the main aim of the Oratory even before the Servant of God took over.[2816] Then in the donation act De Piro bound himself and his Society to continue giving that same catechetical service.[2817] In fact each weekday the 400 boys and youths who attended[2818] were separated in their respective classes and had half an hour of  catechism.[2819] This was the time when, almost anywhere in Malta, the teaching of catechism was lacking a lot.[2820] The Oratory was not responsible only for the catechism imparted in its building; it also had a branch at the chapel of St Paul, in Valley Road and had to supervise the catechism classes at the MUSEUM, both of them at B’Kara.[2821]

In an article in the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” De Piro referred to a report by Captain Henri Curmi, the Commissioner of Malta in Australia.[2822] The article is mainly about the faith of the Maltese migrants, but in it the Servant of God showed quite clearly his holistic outlook towards the life of the Maltese abroad. In the article, Monsignor referred to the formation that has to be given to the migrants. This must be made up of material instruction and external education, and the generation in good condition of the faith of the migrants. This can be given by means of religious instruction, and other teaching. If the above is not given the result would be moral and material loss. A weaving together of the material and spiritual aspects, indeed!

It was not infrequent that De Piro wrote about some model of the missionary agent in his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”.[2823] In the 1928 edition he referred to Pompe Nosuelli, a lay brother of the Institute of Milan.[2824] This missionary was presented as having lived a balance between the spiritual and material aspects. Then as a result of this same living he was able to impart a holistic formation to those around him. In this presentation the Author, instead of presenting the ingredients of the material and the spiritual aspects in two distinct groups, one following the other, presented these dimensions as different threads woven together in order to make one single cloth, the life and the activity of the missionary. Nosuelli always followed the footprints of our Redeemer, Our Lord Jesus Christ; always sought to do good to everybody; died blessing everyone; was a man of wonderful piety; when free from his duty he spent long hours in the Church; was exact in performing his religious duties - no obstacle hindered him from it; when his office hindered him from performing his religious duties, he would perform them at another time; at 4.30am he woke up and did his meditation; was a man of great action; in his mission he built the first house for the missionaries and the first church too; he was remembered for the skill he had to provide the missionary Friars, his companions dispersed throughout the mountains, with whatever they needed.[2825]

In the Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society, the Founder was quite explicit about the necessity of the intertwining of the material and spiritual elements in the missionary work ad gentes, “… educare i selvaggi nei doveri della vita civile, ciò infatti contribuisce allo stesso bene spirituale degli stessi…”[2826] On the other hand in the 1928 Almanac, De Piro wrote that the work of the missionaries ad gentes is the setting on fire the hearts of the pagans with God’s love.[2827]

In the 1927 edition of the Almanac, Monsignor equated the missionary work ad gentes to the scattering and the erection of faith.[2828] But both before and after this publication the Servant of God said more than once what he meant by faith. It is:

·   the eradication of human slavery;[2829]

·   the giver of life, real life;[2830]

·   the giver of the light of belief;[2831]

·   the giver of the light of truth;[2832]

·   the giver of light to see the real God;[2833]

·   the introduction of civilization;[2834]

·   the introduction of liberty;[2835]

·   the development of trades and professions;[2836]

·   the civilization of the bad customs, the exercising of people in their trades, in their  sciences, in the many worthwhile matters.[2837]

 

Which shows quite clearly that for De Piro missionary work was not only material or only spiritual but both, and therefore holistic.

De Piro was quite clear about the specific ministry the Brothers of his Society were expected to give to the Church, the teaching of catechism.[2838] He had also written to Mizzi and received from him information about the big need of catechists in Ethiopia.[2839] Yet he did not send Brother Joseph Caruana with a specific mission, that of catechetical teaching. Rather he helped him prepare himself with several skills, crafts, etc, to help the Ethiopians in the various aspects of their life.[2840]

                   - Moral formation

Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit can be said to have synthesised the moral formation given in the Institutes directed by the Servant of God, “One could see that the children had a sound moral formation. This could also be seen in them when they left the Institute.”[2841]

In his 1919-1920 seminary report De Piro referred to the problems the seminarians were meeting in relation to the moral theology course.[2842]

                   - Liturgy/paraliturgy

The fact that Carmena Mallia referred to the fervent eucharistic spirituality of the Director[2843] implicitly indicated that De Piro saw to it that the girls of Fra Diegu had their daily mass. Nazzareno Attard made direct references to the daily mass at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2844] The several references made by the old boys and old girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes to the way how Monsignor said mass[2845] again indicated that he wanted the Institutes to provide the mass for the residents. Then, according to Carmena Mallia the Director of Fra Diegu Institute wanted that Sunday would be celebrated as a special day: he insisted that the girls wear better dresses than usual.[2846]

Again, by the donation act between Notary Michael Casolani and the Servant of God, the latter bound himself and the members of his Society to be regular in the administration of the liturgy and the paraliturgy at the Oratory in Birkirkara.[2847] On Sunday mornings they had mass and communion.[2848] Sacramental Benediction was given after catechism on weekdays,[2849] while on Sundays it was received in the afternoon after the explanation of the Gospel.[2850]

In his report, the Rector of the Major Seminary at Mdina made reference to the lack of teaching of the Gregorian chant.[2851] He praised the faithful service rendered by the seminarians both at the Cathedral in Mdina and at St John’s CoCathedral in Valletta.[2852]

Frs Augustine Grech and Louis Gatt testified that the Founder talked to them, members of his Society, about the liturgy.[2853] Gatt also said that the Padre involved the members in the Liturgy, both at Home and elsewhere:

 

For the liturgy there was the calendar. This contained all the celebrations that were held in the chapel of the Society’s house. Whenever he was in the house when a feast was being celebrated, he himself conducted the service. He was very meticulous and serious as regards ceremonies and the preparation of the vestments to be worn. He also loved to take the members of the formation group to some Institute of which he was director, e.g. on the eve of Easter he used to take them to Fra Diegu.[2854]

 

In the Original Constitutions the Founder emphasised the importance of the Liturgy in the Society, “Si abbia nella nostra Compagnia una devota cura della liturgia tanto nel canto che nelle cerimonie, ed il Padre Superiore Locale provvederà perchè uno della Comunità si dedichi allo studio speciale delle rubriche, perchè le stesse possano essere da tutti osservate colla maggiore esattezza.”[2855]

While continuing his reference to the liturgical vestments of the Founder, Fr Gatt also said that Monsignor wanted the novices to learn the liturgical rites and its sacred music.[2856]

                   - The Eucharist

Carmena Mallia testified that, at Fra Diegu where she lived her childhood and youth, the Director demonstrated a deep eucharistic spirituality.[2857] He celebrated mass with great devotion.[2858] Peter Camilleri and Michael Ciangura said the same thing as regards the masses the Servant of God said at St Joseph’s, Gozo.[2859] Peter Camilleri said that when De Piro was at St Joseph’s, Gozo, he always wanted to say mass himself.[2860] According to Mallia, the Director himself regularly attended the weekly adoration of the Blssed Sacrament.[2861] As regards the First Holy Communion, Monsignor wanted that the girls of Fra Diegu be well prepared for it.[2862] He himself examined the girls.[2863] He then saw to it that the girls would be instilled with this eucharistic spirituality.[2864]

To keep alive in the members of his Society their love to the Blessed Sacrament, the Founder saw to it that there be the eucharistic presence in the houses.[2865] The aspirants at the Oratory in B’Kara, the novices at St Joseph’s, and all the other members in the first houses of the Society in Mdina, had mass in the morning.[2866] The aspirants’ timetable had the visit to Blessed Sacrament after lunch.[2867] At the end of the day the aspirants, the novices, and all the other members, had the Sacramental Benediction.[2868]

                   - Confession or the sacrament of reconciliation

Br Felix Muscat said that De Piro did not confess the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta.[2869] The same was said by Michael Ciangura as regards St Joseph’s, Gozo. Another priest came there.[2870] Carmena Mallia said that at Fra Diegu other priests were available for the spiritual needs of the girls.[2871] Nazzareno Attard, from St Joseph’s, Malta, said the opposite. [2872] As did Loreto Rapa regarding the Gozo Institute.[2873] He himself did confess to him.[2874] Attard, in 1987, said that many boys went to De Piro,[2875] while in the 1988-1992 Tribunal sessions the same Attard testified that some dozen boys went to De Piro for confesion.[2876]

Nazzareno Attard also said that the Director heard confessions attentiviely, quietly, calmly, gently and understandibly;[2877] that in confession the Servant of God gave advices for a better life;[2878] that the Director did not resort to fear; [2879] and that as penance he gave three Hail Mary. [2880] Attard added that there were other confessors in the Institute.[2881]

Every Saturday the Oratory boys and youths were encouraged to receive the sacrament of reconciliation.[2882]

In his Seminary 1919-1920 scholastic year report, the Rector made reference to the lack of the presence of a spiritual director.[2883] From De Piro’s own words one easily finds out that the Servant of God was rather referring to the confessor of the seminarians.[2884]

As regards the members of the Society and the emphasis the Founder made on the sacrament of reconciliation Fr Louis Gatt had this to say, “With us members of the Society he used to emphasize the importance of this sacrament. He did this as much as he did in relation to the other acts of piety.”[2885]

In the Original Constitutions the Servant of God reminded the members of his Society of the weekly confession.[2886]

                   - Prayer and religious practices

On 9 January 1987 Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu Institute, testified that the Director strongly believed in the power of prayer[2887] and he tried to instil this in the girls themselves. [2888] Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit said to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that there were times of prayer at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2889] The boys’ daily timetable proves this:

05.30 am

Mass[2890]

11.30 am

Prayer: Buona Morte[2891]

          pm

Rosary, [2892] Eucharistic Benediction.[2893]

Table 19

In the Gozo Institute the timetable was exactly the same.[2894]

Nazzareno Attard also said that on Maundy Thursday, the boys at St Joseph’s visited the Altar of Repose and did the Seven Visits to the Blessed Sacrament.[2895]

As in the case of the Institutes, the daily and Sunday Oratory timetable included the Blessed Sacrament Benediction.[2896]

Almost at the very beginning of his 1919-1920 Seminary report De Piro presented the meditation as very important for the seminarians.[2897] Further on in his report the Rector mentioned the retreats held at the Seminary.[2898]

When in Rome for his studies, Joseph De Piro had already started thinking about the setting up of a missionary society.[2899] It was his spiritual director who told him to stop thinking about it for that moment.[2900] Having finished his studies he became ill again of tuberculosis.[2901] To be healed of this sickness the Servant of God went to Davos, Switzerland, on 10 July 1902.[2902] In his diary De Piro said that “…tra il ghiaccio delle Alpi così lontano dal paese dove intendevo metterle in effetto…” he could not do anything about his “… ormai divenute antiche idee”, “… non mi restava altro che la preghiera - mia ottima compagna - ed ho pregato, pregato, pregato.”[2903] If De Piro himself prayed a lot before concretising his dream, so much so did he exhort the members of his Society to pray. Fr Augustine Grech emphasised the fact that the Founder talked to the members of his Society about the spiritual aspect of their life in general.[2904] In his testimony to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, Fr Peter Paul Borda said that the members of De Piro’s Society had a timetable that in itself showed the Founder’s attention to this aspect of the members’ life.[2905] Fr Grech, Br Felix Muscat and Mr Paul Xuereb, all among the first members of the Society, agreed that even when they were loaded with work, the Founder emphasised that they had to do the acts of piety just the same.[2906] The meditation points were mentioned by Br Venanz Galea.[2907] Galea, and with him Frs Louis Gatt and Peter Paul Borda, mentioned also the meditation.[2908] According to Michael Vella Haber the meditation was expected to be done even by the aspirants.[2909] Paul Xuereb hinted to the meditation in common.[2910]  Fr Gatt and Br Muscat testified that the novices, even the Brothers, had two meditations daily.[2911] Besides the daily acts of piety, Borda and Vella Haber mentioned the annual retreat.[2912] Vella Haber also said that the members used to recite the De Profundis while going down the stairs.[2913] He even mentioned the Miserere.[2914] The programme of the aspirants included, according to Xuereb, the spiritual reading during meals.[2915] Frs Joseph Caruana and Louis Gatt said that spiritual reading was done in the afternoon.[2916] According to Gatt and Br Felix Muscat, the Brother novices had two moments of spiritual reading.[2917] Fr Joseph Caruana and Paul Xuereb indicated that the aspirants and the Brother novices did the examen of conscience in the evening.[2918] Michael Vella Haber said that while making part of the Society he learnt two short prayers: “Iesus Nazarenus, Rex iudeorum, miserere nobis”[2919] and “Ecce crucem Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, fugite partes adversae, vicit leo de tribu Judeae, radix David. Hallelujah.”[2920] Fr Augustine Grech and Br Felix Muscat added, in their testimonies, the prayer for the souls in purgatory: the heroic act of charity. They said that the Founder put a picture near the main entrance of the Society’s House so that everyone remembered to pray for the dead.[2921]

In the Constitutions of the Society, De Piro started the section “Ezercizi di Pietà”[2922] by presenting the essential connection between the missionary actions of the members and the acts of piety, “Per perfezionarsi sempre più nella vita interiore, che deve essere l’anima delle nostre azioni esterne, e senza la quale poco si potrebbe sperare dalle opere di Missione e di carità alle quali i membri della Compagnia si dedicano, ciascuno in Domino, attenderà con tutta diligenza agli esercizi di pietà…” [2923]

The Servant of God continued by presenting a list of the particular acts of piety, finishing with an emphasis on the necessity of the meditation and the examen of conscience.[2924]

To the novices of 1929-1930, Mgr De Piro delivered thirteen conferences about the acts of piety.[2925] In these he explained to the Brothers the why of these acts: they help the individual get closer to God.[2926] Most important among these is the meditation.[2927] For the priest’s life the mass must be central.[2928] As it is for the other members of the community.[2929] So much so must the members get closer to Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist.[2930] On two separate days the Servant of God exhorted the novices about the monthly[2931] and annual retreats,[2932] and the Via Crucis[2933] and confession.[2934] Spiritual reading was referred to twice in these conferences.[2935] As in the Original Constitutions, the Founder emphasised in a special way the importance of meditation and the examen of conscience.[2936]

                   - Marian devotion

Carmena Mallia testified that the Servant of God had a deep trust in Our Lady.[2937] At the beginning of every visit to Fra Diegu, the Director always knelt down in front of the statue of Our Lady and said three Hail Mary.[2938] When possible he was always saying the rosary. [2939] He had a special devotion to Our Lady of Pompei.[2940] In fact he encouraged the girls of Fra Diegu to celebrate this feast of Our Lady each year.[2941]

If one were to have a look at the Original Constitutions written by De Piro for his Society, one would find out that the Founder exhorted the members to pray to God and the Society’s patron saints in favour of the Society.[2942] He mentioned Our Lady as the first among the saints.[2943] Also, in the Original Constitutions he recommended prayers to Jesus and Mary in a special way for the living of the vow of chastity.[2944] According to witnesses in the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, the Founder insisted with the members of his Society to say the rosary.[2945] The novices, the Brothers and all other members had the daily community rosary.[2946]  In the case of the Brothers he wanted to see the rosary beeds hanging to the sash of their habit.[2947] To these he addressed these Constitutional words regarding their devotion to Our Lady:

Tutti i Fratelli Catechisti abbiano e conservino una tenera devozione alla Vergine Santissima, che si studieranno di imitare nello spirito di raccoglimento e di orazione; di ubbidienza, di povertà e purità, mantenendosi sempre umili ed attivi in continuo aiuto ai Sacerdoti, che profondamente rispetteranno, ed alle opere della Compagnia. Essi pertanto reciteranno giornalmente l’intera corona della Beata Vergine; e quando l’ufficio e le loro occupazioni lo permetteranno, sappiano di fare una cosa molto grata alla Compagnia se indulgeranno nella recita di questa preghiera tanto efficace.[2948]

 

In the conferences to the 1929-1930 novices, De Piro made two exhortations about the rosary.[2949] In one of them he brought out the biblical basis of this marian prayer.[2950] The Founder also encouraged the members of his Society to promote the devotion to the Blessed Virgin Mary and her Rosary in their preaching. [2951] From the Vatican Arts Laboratory De Piro ordered an image of Our Lady to be put in a central place in the main House of the Society.[2952]

                   - Mary Assumed into heaven

In 1909 De Piro was preparing for the foundation of his Society. On 1 August of that same year he wrote a draft of the formula that was expected to be read by the future members during their religious profession. In it he referred to Our Lady. But not only; he mentioned the “Beata Vergine Assunta in Cielo”.[2953] On 12 June 1910 Archbishop Peter Pace opened and blessed the first House of the Society, at Mdina. In the speech with which the Founder greeted His Excellency, there was again mention of the “Madre Nostra Maria Assunta in Cielo”.[2954] In the Society’s Council session of 17 April 1928, the Founder invited his assistants, Frs Spiteri and Callus, to discuss the opening of a novitiate for the Brother Catechists, at St Josephs’, Malta.[2955] On 4 August 1928 the Servant of God and his General Council decided to open this novitiate exactly on the 15 August,[2956] the Feast of the Assumption of Our Lady, and be dedicated to the “B. Vergine Assunta”.[2957] In the Acts of this session, the Secretary of the Council added that Mary assumed into heaven was the “Patrona Principale della Compagnia”.[2958] And De Piro signed these Acts![2959] In the following Council session, 11 August 1928, the Founder asked his assistants to discuss the opening of an “educandato”, for the aspirants of the Society,[2960] at the B’Kara Oratory.[2961] The name of this Centre was not decided in that session, but in that of 15 February 1929 there was a first clear mention of it: “Educandato Santa Maria”.[2962] This is nothing but another name for Our Lady Assumed into Heaven. In the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”, De Piro, more than once, showed that as time passed by the devotion to Our Lady Assumed into Heaven continued, “… in the chapel we celebrate her feast under the title of the Assumption, a title which has brought new graces on the institute.”[2963] Ten years after the Founder wrote these words:

In our missionary institute we also tried to offer flowers to Our Lady by means of a literary academy among the students who are housed there (At the Oratory, B’Kara). We concluded by a resolution to make heard our small voice to the Bishop to place another pearl in the crown of Mary Our Most Holy Mother through the dogmatic definition of the glorious Assumption of Mary ...[2964]

 

And a year later he added:

Therefore we too chose her as our most cherished patroness, we who since the beginning of the Institute felt Mary’s help. Since the Institute had its beginning in the island of Saint Paul, we felt that we could not do better than venerate her under a very ancient custom in Malta when, under the title “Santa Marija” her assumption into heaven is celebrated throughout the whole place.

And when in the course of development of the Institute we came to open the Boarding house at the Oratory of B’kara, we could not find a better name than that of Santa Marija. We also dedicated the first academy we held at the Boarding House in honour of the Blessed Virgin, since it was also the year of the centenary of the Council of Ephesus. Before concluding that very dear meeting we adopted a resolution to ask the Bishop, in our smallness, to ask the Pope to advance the dogmatic definition of the Assumption of the Blessed virgin , how and when he sees it fit.[2965]

 

In the last writing, the Servant of God himself said why he chose Mary’s Assumption into Heaven for the members of his Society: his Congregation was founded in Malta and the Maltese have a special veneration to Our Lady Assumed into Heaven.[2966] But in Malta there is also an extended devotion to Our Lady of Mount Carmel. For an image to be crowned it is necessary that the image itself be antique. There must be a special devotion towards it. And graces must be granted through its intercession. Archbishop Carmelo Scicluna crowned the image of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, found in Valletta, Malta. It was the first image to be crowned in Malta. This happened as far back as 15 July 1881.[2967] Wednesdays and Saturdays are observed by many as days of prayer and mortification in honour of Our Lady of Mount Carmel.[2968] Ursola, the mother of the Servant of God was herself a member of the Carmelite Tertiary Order.[2969] Our Lady of Victories, or the birth of Our Lady, has been continuosly considered among the Maltese as the one who saved our Islands from their enemies, especially during the two great sieges: the one by the Turks in 1565, and the other by the Germans in the last World War. As far as 1585 a church was dedicated to the Nativity of Mary. This church was known as the church “de la Vittoria”.[2970] Many devotions were practiced all along the years to thank Our Lady and her intercession in favour of the Maltese.[2971] In Malta there are 47 churches and chapels dedicated to Our Lady of Victories.[2972] In 1570 a detailed inventory was made in the parish church of Zabbar, one of the Maltese towns, and reference was made to the high esteem which Our Lady of Graces enjoyed.[2973] Until a few years ago one could easily find an image of Our Lady of Graces in almost each and every Maltese house. Our Lady of Mellieha is still very popular among the Maltese. To the latter De Piro himself led at least one pilgrimage, and on that occasion he even preached a sermon.[2974] In his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” he wrote an article about Our Lady of Mellieha.[2975] Here the Servant of God himself mentioned “… the many people who went and are still visiting her …[2976] And it is to her that De Piro encouraged the readers of his Almanac to go![2977] The feast of Our Lady of Sorrows is celebrated twice a year in Malta: a week before Good Friday and on 15 September. On the first festivity there is a procession in almost all the parishes of Malta, and the Maltese attend in their hundreds, if not in their thousands, for it. While not forgetting the various sermons Monsignor preached about the sorrows of Our Lady,[2978] one must add that it was Monsignor who helped the Hamrun parishpriest to get the permission from the Archbishop to start celebrating the 15 September feast of Our Lady of Sorrows.[2979] And one must not forget Our Lady of Pompei. There has always been great devotion to this Madonna all over Malta. Until today, on 8 May, at noon, many Maltese still recite the Supplica of Our Lady of Pompei. The De Piro family was very devout of this Madonna.[2980] The Servant of God himself,[2981] his own mother[2982] and several witnesses linked Our Lady of Pompei to Joseph’s vocation.[2983] The Servant of God himself encouraged this devotion.[2984] In spite of the fact that all these Marian titles were more than popular among the Maltese … and even with De Piro himself, the latter chose no one of them for the members of his Society; he preferred the mystery of the Assumption of Our Lady.

Although it was only in 1950 that Pope Pius XII proclaimed that: “… the ever Imaculate Virgin Mary, after her life here on earth, was assumed to the glory of heaven, body and soul …”[2985] there had already been before a constant belief that Our Lady was assumed into heaven, body and soul.[2986] Which means that the Servant of God could have chosen the mystery of the Assumption of Our Lady for his Society exactly because it embodied his belief in the glorification of the whole human being.

                   - Saint Paul 

According to Fr Augustine Grech, the Founder had a special devotion to St Paul.[2987] He named the Society after this Apostle.[2988]  He then included Paul’s name in the profession formula of the Society.[2989]Grech also said that the Padre wanted the members to celebrate the feasts of the Apostle, especially his conversion, in the chapel of the main House of the Society.[2990] Br Felix Muscat added that De Piro wanted the feast to be celebrated even in the other Houses of the Society.[2991] In the Constitutions of the Society, Monsignor encouraged the members to pray the Apostle for the Society.[2992] Muscat also said that in his talks to the members, the Servant of God often referred to the Saint[2993] because he wanted the members to have the Apostle’s zeal.[2994] In the Original Constitutions De Piro exhorted the members of his Society to imitate St Paul in his generosity[2995] and absolute obedience to God’s call to follow him,[2996] in his humility[2997] and in his love for the others.[2998] To help them arrive at this, added Muscat, the Padre insisted that the members learn the Letters of St Paul very well,[2999] according to Grech even by heart.[3000] Obviously the articles he wrote in the Almanac about St Paul[3001] also helped the members to come nearer to the Apostle of the Gentiles.  In the Constitutions, then, the Founder insisted with the members that they preach the devotion to St Paul.[3002]

                   - Saint Joseph

Loreto Rapa and Peter Camilleri, two old boys of St Joseph’s, Gozo, testified that they could notice that the Director had a great devotion to St Joseph.[3003] Rapa added that one of the first things De Piro did when he took over the Institute was to embelish the chapel and dedicate it to St Joseph.[3004]  He even put a statue of the Saint on the outside wall of the Home.[3005]

Fr George Cassar was a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship at the Mdina Seminary. He witnessed to the Rector’s devotion to St Joseph when he shared a short nice experience:

Once Fr George entered the Rector’s room and noticed that St Joseph’s picture was put in the opposite position, facing the wall. Everytime he went there he found it in the same position and he wanted to know why the picture was facing the wall. In fact he asked the Rector, “Why is the picture facing the wall?” “It is like that as a punishment,” answered De Piro. “St Joseph, punished?” asked I. “What did he do?” “He will remain like that until he grants me the grace I have been praying for,” replied the Rector. And when the grace would be granted, St Joseph would have his punishment ended and would be facing the outside as usual.[3006]

 

Without doubt the statue of St Joseph facing the wall must have been noticed by other seminarians and these must have been positively influenced in their devotion to St Joseph.

Even the members of De Piro’s Society noticed the Founder’s devotion to St Joseph.[3007] In the Original Constitutions the members were exhorted to encourage certain devotions in their preaching. After mentioning the Sacred heart of Jesus, and Our Lady and its Rosary, the Founder reminded the preachers of St Joseph. Even before St Paul![3008]

                   - The other saints

Fr Louis Gatt said that whenever the Founder talked to the members in private he used to refer to the saints.[3009] In the Original Constitutions, De Piro exhorted the preachers of the Society to encourage their audiences in their love for the saints.[3010]

                   - Pastoral training

Fr George Cassar, a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship, testified to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that the Servant of God took a lot of care regarding this aspect of formation of the seminarians, “When he was Rector of the Seminary he used to send us, seminarians, to preach in the institutes so that he could train us in preaching and in order to become self confident when we were ordained priests.[3011]

The Founder did not hesitate to involve the members of his Society in its apostolates. Mr Paul Xuereb told the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that De Piro used to send the students at the B’Kara Oratory to give a helping hand.[3012]   Even Fr Augustine Grech mentioned the Oratory. He said that Monsignor sent him to help with the prospective members there. This, when Grech was still a student.[3013] Felix Muscat, one of the first Brothers of the Society, testified that at St Joseph’s, Malta, there were sent especially the Brothers.[3014] Br Venanz Galea was sent to the Gozo Institute when he was still a prenovice.[3015] The timetables for the aspirants, the prenovices, the students and the other members of the Society are a clear proof of the above.[3016]

Muscat added that the Servant of God wanted the members to be dedicated to their duties, to the extent of sacrifice.[3017]

In Fascicolo I of the Original Constitutions, the Founder presented “Dei Campi D’Azione” for the members of his Society.[3018] These pages include: the missions, the orphanages, preaching, confessions, child and youth catechism, spiritual retreats, parishes, liturgical celebrations, printing apostolate, houses of beneficence, prisons, assistence to the dying. In itself this list already shows quite clearly the holistic perspective of De Piro’s apostolic love and service. Then, going through at least some of the articles of these sections of the Constitutions, one can notice the holistic reality all the more.

Regarding the work of members both in mission countries and in the orphanages, the Founder said almost the same thing, re: the holistic attitude:

The missions

Ecclesiastical charitable institutes

 

“The missionaries… who have to evangelise the unbelieving people must not refuse to educate the savages in the duties of the civil life[3019]

“All (the members), helped by the spirit of sacrifice, must pay attention to be continuously of edification and good example to the children, not only… in that which pertains to the morality, but also regarding civil manners…”[3020]

The holistic outlook of De Piro was again expressed, this time while dealing with the relationship between the spiritual duties and the apostolate or pastoral work of the members of his Socety. To start with, the Founder synonymised sanctification with perfection and said that these could be acquired through the practicing of the spiritual duties prescribed in the Constitutions. Then it is important to note that the Founder did not dichotomise between the spiritual and the apostolic aspect of the members’ lives. On the opposite he put down these words, “… perciò ognuno, con animo costante, procuri nel proprio ministero o ufficio qualsiasi, di non omettere l’acquisto di quella perfezione…”[3021]  The member must acquire perfection not apart from his apostolate but in the apostolate.

Linking, “Sia a tutti di conforto che la Compagnia, quale madre amorosa, ci appresta numerosi aiuti per la nostra santificazione perciò ognuno, con animo costante, procuri nel proprio ministero od ufficio qualsiasi, di non omettere l’acquisto di quella perfezione, che colla grazia divina può acquistare mediante la buona osservanza delle sante regole.”[3022] to, “D’altra parte sia ad ognuno di stimolo il pensiero, che l’osservanza, lo zelo e la pratica delle virtù e delle cose spirituali, non mancheranno di dare alla dottrina ed ai doni naturali ed umani, che ognuno avesse da Dio ricevuto, quella utile efficacia, che serve tanto per la conservazione e prosperità, non solo del corpo, ma anche dello spirito della Compagnia,”[3023] one would have this:

The observance, zeal and practice of the virtues and spiritual duties…

…which help towards our sanctification and perfection…

…give to our teaching (preaching) and natural and human talents…

…that efficacy which is so important for the conservation and prosperity of the body and spirit of the Company.

De Piro did not use the word spirituality but sanctification and perfection. He only used the phrase spiritual duties. Could this be because he did not want to limit perfection and sanctification to the spiritual aspect? Did he want to include the whole person, body and soul, when dealing with perfection and sanctification?

                   - Religious life aspect

According to Frs Augustine Grech and Louis Gatt and Mr Michael Vella Haber, the Padre talked to the members of his Society about the various dimensions of religious life.[3024] To the Brother novices he talked almost daily about this aspect.[3025] This according to Felix Muscat, who was himself a Brother. The Founder provided the formandi with a Father Master, Fr Emmanuel Bugeja, an Augustinian.[3026]

 As regards the community dimension, Br Venanz Galea said to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that the Servant of God put a lot of emphasis on the common acts.[3027] But the Founder showed in the Constitutions that he knew that it was charity that had to bind the members together, “Sebbene per la carità che costituisce il vincolo e la forza della Compagnia …”[3028]

                   - The community dimension

In the Constitutions’ section about the refectory keeper, the Padre showed his great sensitivity regarding the love for each individual of the community, “Si tenga sempre consapevole il refettoriere del numero di coloro che mangiano sulle diverse tavole, perchè a tempo opportuno possa tenere avvisato il cuoco, il quale anche terrà consapevole se alcuno tarda a venire perchè egli possa regolarsi nel distribuire le porzioni.”[3029]

                   - The vows

In Fascicolo I of the Original Constitutions, the Servant of God mentioned the vows twice. In the “Prospetto” he presented them as obedience, poverty, chastity and missions.[3030] In “Della Professione” the Founder put down the formula of the religious profession of the Society. Here he mentioned obedience, chastity, poverty and missions.[3031]  In the first part of Fascicolo II of the Original Constitutions, the Founder presented the articles about each vow.[3032] He presented them in this order: obedience, missions, poverty and chastity. Among the conferences to the novices of 1929-1930,

we find two made by De Piro about the vows.[3033] The content of these is completely canonical.

                   - Chastity 

Fr Louis Gatt testified that, “As regards chastity, he used to tell us about its beauty and give us directives how we should deal with temptations, as well as in our relation with women.”[3034] Michael Vella Haber said that the Servant of God did not allow any misbehaviour regarding chastity.[3035] In the Constitutions, the Founder presented chastity as the fourth vow.[3036] De Piro avoided to expand on the meaning of chastity, but when he came to the means with which to preserve the vow, he was really holistic; he insisted that the whole person must live chastity:

Per la perfetta osservanza di questo santo voto tutti sono tenuti di procurare di vivere e di mantenersi in tale purezza interiore ed esteriore da essere santi di corpo e di spirito ...

Nel trattare col prossimo, particolarmente con persone di sesso diverso, siano tutti molto accurati ed avveduti in custodire anzi tutto il cuore, guardandosi con ogni diligenza dalle genialità e dalle amicizie particolari; poi anche custodicano da ogni disordine le porte dei loro sentimenti, particolarmente gli occhi, le orecchie, la lingua ...”[3037]

 

One cannot forget the Constitutions section “Della Modestia”.[3038] The very first article of this section proves the Founder’s holistic attitude towards the members’ behaviour, “Ricordevoli tutti i membri della Compagnia che ‘Christi bonus odor sumus’ 2. Cor. 2. 15 unitamente alla mortificazione delle passioni interne procurino di moderare giusto il proprio stato, anche le azioni esterne.”[3039]

The Founder delivered three conferences about chastity to the 1929-1930 Brother novices.[3040] Even here the Servant of God was quite holistic; he talked to the novices about fantasies and the senses. He also suggested both material and spiritual help.

                   - Poverty

Fr Louis Gatt said that, “Regarding poverty he taught us how to avoid what was unnecessary, to take care of what we had and to ask our superior what was needed. [3041] In the Original Constitutions there is a specific section about the vow of poverty, the longest one when compared with the sections of the other vows.[3042] Though much of it is rather juridical, such words as those in the beginning show quite clearly the Founder’s holistic outlook towards this vow, “Il voto di povertà esige innanzi tutto che non si disponga di cosa alcuna come propria: ma la sua perfezione richiede ancora che il cuore sia totalmente libero e distaccato dai beni terreni. Tutti adunque i membri della compagnia si guardino dal più tornare coll’affetto a ripigliare quelle cose, a cui hanno rinunciato …”[3043] Even when the Founder presented the object of the vow of poverty, he succeeded in making up a holistic inclusion: earthly goods;[3044] the benefits of some inheritance, etc;[3045] material basic needs, such as food, clothing, housing and furniture;[3046] payment for any service rendered;[3047] and money and other forms of gifts.[3048]

But besides the pages of the section specifically about poverty there are references to this vow in other sections of the Constitutions:

The buyer:

… e sia paziente per comprarle buone ed al minor prezzo possibile.[3049]

 

Tenga nota del denaro che egli riceve dall’Economo, ed in quali cose l’avrà speso. È poi assai importante che tutti i giorni faccia con lui il conto della spesa, per poter indi intendersi collo stesso circa quello che dovrà comprare per l’indomani. Sia anche premuroso di rendere l’Economo consapevole di ciò che secondo la stagione, trovasi al mercato esposto alla vendita, e convenevole all’economia perchè entro i limiti della nostra povertà possa egli somministrare la mensa alquanto variata.”[3050]

 

The storekeeper:

Tenga egli tutte le cose chiuse sempre sotto chiave. Sia diligente ed assiduo nel visitare spesso la dispensa e tutti altri luoghi dove tiene le stesse conservate perchè nulla vada a male o si corrompa, ed appena avverte il pericolo di corruzione in qualsiasi cosa ne faccia consapevole il P. Superiore.”[3051]

 

Memore della povertà sia diligente nel raccogliere tutto ciò che possa avanzare dalla mensa, perchè possa servire per altri usi domestici od anche pei poveri secondo l’ordine che avrà ricevuto dal Padre Superiore.”[3052]

 

The cook:

Il cuoco poi, in conformità della religiosa povertà che professa, impedisca con diligenza ogni spreco a consumo non necessario.[3053]

 

One can also say that the sections “The General Treasurer”,[3054] “The Provincial Treasurer”,[3055] “The Treasurer of the Vicariate”,[3056] and “The Local or District Treasurer”[3057] are in themselves sections which shed light on the poverty that has to be observed in the Society. But then certain parts of these sections are still more direct. As regards the local treasurer, “Egli provvederà il vitto alla Comunità, con quella semplicità e parsimonia che è propria della nostra povertà senza nulla aggiungere o scemare dal modo ordinario o dall’uso prefisso senza l’ordine del Superiore.”[3058]

In the Conferences for the Brother Catechist novices of the year 1929-1930, De Piro commented about the vow of poverty eight times.[3059] Several sections of the conferences are rather juridical in nature. Others are not that much; they are more practical and concrete. All in all they are not more than an expansion of what had been indicated in the Constitutions. [3060]

                   - Obedience

Coming to testify about the Founder’s presentation of obedience to the members of his Society, Fr Louis Gatt said that, “With regards to obedience he used to say that it should be ‘cieca’, that is, we should always obey promptly.[3061] In the Original Constitutions De Piro presented obedience as the first vow,[3062] but he included some material about it even before the section specifically about this vow. In one of the articles about the novitiate, the Founder made reference to this vow, “I novizi … nel seguire con grande diligenza le orme di questo Esemplare Divino, si studieranno con premura di imitare la sua vita privata; per la qual cosa si terranno perfettamente sottomessi agli ordini dei Superiori, ed ubbidienti con molta diligenza a tutte le regole della Compagnia.[3063]

The section about obedience is presented, as in the 1917 CIC, the first among the sections about the vows.[3064] Here De Piro gave a really holistic presentation of obedience. He started with obedience towards God. For the Founder this is the perfection of the virtue of the consecration to God.[3065]

Monsignor mentioned the obedience to the Holy See, “… una sommissione la più figliale ed assoluta alla Santa Sede … alla quale la nostra Compagnia si gloria di professare la più speciale e segnalata soggezione.”[3066] Then he passed on to the obedience to the superiors. Here again the Servant of God presented a holistic understanding of this vow; the member has to be internally and externally involved:[3067]

 

Keep the superiors as being instead of Jesus Christ; internal reverence and love.

Internally

The member must be quick, perfect, and … without excuses and murmurs, even when asked to do hard things…

Externally

humble to obey

Internally

… and this not only externally.

Internally

Resignation and abnegation of own judgement; conformity of own judgement with that of superiors.                                     

Internally

Expose difficulties…

Externally

But with great humility.

Internally

 

As regards obedience, CIC (1917) 593 mentioned both superiors and subjects. In some articles of the Constitutions, De Piro was not that clear as regards the fact that even superiors were bound with the vow of obedience.[3068] At the same time it is also true that in other articles there are indications otherwise.[3069]

If one were to include the two conferences about the observance of the Rule, one would find out that about obedience the Founder delivered twelve talks to the 1929-1930 Brother novices.[3070] Most of the material is quite similar to that of the Constitutions. Only that in one of the conferences the Founder added that the members had to obey at all times, quickly or without hesitation, and wholeheartedly.[3071] Again the ingredients for a holistic obedience!

                   - The vow of missions

Fr Louis Gatt said that: “Regarding the missions his idea was that we should go wherever our superior sent us.”[3072] In the Constitutions, the vow of missions is presented as the second one, just after that of obedience. Here the Founder presented only one article, “Per il voto di Missione ciascuno membro della Compagnia deve essere sempre disposto e pronto a recarsi in qualsivoglia parte del mondo dove sarà mandato dall’ubbidienza.”[3073]

I must admit that I expected something more than this in the Constitutions of a missionary Society. The Founder himself referred to this fact in his conference about the missionary vow, delivered to the Brother novices.[3074]  Most probably the Founder presented only this one paragraph because he had in mind the section “Delle Missioni” in the pages about “Dei Campi d’Azione”.[3075]

Analysing the conferences to the Brother novices, one finds only one about the vow of missions.[3076] But the Founder did a lot more to instil the missionary spirit in the members of his Society. According to Frs Augustine Grech, Louis Gatt and Peter Paul Borda, Monsignor talked to the members about the missions even before they entered the Society.[3077] Borda said that when he was still a boy, De Piro even gave him missionary literature to read.[3078] Frs Grech and Gatt, and Br Felix Muscat, referred to the fact that in his conferences to the members,[3079] De Piro emphasised the missionary aspect.[3080] He even brought several other persons to talk to the members about the missions: Fr Angelo Mizzi, a missionary in Abyssinia;[3081] Mgr George Caruana, Bishop of Porto Rico;[3082] and Monsignor’s own brother who had been a doctor in Africa.[3083] The publication of the Almanac helped a lot, first and foremost, the members themselves in the increase of their missionary zeal. Br Felix Muscat remembered that the Padre often encouraged them to work out small things to be sold and its money sent to the missions.[3084] Fr Augustine Grech testified that the Padre introduced the one hour adoration of the Blessed Sacrament on Mission Sunday.[3085] Obviously the sending of Br Joseph Caruana, one of the members, to the missions and the Founder’s talking about him[3086] helped a lot towards the missionary animation of the members. Not to mention De Piro’s own going to Abyssinia.[3087]

 

What helped De Piro live a holistic charity

                   - Mary assumed into Heaven

It has already been said that Our Lady’s assumption into heaven was very central to the Founder of the Society of St Paul.[3088] Therefore it might have happened that, God’s will to have with him, in heaven, Our Lady, body and soul, could have made De Piro love his brothers and sisters holistically, in all their needs, whether material or spiritual.

                   - The lives of the saints considered together

The knowledge of the lives of the saints and holy persons could have been another source for Monsignor’s holistic charity. In a sermon he delivered on the occasion of the first solemn high mass of a newly ordained priest who had been a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship, the latter presented a list of saints and their different acts of love. Together they made up the holistic charity lived by the Church: John of Matthew, Felix of Volois, Raymond of Peniafort and Peter Nolasco, who offered themselves and founded the Trinitarian and Mercy Congregations for the liberation of the slaves; St Vincent de Paul, the one who in France and then all over the world, set up so many congregations of charity; the Benedictine monk Ponce and the two brother priests Gualandi, who set up charitable institututions for the deaf and dumb, in Spain and in Italy respectively; St John of God, the founder of so many hospitals all over the world; St Camillo de Lellis, the saint of lepers; St Jerome Emiliani, who took care of orphans; Fr Ludovico da Casoria, who wanted to convert Africa and at the same time set up a house at home to hospitalise the poor and the needy; St John Bosco and his work among the youths; Canon Bonnici, who set up St Joseph’s Orphanage in Malta; and Canon Cottolongo, the one who opened the House of Providence for the handicapped.[3089] In this sermon he also named other saints, this time those who lived their charity in favour of those who lacked the Good News: St Augustine, St Patrick, St Remigio, St Boniface, St Ascanius, St Francis Xavier, St Cyril, St Metodio and St Solano.[3090]

                   - The holistic charity of Jesus

But in the same sermon just referred to, the Servant of God made it clear that for him all the saints mentioned above had in their hearts and minds the model of holistic charity, Jesus Christ himself:

‘Pertransit benefaciendo.’ Cosi’ leggiamo nel Vangelo di N.S.G.C. che egli passò opportando a tutti benefici e consolazioni e benedizioni. Ebbene Gesù Cristo volle che le opere di beneficienza si continuassero nella ‘- Parola sublime. ... uscita dal labbro di quel Dio che è fonte di sapienza eterna, l’accoglie il sacerdote ed i miracoli più stupendi della carità divina si rinnovellano.[3091]

 

Without doubt, the holistic charity of Jesus Christ was the first and most important source and model even for De Piro and his holistic charity.

 

(xi)  Until it hurts

                   - His own money

Mgr John Baptist Ghigo testified that Ursola, the mother of the Servant of God, used to tell him about the charity her son used to make, “He is always asking for money, ‘Do you have £2.00, because what I had I gave to the poor.’”[3092] Mr Christian Scerri witnessed that, “He gave both the cathedral salary and what his mother used to give him.”[3093] Ms Piera De Piro Gourgion, a niece of the Servant of God, confirmed the above.[3094]

It was already a lot that the Servant of God provided the orphans of the Institutes and the members of his Society with whatever they needed. Yet, this was not all. There were times when Monsignor gave them his own money. Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu Institute, was quite explicit about this:

In his capacity of Director the Sisters of the Institute came to him for all their needs and he was always ready to provide all they required. He never ever mentioned where or how he obtained the things which were asked of him and sometimes it was evident that it was he himself who was the donor. One day the Mother Superior asked us to say special prayers as the sum of ninety pounds was urgently needed to pay off our debt for bread. Soon after we came to know that the Director had acquired the sum in question. During the war (the First World War) he saw to it that we never lacked anything even though the times were difficult. We had all we needed and never missed our morning tea and we also had sugar and bread every day.[3095]

 

While in Rome for his studies, De Piro did not have any other income except that given to him by his mother. In spite of this, not infrequently, Joseph used to send donations to St Joseph’s, Malta.[3096]

Dr Cachia Zammit said this about the Director’s charity to St Joseph’s, Malta, “He gave all his wealth to the Institute ... It is true that Mr Alphonse helped St. Joseph’s Institute, but the same Mr. Alphonse said that De Piro made most of the contributions.” [3097]

De Piro did not give his own money only to the ecclesiastical charitable institutes and to the members of his Society. Anthony Scerri testified to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that the Servant of God addressed some of his finances for the teaching of catechism, “De Piro hired a room near the first house of the Society in order to gather together the boys for catechism.”[3098]

George Wilson, who was himself from Mdina, showed that De Piro gave to the poor even the money that was really necessary for him, “He was so generous with the poor that he would often be obliged to go back home on foot, because on leaving the Institute to go home he would find that he had given away all the money he had, even the tram fare to take him home. I myself have seen him take to the road to walk back home.”[3099] Later on Wilson added that, “He was a charitable man and he often gave money to the poor. The funny thing was that he used to have to go back home on foot because he was penniless.”[3100] Fr George Cassar, a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship, said the same thing, “There were many times when he wanted to go to Mdina with the tram and he did not have the money to pay the fare because he would have given it to someone…” [3101] Later on Cassar also said that, “Sometimes instead of using the train he used the cab. In this way he saved the money and gave it to the poor drivers.” [3102] The same thing was repeated by Sr Bibiana Zammit, a nun at Fra Diegu.[3103]

                   - The Society’s, and therefore his own houses

It was the Founder who provided the housing for the members of the Society.[3104] Therefore the houses of the Congregation were his own, or at least it was he who paid from his own money for their renting. Just a year after the foundation of the Society, De Piro opened the first house of his Congreagation for the teaching of catechism.[3105] Because of this one can say that Monsignor was indirectly paying for the catechism classes in the Society’s first House. Not only this! While the 1917 CIC asked of religious that they make available all their parish churches for the teaching of catechism,[3106] De Piro exhorted the members of his Society to make available even their other churches, besides the parish churches, and their houses, for catechetical instructions.[3107] This meant nothing less than all the Society’s property!

                   - His own bed and clothes

Lawrence Grixti, the De Piro family butler, narrated this story about De Piro:

When Monsignor visited his family, at Mdina, he used to travel by train. This used to stop at the station which was below the bastions, where there is the bridge. Once I saw him coming towards me and I noticed he was trembling. I asked him what had happened. ‘Lawrence, I had a big fright today,’ said Monsignor. ‘But what happened?’ I asked him. ‘On my way to Mdina, from the station,’ said Monsignor, ‘I was attacked by two men who gave me a terrible fright.’ ‘What did they do to you?’ I asked him. ‘Nothing,’ answered Monsignor. ‘As soon as they realised who I was, they let me go.’ ‘So I will come and meet you every evening, at about 7.00, and accompany you on your way,’ I told him. Once when I was waiting for him with a lantern in my hands I saw him coming with a boy whose clothes were dirty and torn. ‘He had been alone on the shore and so I brought him with me,’ said Monsignor. He brought the boy with him to Mdina.  In those days rich people used to have two matresses on top of each other, which were stuffed with weeds. On top of these they used to have one stuffed with wool. He took the boy to his room and without thinking twice removed the sheets from his bed, took the matress which was on top, put it in one corner of the room and prepared it so that the boy could rest on it. After a few days without telling Monsignor himself, Lawrence went to Monsignor’s mother so that she could give him a matress for Monsignor. ‘What happened to the one he had?’ asked Ursola. Then I told her what had happened. When Monsignor came home his mother gently told him, ‘Joseph, why did you do that? You are very tired after a day’s work. You will not be able to rest on those two matresses.’ On his part Monsignor said nothing. When he and I went out, he turned to me and told me, ‘Lawrence, whatever you see and hear in my room is not to be reported to my mother. ‘Who else could I tell if not your mother?’ I asked him. ‘Who else could give me a matress for you?’ ‘Silence is the best thing in such circumstances,’ he answered me.[3108]

 

The case of the poor boy was mentioned also by Ms Elena Refalo, one of the nieces of the Servant of God.[3109] Joseph Tonna, who hailed from Mdina, said this:

In summer the Founder used to go to Birzebbugia and he used to take even Lawrence Grixti with him. When the latter went to Mdina and Ursola, the Founder’s mother, asked him about her son, Lawrence used to answer her, ‘As usual; he would sleep on the floor on some sheets and only wearing a jumper because the matress and the other clothes he gave for charity.’ He never showed off his charity.[3110]

 

Anthony Scerri, who attended the Mdina catechism classes in the first House of De Piro’s Society, testified this, “When he used to come to Mdina to see her (his mother), and he had some old shoes she used to tell him, ‘Oh, Joseph, what a pair of shoes you have. This is not appropriate for you.’ On his part he would tell her, ‘No worries, mum. What I save from the shoes I give as charity.’ ” [3111]

                   - His own rest

Obviously, living his duties very responsibly made Monsignor many a times keep back from having enough rest. At least this is what Nazzareno Attard testified more than once.[3112]

                   - His own food

George Wilson was an employee at St Joseph’s, Malta. On one particular occasion he noticed that De Piro deprived himself of something more vital than his own money, clothes, bed or rest:

He used to be grateful for the least thing. If you offered him an apple he would be glad to have it. He would take it and thank you for it and then surprisingly pass it on to someone else.

One day, while waiting for the relic of St Francis Xavier to arrive at St Joseph’s Institute, he got tired and hungry. ‘Would you kindly bring me some coffee, Wilson?’ he asked me. I brought him the coffee. But he gave it to Canon Aquilina.[3113]

 

A certain Anthony Gatt referred to the same thing. He quoted Fr Joseph Spiteri, one of the first members of the Society of St Paul and a very close collaborator of De Piro, “As Fr Joseph Spiteri used to say, there were many times when Monsignor used to give his food to someone and he had only a cup of tea. He was a very charitable person; he gave everything and never had anything.”[3114]

                   - His own time

Since early in his life as a priest, the Servant of God offered his own time for St Joseph’s, Malta. Before De Piro was chosen Director of Fra Diegu Institute in 1907, Fr George Bugeja had to be away from the Institute for a whole month. He asked Fr Joseph to substitute him and De Piro accepted.[3115]

When the Servant of God became Director of Fra Diegu Institute he had no other official appointment. He therefore visited the Orphanage regularly and spent hours talking to the Sisters and the girls. Sisters Consiglia Vassallo and Felicia Vella, two nuns who were at Fra Diegu Institue at the time of De Piro, said this about the Director, “He used to visit the Institute three times a week, Monday, Thursday and Saturday… Whenever he visited the Insitute, he used to go around all the children on the place of work in order to encourage them.”[3116] But Mother Pauline Cilia who was the superior at the time of the death of the Servant of God, and Mother Cleophas Bondin, a teacher at Fra Diegu, showed that the Director continued with his regular visits to Fra Diegu even when he was loaded with many responsibilities.[3117]

After accepting to found and direct St Joseph’s, Gozo, he had to prepare the building that was going to shelter the orphans. He sent Fr Michael Callus and a young lad called Vincent Galea to do this. Not only! He went himself and stayed there for some weeks in order to help in the preparations.[3118]

In 1918 De Piro was already quite busy with Fra Diegu Institute and the Monsignorate. Yet he again sacrificed his time when he accepted being member of the National Assembly[3119] and of its Central Commission,[3120] when he intervened in the Sette Giugno 1919 events[3121] and while he gave his share in the Committee “Pro Maltesi Morti o Feriti il 7 o 8 Giugno del 1919”.[3122]

If Rabat was lacking in well organised catechetical activities, more and more did the small suburbs that surrounded it. Mtarfa was one of them.  De Piro’s charism to evangelise did not allow him to remain passive. He realised that there was this situation. He concluded what had to be done. And he took action by going himself there in order to teach catechism. This was attested to by Mr Christian Scerri who gave his testimony to Fr Aloisius Aloisio mssp, “When I used to meet him (the Servant of God) on the bridge going to Mtarfa for the catechism classes, because he taught catechism there… Yes, when he found out that the children of this area did not learn any catechism he started going there himself. And he was a Monsignor already!” [3123]

The above testimony meant that the Servant of God did this evangelisation when he was already burdened with a lot of responsibilities! We do not know for which specific years Scerri was referring to, but if we were to take into consideration even the very first year of De Piro’s Monsignorate we find out that by that time he was already Director of Fra Diegu Institute. This had something like 138 girls in it,[3124] and the Director there had to go as far as running here and there begging alms for the girls and the nuns who took care of them. Also in 1910, a year before becoming Monsignor, he had just started his missionary Society. Its members depended on him for all the aspects of their life, whether human, academic or spiritual. And, De Piro went to Mtarfa on foot, which was a half hour walk!

After founding his Society De Piro opened the Houses of the Society and organised catechetical classes in them. But not only this. According to Joseph Tonna, the Servant of God, every now and then, made himself present and asked questions to the boys who were there.[3125]

In the ecclesiastical charitable Institutes the Servant of God dedicated his own time for the catechetical formation of the children who lived there. Mother Pauline Cilia, a superior of Fra Diegu Institute said that the Director insisted a lot on the teaching of catechism.[3126] Also, he so much cared for the catechetical preparation of the children for their first holy comunion and their confirmation, that he used to go to Fra Diegu and himself examine the girls about their catechetical knowledge.[3127] He did the same at St Joseph’s, Malta.[3128] Here it was also he who recorded the results in the register “Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione”.[3129] Saviour Schembri, another witness in the Cause of Canonisation of De Piro, said the same thing in relation to the Oratory, at B’Kara: every now and then the Servant of God went there to see how things were going.[3130]  All this when De Piro had so many other duties!

De Piro dedicated a lot of time for the foundation of a Society the members of which were supposed to leave Malta in order to work among the Maltese migrants. [3131] But the Servant of God himself went twice abroad, in order to evangelise the Maltese who were away from their country. In 1922 he went to Tunis[3132] and in 1930 he went to Carthage.[3133]

But De Piro’s Society was first and foremost for the missions ad gentes; its members were supposted to go to those peoples who were not yet evangelised.[3134] And as its Founder he wanted to set the example. Although Br Joseph Caurana, a member of the Society had already gone to Abyssinia, the Servant of God seriously planned to go himself for some time to this first mission station of his Society.[3135] It was only his sudden death that impeded him from doing this.[3136]

 Fr Joseph Tonna who ministered at the Cathedral in Mdina, said that Monsignor, “… was very quick in helping the individual who asked anything from him. Even when someone went to him at night, or for confession or for anything else, he was always available.”[3137]

And what about the memberships in the many other committees, commissions, etc?[3138]

                   - His own dignity, prestige, honour, status and reputation

The Servant of God was not satisfied with only giving nearly all he himself had to the poor. He, a son of one of the most noble families of Malta, a canon and dean of the Metropolitan Chapter, the director of six ecclesiastical charitable institutes, the Founder of a missionary Society, for two years rector of the Mayor Seminary, a member of the National Assembly and of so many other committees and commissions, both civil and ecclesiastical, many a times reduced himself to great humiliation and begged money and goods for the poor children of the institutes and the members of his Society. This is what Fr Joseph Tonna, a priest from Rabat, Malta, said, “Sometimes when he wanted money for his institutes, he used to pass even twice from the same road. He never asked anybody but walked with his head bowed down. People became accustomed to this and they always gave him money for his institutes, whenever they saw him walking with his head bowed down.”[3139] Fr John Vella, an ex member of De Piro’s Society, testified that, “Every Thursday the Founder used to go to the rich families and ask them alms for the institutes.” [3140] Sisters Consiglia Vassallo and Felice Vella, two nuns at Fra Diegu at the time of De Piro confirmed the above.[3141] The same was stated by Sr Iole De Piro Gourgion, one of the nieces of the Servant of God,[3142] Mr Saviour Camilleri, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Malta[3143] and Fr George Cassar, a seminarian at the time of De Piro.[3144]Another niece of De Piro, Elena Refalo said that during the First World War her uncle used to go to the market and beg alms, and from there he used to get a lot of things.[3145] Often, the Servant of God turned to his understanding mother who used to call him “my poor one” and who was worried that he would neglect himself for his beloved orphans.[3146]

As regards the members of his Society, the Founder had to provide for all the dimensions of their life.[3147] He did have his own money, but at times this was not enough for the Society’s members, whose number was always increasing. When he lacked the finances necessary for these he again turned to his mother:

On another day I was speaking to Monsignor’s mother. While we were talking we mentioned the Society which Monsignor had just started. ‘The Society is improving,’ I told her. ‘I am the one who is suffering because he has impoverished me. At one time he comes here to ask for help. At another time he asks for money. When there is not enough food he takes from here. He also comes to take the bed linen,’ lamented his mother.[3148]

 

During the Sette Giugno riots De Piro did not beg any money for anyone; he only struggled with the British authorities for the basic rights of his fellow Maltese.[3149] At  the same time some Maltese who made part of the Valletta mobs blamed especially De Piro for all the injustices.[3150]

During De Piro’s times no one would have ever imagined that a member of a noble family, and a Monsignor, would have ever gone on foot, to a remote rural area, to teach catechism to small poor children. According to Christian Scerri, Monsignor did this when he realised that the Mtarfa children did not have anyone to teach them catechism.[3151]

                   - Promotions in the civil society

De Piro came from a family which was one of the noblest in Malta.[3152] Because of their nobility the De Piros had a lot of riches.[3153] Also, Joseph was himself quite promising artistically,[3154] had the possibility of becoming a lawyer,[3155] and could also look forward towards a high ranking position in the Royal Malta Regiment of Militia.[3156] All this made young Joseph highly esteemed, with so many possibilities of becoming influential and powerful in the Maltese civil society. In spite of all this he put everything aside and opted for the priesthood.[3157]

Exactly because of the above credentials in his favour, the Servant of God could have had certain important roles in civil society, even as a priest. Before, during and after De Piro’s time, clergymen with less credentials than him were given important roles in the Maltese civil society.[3158] On his own part the Servant of God preferred to be given to other different works. He dedicated himself to the ecclesiastical charitable institutes. He gave himself to preaching. He was very involved in the teaching of catechism. He spent a lot of time on the foundation of a Society that was expected to work in the ad gentes countries and for the Maltese migrants. He himself went twice to the Maltese abroad. And he spent time planning to go to Abyssinia.

                   - Ecclesiastical promotions

The same thing can be said as regards the ecclesiastical environment. As has already been said, the Servant of God was entrusted with some important ministries. But had he been less involved in these, he would have been undoubtedly given many other more prestigious roles in the Church. Archbishop Peter Pace believed in him so much that even before Joseph was ordained priest, His Excelleny invited him more than once to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” for diplomatic studies.[3159] De Piro did not accept because he preferred to go the St Joseph’s Orphanage.[3160] Archbishop Mauro Caruana chose the Servant of God as his representative on many committees, commissions, boards, etc, not to mention his nominating him as his personal secretary and rector of the Major Seminary.[3161] Without doubt Caruana would have given him many more responsibilities, but the Archbishop himself could not but be conscious that De Piro had to take care of the several burdens he already had on his shoulders.[3162]

                   - His own health … and his own life itself

Joseph De Piro was by nature rather weak in health.[3163] He had first been taken sick in a rather serious way when he was supposed to sit for the Matriculation exams.[3164] During his first year in Rome he wrote to his mother on 4 April 1899, telling her that he went to a certain Dr Petacci because of trouble in his throat.[3165] Because he still felt this sickness, he even went a few times afterwards to another doctor, this time Dr Egidi, the best one in Rome as a throat specialist.[3166] This sickness did not seem to be something very serious, but from Joseph’s own letter to his mother, written on 4 June 1899, it seemed it was going to take some time to cure.[3167] It was so much so that in his Diary, De Piro wrote that on 26 November 1906, and therefore seven years after he had had this sickness for the first time, he went to Mgr Emmanuel Debono and while talking to him, told him that because of his illness he was still unable to preach.[3168]

Concurrently with the throat sickness, the Servant of God seemed to be suffering from another disease, this time much more serious. When he was back in Malta from Rome for his first summer holidays, Mgr Coselli, the Rector of the Capranica College, where De Piro stayed while in Rome, wrote to him referring to the actual good health of the Servant of God:

29 Agosto 1899

 

Mio Carmo De Piro,

Ho ricevuto la sua seconda graditissima lettera, dalla quale rilevo che godete ottima salute.[3169]

 

Coselli made a similar reference on 7 October of the same year, “Ho ricevuto la vostra carma lettera dalla quale ho rilevato il vostro ottimo stato di salute.”[3170] Even the following year Mgr Coselli mentioned again De Piro’s health, “La vostra lettera mi è stata graditissima per le buone notizie che mi dava della vostra salute.”[3171]

All this emphasis about the health of the Servant of God meant nothing but a lack of it during Joseph’s stay at the Capranica! In fact De Piro himself confirmed in his Diary that the first time he felt this particular sickness was on 19 July 1900.[3172] In the same entry of his Diary he said that he felt sick again with the same illness on 10 July 1902.[3173] Not only this! This time he even said what was ailing him: “Dichiarato dal medico affetto di tuberculosi …”[3174] In fact this time he had to abandon his studies, came to Malta for a few days, and afterwards go to Switzerland, “… per la cura d’aria”.[3175] After 18 months there, De Piro seemed to be healed.[3176] But according to the letters written during April 1918 by the members of the Society to the Founder, who was staying at Fra Diegu Institute, it seemed that the Founder was sick again.[3177] In a letter written by Monsignor to Archbishop Mauro Caruana, and which was recorded in the Acts of the Society’s Council meeting of 5 April 1927, De Piro himself mentioned “l’attacco nervoso di cui ebbi a soffrire l’anno scorso.”[3178] Therefore according to the Servant of God in 1926, he was suffering of a nervous attack! Monsignor continued saying to His Excellency that because of this attack, “… la mia energia ed attività è di molto scemata [3179]

De Piro did take care of his health. It has already been said that when still in Rome he went to more than one doctor, at one time even to a medical specialist, to be cured of the illness he had.[3180] After his ordination he went for 18 whole months to Davos, Switzerland in order to get fresh air.[3181] Ruturning to Malta he went to Qrendi for two and a half years to continue to recover his health.[3182] According to Lawrence Grixti, the De Piro family butler, the Servant of God continued going there every now and then for short breaks.[3183] Br Venanz Galea, one of the first Brothers of the Society, said that the Founder, in order to have some rest, used to accompany the members for a day or so while they were having their summer holidays.[3184] As the years passed by Monsignor went abroad more than once to get some rest.[3185] After the 1926 nervous attack, he asked the Archbishop to let him choose two members of his Society to be his councellors or assistants.[3186] He was also attentive on his diet.[3187] But in spite of all this attention, De Piro because of his many different responsibilities,[3188] seemed at times very tired. Nazzareno Attard, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Malta, testified more than once about the Director’s tiredness.[3189] Frs John Vella and Michael Camilleri , two of the first priests of De Piro’s Society, were quite explicit about the link between the many duties of the Founder and the tiredness he showed when he visited the members in Mdina. They said that he used to sleep even while in the refectory. [3190] Mr John Buhagiar, who was quite near to the Society’s community at St Joseph’s, Malta, said the same thing.[3191] This tiredness seemed to have continued until the end of his life. Mother Pauline Cilia, the Fra Diegu Superior at the time of the death of Monsignor, testified this, “During the last few weeks before he died he was very tired and weak. In fact he used to tell me, ‘I have not come to work but to rest a little’. When I asked him if he wanted them to prepare him something he used to ask for some meat because he felt weak.”[3192]

In a letter written by Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., to De Piro on 7 October 1929, there is reference to the tiredness of the Servant of God, “… Fra Giuseppe … mi disse che Lei era alquanto indisposto e che i dottori furono costretti a farLe fare un viaggio che La potesse riposare un pò.”[3193]

But this time it seemed that De Piro was much more than tired; it seemed he was just about mentally exhausted. This was in fact confirmed by Monsignor himself in the first draft of his secret will. Here he himself said that he was suffering of a: “… esaurimento nervoso …”[3194] Most probably this was the time when he also started feeling the symptoms of the fatal sickness, uremia.[3195]

- A lot of psychological, moral and physical suffering: lack of understanding and support, a lot of discouragement, disheartenment, disappointment, sorrow, sadness, deprivation and even pain 

Coming from a very noble family Joseph De Piro had almost everything. To add to this, he was quite convinced that he was the one chosen by God to be the founder of a missionary Society.[3196] Exactly because of his attempts to found this same Society, the Servant of God ended up begging from his superiors,[3197] and also from his companion priests,[3198] some dialogue and discussion time about the nature of his future Society, an understanding of the sense of his Society.

Because he wanted to help the Church’s hierarchy understand the nature and sense of his Society he had to wait a lot, be very patient, practice temperance, endurance and even perseverance.

Had Joseph lived as a priest in his family, he would have experienced a lot of encouragement. The other members of his family, especially his mother, trusted him a lot. These, and the family environment, would have given him a lot of support in his projects. When he opted for the foundation of the Society, De Piro found very little of this backing from the Church’s hierarchy and his companion priests. Instead of support he experienced discouragement from some of the Maltese bishops,[3199] from his Vatican superiors[3200] and some of the Maltese priests.[3201]

Discouragement came for the Founder even from those priests who respected him a lot. Amongst these there was Mgr Francesco Bonnici. The latter did not believe that the Maltese priests could ever go away from Malta.[3202] Two other clerics, Frs George Bugeja and John Mamo, understood his project in the beginning, and did in fact support him in the first days of the Society, [3203] but after a short while they immediately abandoned him.[3204] Some youths did join him and were in fact members in formation, but left after getting a good education.[3205] Another one, John Vella, joined him,[3206] finished his years of formation, and was even ordained priest.[3207] But after four years of priesthood he abandoned him and became a diocesan priest.[3208] All this implied a lot of disappointments, sorrow and sadness.

Because of his family, the Servant of God could have lived a very easy, tranquil, cosy, comfortable and challenge-free life. When he decided to dedicate himself for the foundation of the Society, De Piro opted for a completely different life.[3209] With the above mentioned challenges one can add such others as: the discomfort of the lack of money because he had to find lodging for the members of his Society,[3210] provide food,[3211] clothing, etc.,[3212] for them, guarantee the members’ academic,[3213] spiritual and religious life formation,[3214] provide their recreation,[3215] etc; the discomfort of lodging - while at his mother’s palace he had his own room,[3216] he stayed in the houses of the Society[3217] where he had very small and uncomfortable rooms;[3218] the discomfort of food - the food of the members of his Society was, according to some member, not that rich;[3219] the discomfort of his not having any more time for himself, because he had to be with the members, even to sleep with them;[3220] the discomfort of travelling because much of his work was in the south eastern part of Malta,[3221] while the Society’s first houses were in the South western part of the Island, Mdina - in those days all transport was uncomfortable[3222] … and De Piro used the public transport;[3223] the discomfort of companions with whom to talk - the first members were still very young, coming from low class families and therefore not much cultured, etc.[3224]

Also, being from the De Piro family, had Fr Joseph stayed at home he could have easily enjoyed a lot of popularity both in the Church and in Maltese society. The setting up of a missionary society implied for him a completely different life. In the Constitutions he himself prepared for the members of his Society, the Founder did not want them to accept honours.[3225] To be an example for them he did not want to accept to become Monsignor.[3226]

What helped De Piro live charity until it hurts

                   - Jesus who suffered for him, a sinner

In the first Chapter of this thesis reference has been made to the discernment carried out by young Joseph De Piro in order to arrive at the choice of his vocation. Joseph did this exercise by putting down the reasons in favour and against his going for the priesthood. Reason 5 shows quite clearly that Jesus’ suffering love was the motive of Joseph’s self offering, “Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio avendo Egli sofferto pei miei peccati.”[3227] Joseph in fact started his philosophy and theology that same year.[3228] While in Rome for his studies this young seminarian thought that, returning to Malta after ordination, he would go to St Joseph’s Orphanage to help other priests with the poor boys of the Institute.[3229]  Therefore in his third year theology the Servant of God wrote down the reasons in favour of his going to the Institute and against what Archbishop Pace had offered him, the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”. Even here the sufferings of Jesus for him were presented as one of the main reasons for his preferring St Joseph’s Home, “Infatti allorchè per mezzo del mio rettore, mandaì al Presidente dell’Accademia la negativa, sperimentaì grande consolazione nel pensare di aver scelto la corona di spine con Gesù anzichè quella delle rose.”[3230]

Even before his years in Rome, the Servant of God had shown that the experience of God’s love for him, expressed in the sufferings of Jesus, had been quite vivid in him. It has already been said that Joseph was only 14 when he drew the face of the suffering Jesus.[3231] In one of the reflections made during the study of this drawing of De Piro, it was said that the passion in general, and the thorns around the Lord’s head, caused Jesus a lot of suffering and pain, because of which the Lord would have shouted and screamed a lot. But it was also noted that in his drawing De Piro presented Jesus with his lips closed, or almost closed;[3232] the Lord suffered in silence. Br Joseph Caruana, one of the two youths who joined De Piro on 30 June 1910 in the first House of the Society in Mdina, wrote this about De Piro’s own suffering in silence, “Imagine how many conflicts he had. It was not possible to realise this because he was always smiling. This impressed me most.”[3233] Caruana continued, “Once he came to St Joseph on a Saturday to confess the children. He told me how he had been going up the stairs and found out that there were the children at his back making some funny signs to ridicule him. He was very sorry for this and told me, ‘Now I can understand what you suffered when they did the same thing to you.’ ”[3234]

Even in relation to the members of the Society, the Founder suffered in silence. Fr John Vella, the other youth who joined De Piro on 30 June 1910, testified that:

Sometimes when somebody would have done something wrong and not admitted, he used to pay himself for the wrong deed. He used to go to the centre of the refectory, kneel down, keep the plate on the floor and start eating. He did not place the fork and the knife on the plate but on the floor. He used to do this instead of the person who was guilty and did not admit.[3235]

 

There came a time when Fr John Vella wanted to leave the Society to become a diocesan priest. Malta’s Archbishop sent Vella’s acceptance decree with De Piro himself. Vella testified how the Founder behaved at this hard moment when the very first priest of the Society was leaving the Servant of God, “He approached me, looking downwards, and told me, ‘The Bishop accepts you in the Diocese.’ ‘What are you saying?’ I asked him. I was thunderstruck. He left me alone and went to the chapel, knelt down and remained there praying, with his head in his hands.”[3236]

It has already been said that during the Sette Giugno 1919 events Monsignor was offended at least three times: on Saturday, 7 June 1919, when he put aside all other duties, dedicated himself to the mediation between the Maltese and the British government and at the same time he was told by the same Maltese, “You are to blame for all this.”[3237] On Sunday, 8 June, 1919, while trying to stop the mob from countinuing with the attack of Francia House, some criminals, who were among the people, started booing at both Caruana Gatto and De Piro and they even swore and stole money from the pockets of Carauna Gatto and Monsignor.[3238] On Monday, 9 June 1919, while in the company of Bishop Angelo Portelli, De Piro went out of the Archbishop’s Palace in Valletta and tried to calm the people, and some were heard saying, “We want to burn the Curia,”[3239] a place so dear to De Piro! The latter reacted positively to each of the above mentioned offences. Also at the Inquest Commission, De Piro could have reported in detail what had been done and said to him and his companions. But he did not. He gave a detailed account of the events, keeping silent about the offences made to him.[3240]

                   - Jesus at prayer

The second reflection made about the drawing of the face of the suffering Jesus was that although Jesus’ lips are closed or almost closed, his eyes are wide open; they are looking up; they are communicating … with the One above; Jesus and the Father are one, even at this moment. The eyes are pityful. Jesus is asking for pity from his Father. Therefore Jesus is in silence but he is at the same time praying to the Father. His is an eloquent silence.[3241] In the case of Joseph De Piro prayer was central. In the testimonies given at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, there are recurrent affirmations about Monsignor’s prayerful life.[3242] But then there were some crucial, vital, important, and at times even intense and hard moments when it was De Piro himself who showed quite clearly that for him the solution was communion with God through prayer.

Joseph De Piro had been thinking about his vocation since the age of 14.[3243] When he shared this wish with his father, the latter disapproved.[3244] For some years, young De Piro stopped thinking about it,[3245] but at 20 it came to his mind again.[3246] This time he did not abandon his wish.  It was not an easy choice to do. Joseph had a very promising life in front of him. He had the drawing and painting talents.[3247] In the Royal Malta Regiment of Militia he could have been easily promoted to high ranks.[3248] The law course which he started in 1898 at the University of Malta could have led him to a lawyer’s career.[3249] The fact that he was a member of the De Piro family for Joseph meant access to the Maltese noble class.[3250] He was also entitled to a lot of property, both mobile and immobile.[3251] His nobility also implied a popularity in Maltese society[3252] and therefore the possibility of some important role in the civil administration of Malta.[3253] The Servant of God faced this big challenge. He sought the help of prayer by practicing the intensive pros and cons discernment method. Supported by this method he left everything behind him and opted for the priesthood.[3254]

Only some three years after this hard choice, De Piro had to face another challenge. The Archbishop of Malta invited him more than once to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”, after his being ordained priest.[3255] As did the President of the “Accademia”.[3256] Again, there was a very promising career in front of the young seminarian; choosing such a thing could have meant for De Piro important roles in the Church. At the same time Joseph had been thinking about something completely different; he wanted to go and live with other priests at St Joseph’s Institute in Malta.[3257] Communication with God through prayer was again the help for De Piro at this crucial moment of his life. He again made use of the pros and cons discernment exercise and opted for the Orphanage.[3258] Besides the exercise in itself, Joseph himself said that he did this discernment during his spiritual retreat for the diaconate.[3259]

The Servant of God was ordained priest in 1902.[3260] After some more months in Rome, he went to Switzerland for convalescence.[3261] Returning to Malta he stayed for almost three years at Qrendi, again to rest.[3262] In 1907 he was nominated director of Fra Diegu Institute.[3263] In 1922 he was chosen to direct another charitable Institute, Jesus of Nazareth.[3264] Immediately after taking over the direction of this Orphanage, De Piro started the building of a new Home for the girls whose number was always increasing.[3265] But unfortunately Monsignor was immediately hindered by a big problem; there was no more money with which to pay this project and therefore the work had to stop, at least for some time.[3266] For the Director this was a “… forte stretta al cuore [3267] But the Servant of God himself referred also to “… un fisso sguardo in alto …”[3268] This was that which made him look forward.

In 1925 De Piro was chosen as the first director of St Joseph’s, Gozo.[3269] After this nomination, Monsignor went to Gozo to prepare for the opening of the House. On the 25 April, after the siesta, the roof slabs beneath him suddenly gave way and he fell about four meters to the ground floor.[3270] The opening day was transferred from the 8 May to the 21 of the same month.[3271] On that occasion the Director delivered two speeches, one to the Governor General and the other to the Archbishop. In the latter, the Servant of God referred to this incident, but at the same time he presented it as having happened, “… per renderci più perseveranti nel tenere in alto fisso il nostro sguardo ed anche il nostro cuore.”[3272]

Since his first year at the Capranica College, De Piro had been thinking to found a society under the patronage of St Paul.[3273] It was only because his spiritual director had told him to suspend his dreams that Joseph stopped for that moment.[3274] Although in 1902 the Servant of God was ordained priest, he could not return to Malta, if not for a very short while; he felt sick and instead he had to go to Switzerland to regain his health.[3275] There, he himself said that he thought of his Society, but he felt himself helpless about doing anything about it; he was too far away from the country where he could realize his dream.[3276] At such a hard moment in his life he only prayed, “Ho continuato intanto durante tutto il tempo della cura a carezzare le mie ormai divenute antiche idee. Ma tra il ghiaccio delle Alpi cosi’ lontano dal paese dove intendevo metterle in effetto non mi restava altro che la preghiera - mia ottima compagna - ed ho pregato, pregato, pregato.”[3277]

After 18 months in Switzerland De Piro returned to Malta[3278] and he immediately started sharing his plans with other priests.[3279] He met with very little support; no one of the priests assured him of joining him.[3280] At such a difficult moment De Piro referred to prayer:

18 Novembre (1906): Trovandomi a Roma ed occorrendo oggi la dedicazione delle Basiliche dei S.S. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo, ho celebrato in San Pietro in Vaticano e proprio sull’altare di S. Pietro. Ho applicato la messa in onore dei S.S. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo pregando loro di farmi conoscere chiaramente la volontà di Dio, ed aiutarmi a metterla in effetto.[3281]

 

In spite of all the hurdles, Fr Joseph De Piro started the Society on 30 June 1910.[3282] This did not mean in any way that the Founder was then spared from problems and difficulties. In a letter he wrote on 17 November 1916 to Fr Wiliam Bonett, in Australia, the Servant of God himself admitted that, “… tante fatiche e sacrifici… nonostante la piccolezza dell’opera il lavoro è duro e richiede grande pazienza.”[3283] But in this same letter Monsignor mentioned twice the real remedy, “… nella tua messa non ti dimenticare di fare sempre un piccolo memento pel nostro nascente Istituto per le Missioni Estere … Quindi aiutaci colle tue preghiere … ”[3284]

Fr Joseph De Piro started the Society by accepting two youths, one with the priesthood in mind and the other to become a brother catechist.[3285] John Vella was in fact ordained priest on 20 September 1919.[3286] Without doubt this was the cause of a lot of joy for the Founder.[3287] But this happiness was not long lasting because Vella, the very first priest of the Society, abandoned De Piro in 1923,[3288] to become diocesan. Vella himself testified that the Founder did only one thing at such a hard moment: the Founder only prayed.[3289]

In 1927 Monsignor was seriously planning to send the first member of his Society abroad. In fact on 5 April 1927 he wrote his first letter to Fr Angelo Mizzi, the Capuchin Friar in charge of the Abyssinia Mission, and promised him one member.[3290] This was obviously a big challenge for De Piro, but he again trusted in the power of prayer, “Ella faccia pregare i piccoli ragazzi Somali … Lo dico per esperienza, da quando ho fatto pregare i piccoli ricoverati negli istituti di beneficenza la piccola opera missionaria ha acquistato maggiore costanza.”[3291]

All along these very difficult moments of the history of the foundation and first years of the Society, the Servant of God was facing another very big problem: Propaganda Fide could not understand what was the real main aim of De Piro’s Congregation.[3292] But during these same years the Founder showed clearly what made him go forward:

But courage, my brothers: My faint-hearted brothers, courage! This is not something which one cannot do, especially when we understand the strength and power we receive through prayer in any difficulty and obstacle. Prayer gives us all we need from God; it opens the great God’s infinite treasures of grace. So we ask these people to pray and courage will not be lacking.[3293]

 

Referring again to De Piro’s drawing one can rightly conclude that as an effect of his passion, Jesus is obviously very weak. At the same time the Servant of God presents him as seeming to be standing strong and not tired or feeble. The Lord is also presented as holding a stick … and he is holding it straight. His is therefore strong fragility. It was the same thing with Monsignor. It has already been said that De Piro was by nature very weak:[3294] he had throat trouble, he suffered of tuberculosis, he experienced a nervous attack and it was not that infrequent that he was exhausted.[3295] Yet, he kept going till the end with his six ecclesiastical charitable institutes, the Society and the many other responsibilities he had in the Church and in civil society.[3296] His was strong fragility.

As in the case of Jesus one can say that De Piro was a sign of contradiction. His life was one of suffering, which he endured many a times in complete silence. Yet in this silence he was communicating with the Father through prayer. Although weak by nature he did big things and did them till the end.

 

(xii)  De Piro’s charity until it hurts: not a need

 

In his book “L’Essere e il Nulla”, Jean Paul Sartre wrote that in its essence, loving is the project to have oneself loved.[3297] Although this affirmation may be considered as irremediably contradictory, I myself hold that at times we human beings do love because “we have the need” to love… or because “we have the need” to be loved. And there is nothing wrong when this motive of our love is not the first and only reason why we love. In fact human love is not motivated always and only by the need to love and/or be loved ; it can be the effect of causes other than this! De Piro had undoubtedly other motives than the one mentioned by Sartre.

Having recuperated his health in Switzerland,[3298] De Piro returned to Malta in 1904[3299] and continued his convalescence at his Qrendi family house.[3300] At that time there was Fr Emmanuel Vassallo as Director of St Joseph’s, Malta. [3301]  This one knew quite well that De Piro had long wished to live in that Orphanage.[3302] Fr George Bugeja took over from Vassallo in 1905. Even he knew about Fr Joseph’s wish.[3303] To Vassallo and Bugeja one can add Archbishop Peter Pace. His Excellency knew why De Piro did not accept his offer to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”.[3304] Notwithstanding all this, in 1907 Archbishop Pace, on the advice of Fr George Bugeja,[3305] nominated the Servant of God not to St Joseph’s, but to Fra Diegu Institute.[3306] On our part we know why Fr Joseph wanted to go to St Joseph’s: he wished to live in the company of other priests,[3307] and an internal feeling told him that God from that Institute, wanted to start a Congregation under the patronage of St Paul.[3308] In spite of these reasons De Piro accepted the nomination and became Director of Fra Diegu Institute.

Not only this! The Servant of God founded his Congregation in 1910.[3309] He continued hoping to get the direction of St Joseph’s, Malta. For many years De Piro’s wish to go to St Joseph’s was not satisfied. Yet, whenever the Founder was asked by Fr Bugeja to send some members of his Society to do supply work at the Orphanage, he always sent them.[3310]

There came the year1922. De Piro’s wish to go to St Joseph’s was still there, but Archbishop Mauro Caruana had another Institute for him, the Jesus of Nazareth one.[3311] Although it was again completely different from what he wished, the Servant of God accepted again and became the Director of this second charitable Institute.

It was only because of the death of Fr George Bugeja, on 23 November 1922, that Archbishop Caruana turned to De Piro and asked him to be the Director of St Joseph’s.[3312] And the Servant of God accepted this third charitable Home.

In 1925 there came for De Piro the fourth Orphanage, St Joseph’s, Gozo. In fact on 25 December 1924, Fr Joseph Hili, the parishpriest of Fontana, Gozo, wrote to the Servant of God in the name of all the other parishpriests and offered him the direction of the Gozo Institute, which they were going to set up on their Island.[3313] Had it been a need for the Servant of God to be the director of charitable Institutes, he would have answered Hili immediately. But he did not. Therefore Hili wrote to Monsignor again on 7 January 1925.[3314] This time De Piro answered the letter on the 31 of the same month. But again; because it was not a need in him to be in charge of a charitable institute, he showed the parishpriests that before accepting, he wanted to know things more clearly.[3315]  Hili wrote to Monsignor on 3 February 1925, giving him more information.[3316] Still, De Piro did not accept unconditionally. While in the original draft of the Institute’s Statutes, Bishop Michael Gonzi had presented the Orphanage as “… Orfanatrofio Diocesano”,[3317] De Piro continuously showed that he only wanted it to be affiliated to, to be a part of , to be a section or a branch of St Joseph’s, Malta.[3318] Also, the Servant of God wanted to be the authority in charge of the Institute.[3319] Another condition presented by Monsignor was that his Society be allowed to take over the day to day administration of the Orphanage.[3320] To add to the above, the Servant of God did not want to accept the numerus clausus mentioned in the first statutes.[3321] Rather, he wanted to accept all boys who applied to enter the Institute.[3322] De Piro could afford putting conditions to the Gozo Bishop and to the parishpriests exactly because his charity was not first and foremost a need in him.

De Piro’s involvement in the running of the two Institutes, Fra Diegu and Jesus of Nazareth, made him feel in a particular way the responsibility to do something for the girls who reached the age of leaving these same Institutes and had no family or home where to go. On 11 April 1928 he succeeded in opening the Sacred Heart Laboratory.[3323] This place cost the Servant of God begging to government ministries to provide him with an adequate building.[3324] He had to find the money for the renting of the place.[3325] Since he could not stay there himself, he had to find someone to run it. So he found a certain Maria Assunta Borg.[3326] Not to mention the instructors who could teach the trades and the crafts to the girls! Notwithstanding all these efforts, Monsignor was free enough from the need to keep this place open. When he repeatedly found out that Borg had criteria different from his as to whom to accept at the Laboratory,[3327] and there was a dispute as to who was in fact the director of the Laboratory, whether himself or Borg,[3328] he publicly declared the place closed.[3329] Had he opened it because it was a need in him to have another charitable institution under his care , he would not have afforded to close it.

When De Piro wrote the Constitutions of his Society, he presented some articles about the administration of the sacrament of reconciliation. In this section, the Founder put down these words, “Memore sempre che il confessore è per le anime e non le anime pel confessore …”[3330]

Monsignor was convinced that the confessor must not use the sacrament to satisfy his own needs; he has to consider the sacrament as a service to the penitents.

When dealing with the missions in the Constitutions of his Society, the Founder again emphasised that the members were not expected to seek the satisfaction of their own needs in what they choose to do. Rather, they had to see first what was asked for by the local bishops.[3331]

It has already been said that according to the Founder, the Brothers of his Society were expected to have the teaching of catechism as their primary work.[3332] One would have expected therefore, that when De Piro sent Br Joseph Caruana to Abyssinia, he sent him there with this specific mandate. Instead, the Founder did not qualify what Caruana was expected to do when in the missions. When presenting Br Joseph to Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., the superior of the Abyssinia mission, the Founder said that, “È un uomo di molto spirito, capace, sa adattarsi molto coi ragazzi e fa anche l’infermiere.”[3333]

The Founder wanted that the members of his Society be ready to help the needs of the people they worked with, whatever they were.

It has been said that Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., continuously asked the Servant of God to send him missionaries.[3334] Mizzi had also assured De Piro that Bishop Jarosseau wanted to offer the Gigiga mission to his Society.[3335] The Founder could have taken these opportunities and sent to Abyssinia as many members as possible in order to persuade Propaganda Fide that his Society was really for the ad gentes people. But the Founder did not want to rush or be overenthusiastic. He continuously kept in mind the needs of his Society, which was still small.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter Five

An existence for A pro-existence:

The incarnational aspect of

De Piro’s spirituality

 

Section I

De Piro’s existence …

 

If one were to study the lives of individuals who lived charity whether in schools, in orphanages, in hospitals, in old peoples’ homes, in prisons, etc., etc., and /or through the evangelisation of others, one would immediately find out that in the Church human activity cannot be supernaturally fruitful, or there cannot be the spirituality of action, if it is not the fruit of an experience of contemplation. This is so because when we say that an individual in the Church lived evangelical love towards the children, the sick, the elderly, the oppressed, etc., or towards those in need of evangelisation, we mean that he or she lived the charity of Jesus Christ. And the charity of Jesus Christ, incarnated in his words and/or his actions, was inseparable from his filial experience, an experience of closeness with the Father. Or one can say that Jesus’ filial relationship with God appeared to be the centre of his personality. Or we can say that Jesus’ actions and words were really just an echo of the Father’s love that the Son experienced in his inner self. De Piro’s love for the underprivileged and for the spreading of the Good News can be considered to have been evangelical because it came out of his intimate relationship with God; it came out of his face to face encounter with God’s love, his experience of God, his rootedness in God.

 

(i) De Piro’s union with God the Father

It was since early youth that Joseph De Piro had wished to be united to God. And this in a complete way. He was not yet 21 years of age when he wrote the pros and cons exercise in relation to his choice of vocation. In it he put down these words, “5. Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio[3336]

On 15 May 1987 Fr Augustine Grech, one of the first members of the Society, testified that, “… externally it could be noticed that he was continually in the presence of God.[3337] Grech repeated almost the same thing some fifteen days later.[3338] Br Felix Muscat, another member of the Society, said almost the same thing.[3339] Fr Louis Gatt, also a member of the Society, verified what was said by Grech and Muscat, “ I noticed that God was always in his mind …”[3340] Br Venanz Galea, another member of De Piro’s Society, indicated where he noticed the Founder’s union with God, “The Servant of God was a man of great supernatural faith. He impressed us very much (and much more than others did) when he spoke to us either together in instructions, homilies, etc., or individually. He seemed a man divinely inspired and of deep convictions.”[3341] In 1987 Sr Marie De Piro, one of the nieces of the Servant of God, testified that her uncle was a person very close to God. She could see her uncle’s union with God in his apostolate,“To serenely and competently fulfill so many seemingly incompatible commitments could only be the fruit of a deep union with God…”[3342] After referring to her uncle’s capability to give advices and his dedication to his ministries, the same Sr De Piro said that, “I would now say that Uncle’s wisdom and prudence came from his union with God, and were not simply the fruit of his natural qualities and character.”[3343] Mgr Paschal Robinson, who was in Malta between 3 April and 2 June 1929 as Apostolic Delegate during the politico religious conflict between the Church and Sir Gerard Strickland,[3344] talked about the Servant of God to Fr Daniel Glavina sj.[3345] For Robinson, De Piro was “a man of God ”.[3346] As was for Fr John Vella, the first priest of the Society,[3347] for Fr Raphael Azzopardi OSA,[3348] for the two ex members of the Society, Mr John Vella,[3349] and Mr Victor Tedesco,[3350] for Fr Arthur Vella sj, a nephew of the just mentioned Fr John Vella, for Sr Marie De Piro and for John Buhagiar, an employee at St Joseph’s, Malta. Fr Azzopardi also said that the other religious in Rabat, Malta, had the same impression about De Piro.[3351]

(ia)  De Piro’s union with God experienced through his union with the Son

The same can be said for De Piro’s union with Jesus Christ; the Son of God occupied Joseph’s heart and mind quite early in his life. At fourteen years of age the Servant of God drew in a most expressive way the face of the suffering Jesus.[3352] When he came to the choice of his vocation he showed that he wished to be one with the suffering God and therefore the Lord Jesus.[3353] Some three years later, Joseph, a seminarian at the Capranica, expressed this same wish when he wrote about his wanting to imitate Jesus. And this in an intimate way, “Perchè potrò imitare Gesù più da vicino”.[3354]

After setting up his missionary Society, Monsignor presented the union with Jesus as central for the members of the Congregation. Infact almost at the very beginning of the Constitutions of the Society, the Founder said this to each member, “Chi vuol appartenere alla Compagnia … deve essere infiammato dall’amore di Nostro Signore Gesù Cristo …”[3355]

The Founder urged the members of his Society to imitate Jesus Christ in his obedience, in his modesty and in his sacrifices.[3356]  To the novices he presented the imitation of the hidden life of the Lord.[3357] On the spiritual prefect of the catechist brothers, the Founder put the onus of a weekly talk. First among the topics to be dealt with, De Piro mentioned, “… la dottrina di Nostro Signore Gesù Cristo …”[3358] For the Servant of God the superior general of the Society must be so united to Jesus Christ that he spreads on everyone the fragrance of the Lord.[3359] The Founder exhorted the sick members of the Society to be united to the suffering Jesus Christ:

L’infermo non dovrà in verun modo affliggersi se il suo stato lo renda inutile alla Comunità, se egli non possa più attendere, come prima, al suo apostolato, al suo ufficio, ma tutto il suo studio dovrà essere di fare la volontà di Dio, nella condizione in cui lo ha posto, offrendogli i suoi patimenti in unione di quelli sofferti da Gesù Cristo nella sua passione e morte…[3360]

 

In the section of the Constitutions, “Della Purità d’Intenzione”, the Servant of God exhorted all members not to bother about the criteria of the world or their self love when doing their apostolate. In order to arrive at this, there is only one solution, “… rimiri sempre in ciascuno Nostro Signore Gesù Cristo …”[3361] To the preachers of the Society, the Servant of God said this, “Per rendersi idonei alla predicazione siano i sacerdoti della Compagnia ben compresi dall’amore di Gesù Cristo, e dal dovere inerente di spargere sempre ed ovunque il suo buon odore (2.Cor.2.15.).”[3362]

- De Piro’s union with God experienced through his union with the Incarnate Son

It has already been indicated that apart from some meditation notes about the birth of Jesus, De Piro did not seem to have written any complete sermon exclusively about the incarnation of the Lord.[3363]  Reference has also been made to the many phrases of Monsignor about the mystery of Jesus’ incarnation.[3364] Studying these phrases one can easily conclude that for De Piro the central truth in the mystery of the incarnation was precisely God’s becoming one with humanity through his Son, Jesus.

Also, the above mentioned phrases are to be found in his sermons which deal with other topics: God,[3365] Jesus Christ and his various mysteries, [3366] Our Lady and her mysteries,[3367] the saints,[3368] and the missions.[3369] This means that the unification of God with humanity through Jesus’ incarnation was all the time in the mind and heart of De Piro. But he himself was a human being. Therefore one can rightly say that God’s union with him through the incarnation of the Son was a truth so central in his mind and heart.

- De Piro’s union with God experienced through his union with the suffering Son

In this thesis ample reference has been made to De Piro’s drawing of the face of the suffering Jesus. There has been both a description of the drawing[3370] and even some reflections on the main elements which make up this representation.[3371] In fact there was special reference to Jesus’ eloquent silence,[3372] his strong fragility,[3373] and therefore his being a sign of contradiction.[3374] How could Joseph, a young teenager of 14, include all this in his drawing had he not been united to the suffering Jesus even from before the drawing itself?

In the pros and cons exercise in order to discern his vocation, Joseph De Piro mentioned several realities which made him decide in favour of the priesthood.[3375] Among these he mentioned his desire to be completely united to the God who suffered for him, “Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio, avendo egli tanto sofferto pei miei peccati.”[3376] This God was no one but the suffering Jesus!

In the pros and cons discernment exercise to decide whether to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” or to St Joseph’s, Malta, Joseph, a third year theology student, put down numerous reasons against the former and in favour of the latter.[3377] Amongst these, the Servant of God included two, one against the “Accademia” and another one in favour of St Joseph’s Orphanage. These last two referred to Jesus’ sufferings:

8. Infatti allorchè per mezzo del mio Rettore, mandaì al Presidente dell’Accademia la negativa sperimentaì grande consolazione nel pensare di aver scelto la corona di spine con Gesù anzichè quella delle rose.”[3378]

 

8. Perchè alla morte possa trovare qualche conforto nel pensiero di aver sofferto un poco per Gesù avendo Egli tanto sofferto pei miei peccati.”[3379]

- De Piro’s union with God experienced through his union with the Eucharistic Jesus

De Piro’s preaching has already been referred to at length.[3380] Monsignor preached about many topics. In the case of many of these sermons the subject assigned to him was not the Eucharist, but during these same sermons, at some one moment, the Servant of God, as if forgetting the main topic, preached about the Blessed Sacrament just the same.[3381] Then in the sermons which dealt uniquely with the Eucharist, De Piro referred to the various dimensions of the Eucharist: the sacrificial characteristic of the Sacrament,[3382] the conditions for the reception of the Sacrament,[3383] the Eucharist and sin,[3384] the First Holy Communion,[3385] the frequency of its reception,[3386] its effects,[3387] the adoration of and prayers to the Blessed Sacrament,[3388] the one hour adoration,[3389] the visit to the Blessed Sacrament,[3390] and the Eucharistic Congress.[3391] In spite of these many and various Eucharistic aspects one can note that the Servant of God repeatedly mentioned another particular one: Jesus’ unification with the human being through the Blessed Sacrament. In the 44 pages of Eucharistic sermons there are no less than 28 references to Jesus’ becoming one with us through the Blessed Sacrament. Some are made up of only short phrases while others  are made up of longer passeges.[3392] Without doubt, therefore the Blessed Sacrament was another main source for De Piro’s union with Jesus Christ.

After all this, one can say without hesitation that between Jesus Christ and De Piro there was a love relationship. De Piro can be said to have been a permanent disciple and progressive property to the person of Jesus Christ; he was an authentic expression of the sentiment of Jesus Christ that penetrated his whole being.

 
 
 
(ib)  De Piro’s union with God experienced through his union with the Spirit

In his sermons, Monsignor referred some 19 times to the Holy Spirit.[3393] In one of them he said who was for him the Third Person of the Trinity, “È la Terza Persona della SSma Trinità che discende sull’universo per rigenerarlo.”[3394] With these words De Piro already showed that the Holy Spirit does not act on the universe from afar; he first becomes one with the universe and therefore with humanity. But some other words of the Servant of God show this all the more; he presents the Holy Spirit as the, “alleanza universale tra Dio e gli uomini.”[3395] With these last words Monsignor is more explicit about God’s union with humanity through the Holy Spirit.

(ic)  De Piro’s union with God experienced through his union with Mary

Mgr De Piro started one of his sermons about Our Lady by referring to what he considered as the fundamental need of every human being, his or her union with God, “Il cuore dell’uomo è fatto per Dio - che uno tenda verso Dio, che uno si avvicina a Dio, che uno si unisca con Dio, è il primo bisogno dell’anima umana - il cuore dell’uomo in Dio solo trova la sua vita, il suo riposo, la sua felicità.”[3396] But the Servant of God reminded those who listened to him that at times the human being tries to seek sin as an alternative for God.[3397] After a while the sinner realises that through sin he or she is not able to acquire what was being sought. Therefore the individual turns again to God, but while doing this the human being realises that it is too hard to reach God immediately. At this very moment the sinner discovers the possibility of a mediation, Our Lady, “… tra il cuore di Dio Padre ed il cuore del peccatore vi è il cuore della Madre sua e Madre nostra - onde con tutta fiducia il peccatore ... può alzar il suo sguardo verso questo trono perchè nel salutare la Maestà Reale di colei che trovasi assisa e gli vi scorge anche il cuor tenero di sua Madre ‘Salve Regina mater misericordiae’.”[3398] De Piro ends this sermon by saying where in Scripture one can find Mary presented as the one who unifies again the sinner to God:

… la parola che Dio c’insegna che Maria è la nostra madre di misericordia, è il nostro rifugio portiamoci col nostro pensiero nel luogo e nel giorno in cui per la prima volta entrò il peccato nel mondo. I due nostri progenitori Adamo ed Eva insieme col colpo della sentenza di maledizione sono consolati da una speranza. Nel mentre che Iddio il peccato verrà disfatto per mezzo di una donna, per mezzo di Maria.

Ed ecco perchè F.D. Maria viene chiamata ed è protettrice degli uomini, un vero loro rifugio, per questo ufficio che le viene da Dio assegnato noi la troviamo paragonata nelle sacre Scritture ora ad un esercito schierato alla battaglia, ora una fortezza inespugnabile, ora ad una torre forte di mille combattenti, tutti uniti colle quali lo Spirito Santo vuol significare la potenza di Maria e la sua azione benefica a favore nostro, poveri peccatori …

Mirabile inchiodato moribondo sulla croce. A chi incaricherà di non lasciar che vada perduto il frutto suo lavoro doloroso? A chi incaricherà per preparare gli uomini a reclamare per Lei il prezzo del suo sangue?

… il pensiero di Gesù Cristo è di affidarlo a Maria a preferenza di tutti.

Ebbene la parola omnipotente di Gesù moribondo creerà dunque per tutti gli uomini per tutti, diciamolo, i peccatori, una madre e una madre degna di questo nome. Questa madre è sotto i vostri occhi è Maria Mulier ecce figlius tuus, ecce Mater tua, in luogo di Gesù tutte le generazioni di peccatori, in luogo di un sol uomo tutti gli uomini.[3399]

(id)  De Piro’s union with God experienced through his union with the saints

In the 59 pages of De Piro’s sermon notes about the saints there are not less than 23 exhortations towards their imitation.[3400] But why all this emphasis on the imitation of the saints? Who were the saints for the Servant of God? In a sermon about St Joseph, De Piro presented the saints as, “… esemplari dell’osservanza della legge di Dio.”[3401]

When talking about St Francis, the Servant of God referred to the saints as, “… campioni, degli eroi come per rinfrescare la memoria della sua vita mortale, come per infondere nelle anime dei fedeli nuova forza onde possano seguirli nella via delle croce.”[3402] At another time Monsignor was asked to preach about St Anthony of Padua. On this occasion he makes an assertion about the saints, “Quello che innanzi agli occhi di Dio ingrandisce e rende preziosa l’anima dei santi è senza dubbio la pratica della virtù.”[3403] While talking about St John Berchmans, De Piro said that the saints are, “questi intimi amici di Dio, quali esemplari dell’osservanza della sua santa legge, quali modelli di perfezione, di santità …”[3404] At another moment Monsignor showed that for him the saints were, “… veri seguaci di Lui …”[3405]

Being so the saints could not but be another most efficient means with which De Piro became always all the more united with God

(ie)   De Piro’s union with God experienced through his union with the Word of God
                   - The Word of God in general

Amongst the many pages of sermons of De Piro a short note was found where the Servant of God, while referring to St Theresa, said that together with the Eucharist, the Word of God gives life, conserves it, sustains one’s health, gives happiness … defends us from the devil.[3406] But Monsignor also frequently presents God’s Word as another means with which to be united to God. He presents the Word of God as one of the means which helps us get the Beatitudes which awaits us after death.[3407] In fact it is a powerful means to arrive at this.[3408] It is obvious that the Servant of God is here referring to eternal life, the life to come. But he immediately says that the effects of the Word of God are not only a future reality; one can enjoy them even here on earth. In fact he mentions our feeling “… sollevati nello spirito …”[3409] And what is this feeling in the spirit mentioned by De Piro if not God’s presence in us? What is eternal life if not our complete union with God? According to Monsignor this happens through the Word of God.[3410]

In a sermon about God’s commandaments, De Piro mentioned the frequenting of the sacraments, the mass and prayer as means with which to sanctify Sundays.[3411] But he also referred to the Word of God.[3412] And what is Sunday if not the day of the Lord? And what is its sanctification if not our union with God?

In the sermon just mentioned, De Piro also referred to the third commandament and the means with which to observe it: prayer and the sacraments.[3413] To these he adds the Word of God.[3414] But what is the obedience of the seventh commandament if not one’s union with God through the actuation of his will?

On a 9 Sunday after Pentecost, the Servant of God preached about Luke 19: 41-47. In this sermon he made special reference to Jesus’ words: “… your visitation from God.”[3415] He mentioned the several means with which the Lord visits the individual in order to help him or her. Among these means De Piro mentioned the Word of God.[3416]

On 11 June 1920 Monsignor was invited by the Daughters of the Sacred Heart to lead the celebration of the renewal of the vows of some Sisters. In the homily he delivered on that occcasion the Servant of God referred to the fact that the nuns’ house was a sacred place. He also told them why he considered the convent as sacred: there lived Jesus Christ. He also told them that amongst the means with which Jesus Christ was present, there was the Word of God.[3417]

For De Piro the Word of God is that which saves and therefore that which unites the individual, even when a sinner, with God for ever, “Oh quanti anche peccatori ora risplendono nella gloria del paradiso per aver ascoltato con umiltà e aver custodito nel loro cuore la divina parola.[3418]

Having all this in mind De Piro could not but refer very fequently to the Word of God in his sermons.[3419] And this at a time when it was not that quoted by preachers.

                   - The Letters of Saint Paul, in particular

If one were to have a look at Appendix 2 one would find out that in his sermons De Piro made 104 references to the Letters of St Paul.[3420] Of these references 46 dealt with Christ’s union with humanity:

Reference

Quotation

Times referred to

Rm 8, 9

However, you are not in the flesh but in the Spirit, if indeed the Spirit of God dwells in you. But if anyone does not have the Spirit of Christ, he does not belong to Him.

1[3421]

Rm 8, 29

For those whom He foreknew, He also predestined to become conformed to the image of His Son, so that He would be the firstborn among many brethren;

1[3422]

Rm 8, 35

Who will separate us from the love of Christ? Will tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword?

19[3423]

Rm 8, 38

For I am convinced that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor things present, nor things to come, nor powers,

2[3424]

Rm 8, 39

nor height, nor depth, nor any other created thing, will be able to separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.

1[3425]

1Co 3, 16

Do you not know that you are a temple of God and that the Spirit of God dwells in you?

1[3426]

Ga 2, 20

"I have been crucified with Christ; and it is no longer I who live, but Christ lives in me; and the life which I now live in the flesh I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me and gave Himself up for me.

15[3427]

Ep 5, 32

This mystery is great; but I am speaking with reference to Christ and the church.

2[3428]

Ph 2, 7

… but emptied Himself, taking the form of a bond-servant, and being made in the likeness of men.

4[3429]

Table 20

                   - And “the Password”

De Piro did not only preach these dispositions. He even lived them himself. So much so that the living of the Word in general and Paul’s Letters led him to the living of a particular Biblical phrase,[3430] a phrase which has undoubtedly united him most intimately with his Lord. After returning to Malta from Switzerland in 1904, he immediately started his search for other priests with whom he could discuss the foundation of his Society. One of these was Fr Emmanuel Vassallo of St Joseph’s Institute, Malta. On 7 August 1905 the Servant of God even gave to Vassallo a written description of his project. Amongst others, the Founder put down these words, “La nostra parola d’ordine deve essere, ‘Sequar te quocumque ieris’.”[3431]

(if)  De Piro’s union with God experienced through a continuous search for the divine will

Without doubt the above mentioned union with God, made De Piro continuously search the divine will for him. But on its part this same search continued making De Piro one with God all the more. During his first year of law studies at the University of Malta, De Piro discerned whether he had to continue those studies and become a lawyer or put behind him this course and start the seminary formation which could lead him to the priesthood. In order to arrive at the knowledge of the divine will for him, he made use of the pros and cons discernment exercise.[3432] He did the same when he was in his third year theology. On his part Archbishop Peter Pace repeatedly invited him to continue his studies at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica dei Nobili” after his priestly ordination, while he himself wished to go and settle at St Joseph’s, Malta.[3433] Even on this occasion Joseph made use of the pros and cons discernment exercise. The fact itself that the Servant of God made the above mentioned exercises, already indicated that even while still a youth De Piro was already very attentive about knowing God’s will for him. But then the contents of the exercises shows this all the more. In the exercise he did in order to choose his vocation, Joseph said that he had felt the call to the pristhood since early childhood.[3434] Then there was a time when he did not feel it, but this was only for a short while.[3435] When he felt it again he immediately sought the help of his confessor[3436] … obviously to know through the help of the latter what was the divine will for him!

Further on in this pros and cons exercise, De Piro wrote that:

1.             … Sento che questo è il vero stato a cui sono vocato.

2.             Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio …

12.         Il giorno 8 Maggio ‘98, dopo una novena alla V. di Pompei in cui la chiesi di farmi conoscere la vera volontà di Dio …[3437]

 

A few months after he had abandoned the law studies at the University of Malta, Joseph went to Rome and started his philosophy and theology. One of his sisters, Teresina, seemed to have sent him some good wishes for his studies and future life. On 23 February 1899, Joseph wrote to his mother and showed her that trying to know the will of God, was still what he wished most, “Faccio osservare a Teresa che certi auguri con tanta serietà sarebbe meglio che se le risparmiasse. L’augurio che accetto con piacere e di ben conoscere la Volontà di Dio…; e basta.”[3438] In the exercise by which the Servant of God discerned whether he had to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” or to St Joseph’s, Malta, there was again a very clear indication about De Piro’s wish to know the divine will for him, “Siccome nelle mie communioni una delle prime grazie che chiedo al Signore, è appunto di farmi conoscere la sua volontà …”[3439] In relation to the same choice, the Servant of God was making use of another means with which to know God’s will for him: the Archbishop of Malta. Joseph strongly wished to put aside the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” and go to St Joseph’s Home. At the same time he only wanted to do this if allowed by Mgr Peter Pace.[3440] On 15 March 1902 Joseph was ordained priest.[3441] Having finished his third year theology[3442] and gone to Switzerland to recuperate his health,[3443] the Servant of God returned to Malta for good.[3444] On 9 January 1905 he shared his dreams about the Society with his spiritual director, Fr Ferrara, and asked him whether he had to talk also to Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the Director of St Joseph’s, Malta.[3445] This was nothing but another attempt by De Piro to know God’s will for him. Ferrara’s answer was positive.[3446]

In order to know God’s will for him as regards the foundation of the Society, De Piro did not approach only his spiritual director; he even started talking to several of his companion priests.[3447]. With one of them, Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the Servant of God had the first meeting on 16 January 1905.[3448]

De Piro again sought the help of his superiors, this time in relation to the starting of the Society. On 29 September 1908 he talked to Mgr Peter Pace.[3449] He did the same with the Apostolic Visitor, Mgr Peter La Fontaine, on 2 November 1909.[3450] And he continued doing this all along the years.[3451]

(ig)  De Piro’s union with God experienced through prayer

“Prayer is the lifting up of the soul towards God to know him well, to adore him and thank him and to ask him what you need.”[3452] These words of De Piro show quite clearly what was another most efficient means with which he lived his intimate union with God.[3453] For Monsignor prayer was that which first and foremost helped the individual come to the knowledge of God. But here it is quite clear that by knowledge De Piro was not implying only intellectual understanding; he even meant experiential awareness. Then as a result of this type of knowledge the individual finds out that he has to adore and thank God. The individual’s experience of God through prayer also encourages the former even to seek the divine help.

There were several witnesses in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God who referred to the prayerful life of De Piro. Putting these testimonies together one can conclude that Monsignor prayed a lot, whenever and wherever it was possible for him to do it. Fr Telesphoro Farrugia O. Carm., said that he used to see Monsignor praying while going to Fra Diegu Institue or when coming back from St Joseph’s, Malta.[3454] Mr Louis Galea, who hailed from Qrendi, said that he used to see Fr Joseph going from one side of the parish to the other, praying.[3455] Benedetta Farrugia, an Mdina spinster, testified that when she met Monsignor passing by, he often had the Breviary open and he prayed with it.[3456] Srs Teresa Degabriele and Pia Caruana said that after visiting the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, De Piro used to go back to St Joseph’s, Malta, by cab, accompanied by Degabriele herself who lived in the Home for babies and small children near St Joseph’s. This must have therefore been after 1925 because the Home was opened during that year.[3457] Therefore this was the time when the Servant of God could have taken the opportunity of these trips and talked to Sr Degabriele about her nascent Congregation, the building of the new Institute at Zejtun, or the Home for babies. De Piro did nothing of this. While on the cab, he used to stay quiet, all the time praying.[3458] Fr Augustine Grech, a member- priest of De Piro’s Society almost summarised all the above when he said that the Founder was rarely seen if not praying, even when walking in public streets.[3459] Br Emmanuel Gafa, one of the first members of the Society, testified that when at St Joseph’s, the Director used to pass through the corridors, praying.[3460] Another Brother of the Society, Felix Muscat, said almost the same thing.[3461]  Srs Consiglia Vassallo and Felice Vella of Fra Diegu Institute testified that the first thing De Piro did whenever he entered the Institute was that he spent some time in prayer.[3462] Sr Pauline Cilia repeated the same thing.[3463] Fr Michael Camilleri, another ex member of the Society, said that whenever the Founder could not sleep at night, he used to stay praying.[3464] Br Felix Muscat synthesised all the above with these few words, “Mgr De Piro was a man of continuous prayer.”[3465]

De Piro cultivated his union with God through prayer all though his life, but then there were particular occasions when prayer helped him in a particular way in order to keep alive this union with the Divine. As he did in Davos where he was because of his sickness “… mi sono sentito male e per la seconda volta (la prima era il 19 luglio 1900) ho veduto andare in aria tutte le mie buone intenzioni.”[3466] In Switzerland he could not start that congregation which he intended to found in Malta.[3467] He could only pray, “…ed ho pregato, pregato, pregato.”[3468]

Returning from Switzerland to Malta, Fr Joseph was determined to put into practice the “… antiche idee”.[3469] In less than 12 months, on 9 January of the following year, he started sharing his plans with those whom he thought would be of some help to him.[3470] But not only this! He continued praying, “18 Novembre (1906): Trovandomi a Roma ed occorrendo oggi la dedicazione delle Basiliche dei S.S. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo, ho celebrato in San Pietro in Vaticano e proprio sull’altare di S.Pietro. Ho applicato la messa in onore dei S.S. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo pregando loro …”

After facing many difficulties of all sorts, De Piro started his Society on 30 June 1910.[3471] If he had prayed before founding his Congregation, he prayed as much after its beginning. In 1923, John Vella, in whom the Founder had put so many hopes, because he was the first priest of the Society, abandoned him to become diocesan. It was De Piro himself who brought Vella the news of his incardination to the Maltese Archdiocese. Fr John himself testified how the Servant of God handled the case, “… the Bishop informed me through Monsignor that he was accepting me in the Diocese. As soon as the Founder returned home, he went straight to the chapel, stayed there for a while and afterwards came to me with the Bishop’s answer.”[3472]  Some time after Vella added, “He approached me, looking downwards, and told me, ‘The Bishop accepts you in the Diocese.’ ‘What are you saying?’ I asked him. I was thunderstruck. He left me alone and went to the chapel, knelt down and remained there praying, with his head in his hands.”[3473]

The acquisition of the land on which he had thought to build the Society’s Motherhouse implied a lot of fatigue for the Founder. According to Mr John Buhagiar, an employee at St Joseph’s, Malta, and Fr Beninju Azzopardi, one of the first members of the Society, the Servant of God prayed a lot on that occasion.[3474]

Mr John Balzan of Qrendi testified that Monsignor was very regular in his prayers. He used to be daily at church for the rosary and the Blessed Sacrament Benediction.[3475] Fr John Vella, the first priest of the Society, said that even after a hard days’ work, he never slept without reciting the Breviary.[3476] And in order not to drowse while reciting the Liturgy of the Hours, he used to say it while walking.[3477] Anton Muscat Azzopardi, a St Joseph’s old boy, said that in order to remain awake he wanted one of the members, Fr Joseph Spiteri, to remain near him.[3478]

Several witnesses emphasised the fact that the Servant of God was very concentrated, recollected and devout during his personal prayers or the liturgical celebrations. And he did not want anyone to disturb him. Fr Michael Camilleri said that, “During prayers he did not talk to anyone. Once there came the Bishop to talk to him. Since we knew that he did not want to be disturbed when praying we did not want to tell him. At last one of us informed Monsignor. After the Founder went out of the chapel he told us, ‘The one with whom I was is more important than the Bishop.’”[3479]

Camillo Aquilina, another of the first members of the Society, emphasised the same thing as regards the Founder.[3480] Sr Eletta Sant of Fra Diegu, noticed the Director’s recollection while in the chapel of the Institute.[3481] Carmena Mallia referred to De Piro’s devotion during mass.[3482] As did Fr Augustine Grech,[3483] a priest of De Piro’s Society, and Joseph Vella[3484] and Br Felix Muscat,[3485] two old boys of St Joseph’s. The latter also noticed the Director’s great recollection when praying in front of the Holy Eucharist.[3486] Fr Ugolino Gatt OSA related Monsignor’s devoutness to God’s presence in him especially in his participation in the Liturgy at the Mdina Cathedral, “In liturgical acts and in the sacristy he showed the same seriousness. And here one could observe the solemnity of his behaviour. He showed most clearly that there was something in him which he really lived and showed externally.”[3487]

Sr Pauline Formosa, who was a child in Mdina at the time of Monsignor, confirmed Gatt’s testimony. As did Fr Seraphim Fenech OfmConv., Mr Biagio Galea, Mr Peter Paul Cutajar, Fr Alphonse Maria Camilleri Ofm., and one of De Piro’s nieces, Sr Marie De Piro.[3488]

In the above paragraphs some types of prayer of Monsignor have already been mentioned, but there can be more references to De Piro’s particular prayers. Fr Augustine Grech referred to the Founder’s meditation:

He made his daily meditation.[3489] He used the book “Meditazioni per Religiosi” written by a Jesuit father. From a note written in his meditation book by the late Fr. Joseph Spiteri MSSP, we know that his last meditation, on the very day of his death, was ‘Il Religioso infedele dinanzi al Tribunale di Dio.’ Whenever he was in our House, he made his meditation with us. Our meditation used to last for half an hour.[3490]

 

Here Fr Grech was referring to the days when De Piro had already founded the Society. But the Servant of God himself indicated that he had been doing the meditation much before 1910. In the pros and cons exercise with which he discerned his vocation, Joseph, although he was not even a seminarian, mentioned the meditation.[3491]

De Piro could not act otherwise. He was so much convinced of the necessity of the meditation in the life of consecrated persons. To the 1929-1930 Brother novices he said this, “Meditation is very much necessary … The meditation is what we think of God in his virtue. Meditation is half an hour’s retreat. Therefore we should leave everything behind and think of God.”[3492] Fr Augustine said also that De Piro, “… was faithful to the Divine Office.”[3493] The same witness testified that,“At midday he made the particular examen, and before going to rest in the evening, the general examen of conscience.”[3494] Two Brothers of the Society, Felix Muscat and Venanz Galea, and Fr Dominic Coppola Ofm, an ex member, said almost the same words about the Founder’s meditation, the Divine Office and the examinations of conscience.[3495]

Srs Vassallo and Vella said that the Director visited the Institute three times each week, Mondays, Wednesdays and Saturdays. On Thursday, at about 3.00 pm., he used to make the one hour adoration with the girls of the Institute.[3496] The same was said by Carmena Mallia, an old girl of the Orphanage.[3497]

Michael Vella Haber, another ex-member of the Society, mentioned two invocations repeated frequently by the Founder: “Jesus Nazarenus, Rex Iudeorum, miserere nobis,”[3498] and “Ecce crucem Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, fugite partes adversae, vicit leo de Tribu Iudeae, radix David, Hallelujah!”[3499]

In the pros and cons exercise for the choice of his vocation, young Joseph De Piro mentioned the reading of the lives of the saints.[3500]

Fr Augustine Grech testified that he could notice that the Founder, because he was a man of prayer, was continuously in the presence of God.[3501]

 

(ii)  All the above helped De Piro …

(iia)  Know himself and accept himself

In the pros and cons exercise by which he discerned his vocation,[3502] and in the other one with which he decided to go to St Joseph’s, Malta, and not to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”,[3503] De Piro showed quite clearly that even though still at a young age, he already knew himself quite well. In two of the reasons in favour of his joining the priesthood, Joseph showed that he knew so much the components of his own “nature” that he could see quite clearly that the priesthood was the state that could match most with himself, “8. L’aver dopo riflessione trovato essere questo lo stato più confacente alla mia natura.”[3504] And, “11. Il sentirmi dover essere felice in questo stato, in tutte le controversie quali fin ora m’incontrai in questa vita.”[3505] Among the reasons in favour of his going to St Joseph’s Orphanage and not to the “Accademia”, the third year theology student mentioned a particular characteristic of his, the wish to live in a community, “2. L’amore di vivere in communità di persone ecclesiastiche e perciò sento dover essere contento in compagnia dei due sacerdoti, che già stanno in direzione della Casa di San Giuseppe.”[3506] The one reason De Piro brought out against his becoming priest showed that he was conscious of the existence and power of his sexual needs, “1. L’istinto animalesco alla vita coniugale … 2. e perciò il timore che durante la mia vita celibe; nella lotta tra lo spirito e la materia abbia questa ultima il sopravvento.”[3507]  When Joseph was deciding in favour of his going to St Joseph’s, Malta, and on the other hand against his studying at the “Accademia”, he mentioned another two needs which he felt he had to educate in him:

4. Perchè stando in famiglia mi metto in pericolo di attaccarmi alla richezze; o che è certo occuperanno gran parte dei miei pensieri e del mio tempo.[3508]

 

5. Perchè mi metto in pericolo di desiderare posti, cariche ed onori …

6. Mentre al incontro, col rifiutare di andare all’Accademia mi son messo al sicuro dal desiderare e molto più dal domandare posti e cariche onorifiche in diocesi.[3509]

 

When discerning whether or not to go to the “Accademia” he mentioned his intellectual limitations “4. In fatto di intelligenza non risplendo …”[3510]

In the two exercises mentioned above, the Servant of God showed that he knew and admitted that he was a sinner. He used such expressions as, “5. … pei miei peccati,”[3511] “2. … seppe trovarmi tra il numero dei peccatori …,”[3512] “3. Si recogito peccata mea desi…,”[3513] “3. Il derio di far penitenza pei miei peccati …,”[3514] “… pei miei peccati.”[3515] And he mentioned a particular type of sin, “3. … particolarmente per quelli che sono stati di danno al prossimo.”[3516]

 

The above references to De Piro’s own words show that he was not only conscious of his own nature and being. He also accepted himself with all that.

 
(iib)  And even humble himself

In the previous pages emphasis has been made about the union with God one has to live in order that one may really live charity towards the underprivileged or those who lack evangelisation. But it has to be affirmed that there is another requirement for one to be charitable: one has to be also humble. Jesus, the Master, lived his emptying of self in order to bring to us the love of the Father.[3517] De Piro was in fact humble. Because he was so much united with God, through his words and actions Monsignor wanted to be the faithful transmitter of God’s love and for this he accepted paths of service and humility and projected his existence in terms of solidarity and self sacrifice.

If reference were to be made to the testimonies given at the Ecclesiastical Tribunals, it can be easily noticed that one of the virtues mentioned several times by the witnesses was De Piro’s humility. In the 1987 sessions there were 26 references to it,[3518] in the 1988-1992 sessions, 70 references,[3519] and in the Gozo sessions, 3.[3520] Some of those interrogated referred to it more than once.[3521] There were those who did more than refer to De Piro’s humility. These went as far as saying that the virtue that excelled in the Servant of God was undoubtedly the virtue of humility.[3522] Among these last ones there was Aloisius Aloisio who interviewed some of the witnesses during the 1960s and 1970s, and who said this to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal:

Those I interviewed showed me that they were not so much struck with the many activities of the Servant of God but with his humility and his humanity that had a lot of spirituality in it. At times I was really astonished with what they narrated to me. What they told me made me feel the deep spirituality of the Founder. There were times when I was transcribing the information and I felt really moved.[3523]

 

Even individuals like Mgr Lorenzo Spiteri, who did not have the opportunity to meet the Servant of God very frequently, knew quite well that the Servant of God was a humble person, or still more: a very humble one.[3524]

Appendix 3 puts together all the witnesses who singled out De Piro’s humility.[3525] Studying this synoptic presentation one would find out that the witnesses came from all walks of life: there were diocesan priests, religious men and women, amongst whom members of De Piro’s own Society, and laymen and laywomen. They came both from Malta and from Gozo, from Mdina and other Maltese towns or villages. The witnesses knew De Piro in different circumstances: his own relatives met him in family environments; some attended the catechism classes in the Society’s first House at Mdina; others were boys and girls in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes; some of them made part of the charitable institutes’ staff. Put together they made it clear that the Servant of God was humble always, everywhere and with everyone.

                   - De Piro could have had so much, but he gave up all

The Servant of God was descended from a very noble and rich family. Witnesses referred to the several houses, or rather palaces, owned by the De Piros.[3526] They mentioned those in Mdina,[3527] Valletta,[3528] Qrendi,[3529] Birzebbugia,[3530] Attard,[3531] Lija,[3532] and St Paul’s Bay,[3533] all in Malta. Some of the nieces of Monsignor mentioned also another two houses, one in Rome[3534] and another one in Florence,[3535] Italy. All of them were big, well furnished houses.[3536] Even the brothers and sisters of the Servant of God, including Fr Sante, the brother of the Servant of God, had their own spacious and rich houses.[3537] Monsignor could have had a house of his own, at least as much as his brothers and sisters. Yet, he did not have any. Instead, he had available for him a room in his mother’s houses.[3538] These rooms were again well furnished and having all the necessities.[3539] But he did not even use any of these rooms.[3540] He chose to live in the rooms he had in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes[3541] or in the Society’s Mdina Houses, at St Agatha’s, Rabat, or at the Oratory, B’Kara.[3542] The rooms at the institutes[3543] or in the Society’s Houses[3544] had nothing to do with those in his mother’s palaces.[3545]

In the De Piro houses there were as far as five maidservants,[3546] and a butler.[3547] Even Fr Sante had servants in his two houses.[3548] Br Calcedon Zammit, one of the first Brothers of the Society, who was himself a cook, said that these maids prepared very good food.[3549] Although some of the witnesses said that in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes[3550] and in the first houses of the Society [3551] food was quite good, several others talked of very poor food in the institutes[3552] and in the Society.[3553] De Piro did not only choose to eat in the institutes and with the Society’s members; he had the same food as the orphaned boys and girls of the institutes[3554] and the same food as the members of his Society.[3555]

Without doubt, had the Servant of God stayed at home, his mother would have surely taken care of his clothing. In fact this is what Francoise Marie Leopardi, a niece of Monsignor, said as regards the liturgical vestments, “His mother saw to this and one of her maids (Nuzzi) was in charge of laundering his white vestments and keeping his Dean’s clothes in order.[3556] She also said that, “When I say that Grandmama supervised everything, I mean that she saw to it that his clothes, etc., were well looked after, but the maids did the work.”[3557] Monsignor went to his family home only for short whiles and therefore his mother could not care so much for his daily clothing. Some of the witnesses said that he always wore neat clothes,[3558] but some others testified to the opposite. His niece, Sr Marie De Piro said that, “Once Uncle came to see my mother. He was wearing a simple scarf and had a half broken umbrella. It was raining. His look on that occasion was that of a poor shabbily dressed man. For him it seemed all right. For us it seemed that he could and ought to have been better dressed, with an old overall and all that.”[3559]  Another niece, Anna Sant Cassia, testified that, “… he did not spend money for his own everyday clothes. He used his clothes as long as they could serve him.”[3560] Anthony Scerri, one of the boys who attended the catechism classes in Mdina said that, “His mother would complain because he did not care much about his dignity as monsignor and because his shoes were torn. At times I noticed that his shoes were torn. I believe that if he had money he reserved it for the Institutes because he was more concerned about the In­stitutes than about clothes or shoes.”[3561] Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv., the biographer of De Piro, tried to balance the two groups of the above mentioned testimonies, “He was tidy in his cassock, but the clothes he wore underneath were patched.”[3562]

Without doubt the sacrificing of the above mentioned basic needs meant for De Piro a lack of good health.

The other members of the De Piro family, especially his mother, trusted Joseph a lot;[3563] he was his mother’s favourite.[3564] On the other hand Beatrice Cremona, one of the nieces of the Servant of God, went as far as saying that Ursola was Joseph’s confidant.[3565] Witnesses say that it was to her that he first confided his decision in favour of the priesthood.[3566] Then, when he was in Rome for his philosophy and theology he wrote a lot of letters to her.[3567] And these were intimate ones.[3568]

After returning to Malta from Switzerland Fr Joseph stayed at the Qrendi Parish.[3569] In 1907 he was nominated Director of Fra Diegu Institute.[3570] Some time after, round about 1910, Ursola thought of promoting her son Joseph further. Through the Archbishop’s secretary, she made His Excellency decide to nominate Fr Joseph, canon of the Metropolitan Cathedral. Archbishop Peter Pace agreed with the suggestion and in 1911 Fr Joseph became Monsignor Joseph De Piro. He was only 33 years old.[3571]

Because of the above mentioned benefits, the Servant of God could have lived a very easy, tranquil, cosy, comfortable and challenge-free life. The Servant of God never gave up the support of his relatives in the many ministries he had in the local Church. At the same time, when he opted for the foundation of the Society, De Piro found very little of this backing from the part of the Church’s hierarchy and his companion priests. Instead of support he experienced disheartenment from some of the Maltese bishops. Fr John Vella, the first priest-member of the Society said this about the Maltese Bishops’ lack of support to the Founder:

I was asked to go to the Vicar General, Bishop Portelli. ‘You know where I am,’ I told him. ‘That is a mess!’ answered me Bishop Portelli ... Bishop Pace did not like to please him. The Founder asked him more than once to approve the habit of the Society. ‘Let them be an example,’ was always the answer. He himself wished to give us the habit. He tried for a long time to get it. The ecclesiastical authorities kept him back from progressing. They did not show so much hope in the scope and ideal which Monsignor De Piro wanted to actuate. Bishop Portelli was not less sceptic than his predecessor.[3572]

 

Some youths did join the Founder and even became members in formation, but these left the Society after getting a good education.[3573]  Fr John Vella, the one mentioned above, joined the Servant of God.[3574] He finished his years of formation, and was even ordained priest.[3575] But after four years of priesthood even this one abandoned the Founder and became a diocesan priest.[3576]

With the above mentioned challenges one can add such others as: the discomfort of the lack of money because De Piro had to find lodging for the members of his Society,[3577] provide food,[3578] clothing, etc.,[3579] for them, guarantee the members’ academic,[3580] spiritual and religious formation, provide their recreation, etc; the discomfort of his not having any more time for himself, because he had to be with the members, even to sleep with them;[3581] the discomfort of travelling because much of his work was in the south eastern part of Malta, while the Society’s first houses were in the South western part of the Island, Mdina - in those days all transport was uncomfortable … and De Piro used the public transport;[3582] the discomfort of companions with whom to talk - the first members were still very young, coming from low class families and therefore not much cultured, etc.[3583]

Being a De Piro, had Fr Joseph stayed at home, he could have easily enjoyed a lot of popularity both in the Church and in the Maltese society. The setting up of the missionary Society implied for the Founder another detachment: that from honours and promotions, even in the Church. In the Constitutions he prepared for the members of his Society, the Founder did not want them to accept honours.[3584] To be an example for them he did not want to accept to become Monsignor.[3585]

 All the civil openings could have made the Servant of God highly aesteemed by those around him, with so many possibilities of becoming influential and powerful in the Maltese civil society. Whenever to the civil openings there was added the priesthood, the individual concerned always got the possibility of several promotions even in the ecclesiastical environment. De Piro was himself entrusted with several such responsibilities,[3586] but he could have been entrusted with many more had he not opted for the charitable institutes and the foundation of the Society.

Whereas living as a priest in his family environment would have meant for the Servant of God a lot of security, leaving behind that environment and opting for a life dedicated to the poor and for evangelisation meant for De Piro disheartenment, discouragement, difficulties and even opposition.

 

Section II

For a pro-existence

 

In the first part of this chapter the question asked was: what did De Piro receive? what did he have in him? what was he? Basically, it was said that Monsignor was one with God. In this second part we shall be asking: what has the Servant of God done? We can say that all the above can be considered without hesitation as the source of De Piro’s person and work and the centre of gravity of his words and actions. The above was the criterion for Monsignor’s actions and words. The contents of the following pages, what he did, was the effect of the above. His was a “received” mission. If he had been so much one with God, he could turn his life into an existence for others. De Piro’s union with God educated him in love, formed him in his giving himself to his underprivileged brothers and sisters or those who needed evangelisation. His relationship with God was the school that thought him about to whom to give, what to give, how to give, when to give, where to give. De Piro was the humble envoy or faithful ambassador of the God-love.

 

(i)  Having tried to know God’s will for him, De Piro went further: he did his best to do it

 

Reference has been made to the pros and cons discernment exercise Joseph De Piro made in order to know what was God’s will for him regarding his vocation. In this same exercise the Servant of God did not show that he only wanted to know the divine will; the last reason in favour of the priesthood indicates that Joseph had in fact decided to live it, “12. Il giorno 8 Maggio ‘98, dopo una novena alla V. di Pompei … sentì la forza di decidere pel bene, cioè in favore allo stato sacerdotale.”[3587]

But for the Servant of God the priesthood in general,[3588] and his own priesthood in particular, were synonymous with a selfgiving to the brothers and sisters who needed his help. Therefore living God’s will for him was his giving himself to his needy brothers and sisters.

Again, in the letter Joseph sent to his mother on 23 February 1899, Joseph did not say that he only wished to know the will of God. He said that he even wanted to execute it.[3589]

For De Piro the superiors were not only means with which he could know God’s will for him. Through them he felt assured that he was actuating the divine will. This in the case of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes. It has been said that Fr Joseph had planned that after his priestly ordination he would return to Malta and dedicate himself completely to the poor orphans of St Joseph’s Home.[3590] In 1904 he came back to his native country[3591] Because of his health he stayed for almost three years in Qrendi.[3592]  In 1907 he did not go to St Joseph’s but to Fra Diegu Institute.  And this because Archbishop Peter Pace nominated him Director there.[3593]  In 1922 it was again his superiors who showed him God’s will; he went to the Jesus of Nazareth Institute.[3594]

It was only in 1922, or 20 years after his priestly ordination, that De Piro went to St Joseph’s, Malta.[3595] Again it was the Archbishop who nominated him for this post and it was only then that he went there.[3596]

For the Gozo Institute, the Servant of God had two sources to assure him that what he was doing was God’s will for him. Parishpriest Joseph Hili wrote in the name of Gozo’s Bishop and the other parishpriests, making the request to De Piro to start and direct the Orphanage in the Diocese.[3597] Then before accepting, De Piro asked the permission of the Archbishop of Malta.[3598]

During the first eight years of the direction of St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God felt the need to have a Home for babies and young children.[3599] He was more than convinced of the urgency of such a place. In fact in a letter he wrote to Archbishop Mauro Caruana, De Piro showed his disappointment for procrastinating the beginning of this project. At the same time he did not want to act before he had the necessary permission of his Archbishop.[3600]

Even in the case of his being made Monsignor of the Metropolitan Chapter, the Archbishop was considered as the one who assured De Piro that he was actuating God’s will for him. When Fr Joseph found out that he was going to be nominated Monsignor, his first reaction was one of nonacceptance. He expressed his disagreement with his mother, with the then dean of the Chapter and even with Archbishop Peter Pace himself who nominated him. The Servant of God only accepted after His Excellency assured him that by his obedience he was going to follow God’s will for him.[3601]

This nomination introduced Monsignor to several other responsibilities amongst which his becoming, in 1918, a member of the National Assembly.[3602] During the second meeting of the Assembly there began the three-day riots of the Sette Giugno 1919.[3603] It seemed that here the divine will was asking of De Piro his intervention in favour of the Maltese. And the Servant of God gave his share.[3604]

Since De Piro was so much involved in the foundation and development of the Society of St Paul, one may easily get the impression that the Servant of God was the beginning and end of the development of this Congregation. One may easily forget that the Founder was executing the divine will.

Some eight or nine years before the foundation of the Society, Joseph, a seminarian at the Capranica College, put down in very clear words who was going to be the real originator of this new Congregation. At some time during the scholastic year 1901-1902 he wrote down in his Diary that, “… un sentimento interno mi dice, che Iddio da questo istituto voglia formare a Malta, una Congregazione di sacerdoti sotto il Patrocinio di San Paolo, e così nel rendere stabile l’opera a Malta, si diffonda anche all’estero.”[3605] On 11 December 1901 Joseph De Piro started the retreat for his diaconate.[3606] During these days of reollection the Servant of God put down the reasons in favour and against his going to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” and/or St Joseph’s, Malta.[3607] Among the reasons in favour of the Orphanage, he mentioned again the foundation of the Society and repeated the truth that it was God who wanted to start it at St Joseph’s.[3608] Therefore with his going to the Institute he was only doing God’s will.

When in 1904 Fr Joseph returned to Malta for good, he tried to find other priests with whom he could share his projects about the foundation of the Society.[3609] Amongst these there was Fr Emmanuel Vassallo.[3610] The latter told De Piro to put his ideas in writing.[3611] The Servant of God tried to do this, but was not successful.[3612] Instead, he wrote a letter to Vassallo and asked him to pray for the initiative.[3613] This in itself indicated again that De Piro was convinced that he was doing everything he could in order to start the Society, but he also believed so much that he and others had to pray God’s intervention on it; he was convinced that the Society was God’s own project.

Six months later Fr Joseph succeeded in writing down his “idea” and he personally took the written paper to Vassallo.[3614] In this paper the Founder showed that he was considering God as the one who was expected to dictate the type of Society De Piro was going to set up, whether it was going to be a religious one or something else. Also, the Founder was making it clear for the future members that their main aim was going to be to do God’s will for them, unconditionally, “5) Pel presente non fare voti ne giuramenti, però dobbiamo essere disposti a secondare la Volontà Divina con somma generosità. La nostra parola d’ordine deve essere, ‘Sequar te quocumque ieris’.”[3615] The same he did when in Rome on 18 November 1906: through the intervention of Saints Peter and Paul he prayed God to show him his divine will and help him actuate it.[3616]

Since 1919 the Servant of God had been seeing that the first house of the Society was becoming smaller and smaller for the increasing number of members.[3617] In fact he had also been trying to get a piece of land, adjacent to St Agatha’s chapel, in order to build the house on it.[3618] He got the land[3619] and on 3 October 1932 held the blessing of the foundation stone of St Agatha’s Motherhouse. On that occasion the Founder delivered a speech.[3620] In it he referred to the hard work undertaken to arrive at that date. At the same time De Piro emphasised God’s primary share in this project. In the very beginning of the speech he referred to the words of Psalm 127 (126), “Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labor in vain.” [3621] Then he also referred to God with such words as “… l’agente principale”[3622] and “… il Signore che aveva posto mano all’opera …”[3623] Therefore with the building of the House the Founder was executing God’s will.

To Fr Angelo Mizzi, a Capuchin missionary in Abyssinia, De Piro presented his missionary contribution as being one with God’s will, “Ella faccia pregare i piccoli ragazzi Somali, registri le loro preghiere sull’annessa formula e faccia il favore di mandarmela. Lo dico per esperienza, da quando ho fatto pregare i piccoli ricoverati negli istituti di beneficenza la piccola opera missionaria ha acquistato maggiore consistenza.”[3624]

Even whenever he referred to the sending of the members of his Society to the missions, De Piro was quite clear about the connection between the missionaries being sent and God’s own will, “We hope that one day our Institute will be fortunate in sending some of its members who, like these four new apostles, disperse the seed of the Word of God in those countries where in his mercy he would like to send them.”[3625]

In his secret will De Piro was quite clear about his own role and God’s part in the foundation of the Society, “… la Compagnia di S.Paolo Istituto Religioso per le Missioni Estere-nell’Istituzione del quale il Signore in cui ho posto sempre la mia speranza, si è degnato di servirsi di me ed oggi canonicamente eretto dal Diocesano di Malta per venerato decreto del 14 Novembre 1921 …”[3626] The Society, which was that through which Monsignor became one with those in need of the Good News, whether the Maltese in Malta, or those abroad or the ad gentes people, was God’s will for the Founder himself.

 

(ii)  Through the cooperation of others

                   - With the help of his mother and other members of his own family

Ursola De Piro encouraged her son Joseph a lot with her continuous backing in his many apostolates. Although Beatrice Cremona, one of the nieces of the Servant of God, could not give examples, she witnessed to the cooperation between her grandma Ursola and her uncle Joseph.[3627] Elena Refalo, another niece of De Piro, referred to the collaboration between mother and son.[3628] Br Paul Spiteri OSA, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Malta, referred to the mother’s support in the Director’s help to the beggars, “I know that Mons. De Piro used to help my sister and I saw him also helping others. Besides, I heard about other cases. People came everyday. The money needed was partly his own. His mother, who was of great help to him, also contributed …”[3629] Carmena Mallia, a Fra Diegu old girl, said something similar, “I know that the Servant of God gave alms because I heard people say this. He was well known for his charity ... I think that the money he gave was partly his and partly from his mother …”[3630] Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv., the biographer of the Servant of God, corroborated the above testimonies, “More than anyone else, he used to ask for help from his mother. He used to beg her unceasingly for … the poor.”[3631]

Ursola supported her son’s ministry in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes. Sr Marie De Piro, a niece of the Servant of God, noticed that at Fra Diegu her grandma collaborated with her son Joseph through her physical presence, “It was Grandma who used to take me to Fra Diego. I do not know whether Grandma was invited by Uncle or whe­ther she went on her own initiative. We used to go on the 19 March, the feast day of Uncle’s patron saint, and on some other occasions.”[3632] Another niece of Monsignor, Anna Sant Cassia, corroborated this affirmation of Sr De Piro.[3633] The same was said by the above mentioned Elena Refalo.[3634] This last witness said that her grandma did this because she loved Fra Diegu Institue very much.[3635] Fr Anton V Gaffiero, a Hamrun priest, testified that, “He made his mother a poor woman in order to improve the situatiuon of the institutes.”[3636] Mgr Antonio Buhagiar, a penitent of De Piro, said this about Ursola and her support to the Director of the charitable institutes, His mother helped and supported many institutes and this support increased when the need was bigger. Monsignor often used to give his share when the institutes were in need, especially during the war. ‘Mother, mother, they do not have sugar. What are we going to do,’ he used to tell her.”[3637] 

Sr Marie and Anna Sant Cassia also said that their grandma helped her son and the institutes financially. Elena Refalo said that Ursola supported her son by buying cloth and lace from Fra Diegu.[3638]

Refalo mentioned another type of support offered by her grandma to Uncle Joseph, “I know of two girls from Fra Diego’s, one Richet by surname, and the other Thomas by surname, who wanted to become Sisters. Grandma employed them as maids (presumably on Uncle’s suggestion), even though she did not need their services, until they prepared the necessities to enter religion.”[3639]

Within the context of the charitable institutes, Nazzareno Attard mentioned also the fact that the Director referred to his mother for advices, “Mons. De Piro was not dominated or led by his mother, but, in my opinion, he respected her word. Also, in my case (Attard being admitted or not to St Joseph’s, Malta), it is clear that Mrs. Ursula had talked to her son about my case …”[3640] Anna Sant Cassia witnessed something similar, “Then Uncle would walk along the long corrid­or absorbed in his thoughts. Sometimes he would make a question or ask the opinion of his mother about some point. Grandma would take her time to think things over. Then she would answer him.”[3641] As was said by Sr Iole De Piro, another niece of the Servant of God.[3642] Mother Pacifica Xuereb referred to the same thing as regards Fa Diegu Institute, “His mother used to suggest to him several projects to be introduced in the Institute so that the children would not be idle.”[3643]

The Anna Sant Cassia referred to above, mentioned her other relatives in relation to the support given to her Uncle at Fra Diegu Institute, “I do not know the reaction of the other members of the family to Uncle’s work at the Institutes. Some members of Fra Diego’s Institute were employed, when they grew up, with brothers and sisters of the Servant of God. One of them was employed with us …”[3644] Elena Refalo referred to the support offered by Fr Santo to his brother Joseph:

This same servant (Giuseppa Borg) used to tell me that Uncle Santo used to give alms and help a lot. Besides, I know personally that once, when I was at Uncle Santo’s, I saw a table covered with fish which Uncle Santo had caught (he used to go out fishing as a hobby), prepared to be sent to various institutes, among them I remember Fra Diego’s. Besides, every year he used to invite the girls of this Institute to his house for a holiday at his own expense, and he gave them some sweets before leaving.[3645]

 

De Piro, besides being Canon of the Cathedral was also Dean of the Metropolitan Chapter. Because of this responsibility he always had to treat special guests who went to the Cathedral for some of its main feasts. Sant Cassia said that on these circumstances her grandma supported Uncle Joseph by hosting these same guests in her house.[3646]

Elena Refalo referred to another type of support: her uncle asked his mother what to preach to the girls.[3647]

Besides the support mentioned above, the Servant of God was also aided by his family as regards his Society. Br Paul Spiteri OSA, an old boy at St Joseph’s, Malta, said this in the 13 January 1989 Tribunal session, “… she loved him very much and provided him with financial help for the Society he was founding… the financial help that his mother gave to the Monsignor for his Society.”[3648] Michael Vella Haber and Paul Xuereb, two ex members, Fr Alexander Bonnici, OfmConv., the biographer of the Servant of God and Fr John Vella, the first priest of De Piro’s Society, said almost the same thing.[3649] Fr George Cassar, who happened to be a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship, testified to the more varied material help Ursola gave her son and his Society:

On another day I was speaking to Monsignor’s mother. While we were talking we mentioned the Society which Monsignor had just started. ‘The Society is improving,’ I told her. ‘I am the one who is suffering because he has impoverished me. At one time he comes here to ask for help. At another time he asks for money. When there is not enough food he takes from here. He also comes to take the bed linen,’ lamented his mother.[3650]

 

Mr Damian Bugeja, whose family took care of the De Piro house in Qrendi, witnessed that Ursola helped her son’s Society by making her Qrendi house available for the holidays of the members, “The students had some three rooms attached to the villa of Monsignor’s mother. During the summer days they used to go there for the holidays.”[3651]

Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit testified to another type of help, “I know that Ursola (the S.G’s mother, known popularly as Kika) helped her son a lot, financially. She also gave her son moral support.”[3652]  Beatrice Cremona, a niece of the Founder testified that, “… Uncle used to discuss things with mother.”[3653]

                   - In unity with his local Ecclesiastical superiors

Since his first year of studies in Rome, the Servant of God had thought that after being ordained priest he would ruturn to Malta and settle at St Joseph’s Institute.[3654] He continued cultivating this thought, but at the same time wished to obey the Archbishop.[3655]

St Joseph’s, Malta, was most important for De Piro. Besides wishing to live there with other priests,[3656] an internal feeling had told him that at St Joseph’s there would begin a congregation under the patronage of St Paul.[3657] In 1907 the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, who knew that the Servant of God wished to set up a missionary society,[3658] did not nominate the Servant of God to St Joseph’s. Instead, he asked him to go to Fra Diegu. Although the latter was an Institute for girls, and therefore Fr Joseph could not start the congregation there,[3659] he obeyed and, in unity with his ecclesiastical superior, started his ministry there.[3660]

Fifteen years passed since De Piro had been made Director of Fra Diegu. Another charitable institute was entrusted to the care of the Servant of God. Again, it was not St Joseph’s. It was the Jesus of Nazareth Orphanage.[3661] This Institute catered once more for girls, and therefore it did not offer any possibility for an expansion of De Piro’s Society in it. In spite of this, Monsignor accepted, but he only accepted because he wanted to collaborate with his Archbishop, this time Mauro Caruana, “… la mia direzione per l’Istituto Gesù Nazzareno, che io non accettaì, questa volta, se non pel tramite di Vra Eccza …”[3662]

It was only at the sudden death of Fr George Bugeja, the Director of St Joseph’s, on 23 November 1922, that Mgr De Piro was nominated to take responsibility of that Home.[3663] The Servant of God did as before; being determined to be one with his Archbishop, he obeyed and took over St Joseph’s, Malta.

De Piro’s unity with Archbishop Caruana was again demonstrated when the Gozo parishpriests asked the Servant of God to start a charitable institute in their Diocese. Monsignor asked the permission of his Ordinary before saying yes to the request.[3664] On the same occasion De Piro collaborated also with Gozo’s Bishop, Michael Gonzi. This could be noticed quite clearly in the continuous contact there was, in one way or another, between Mgr Gonzi and the Servant of God, both before and after the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo.[3665] At first there was some lack of agreement between His Excellency and De Piro on some articles of the statutes written by Gonzi. But after some meetings and a bit of correspondence, Gonzi accepted De Piro’s views[3666] and St Joseph’s, Gozo, was opened on 21 May 1925.[3667] On that day the Director delivered a speech addressed to the Bishop. His words continued showing his bond with Gonzi:

… qual sempre siamo E. R. ad onorarla ed esternarla il culto che conserviamo in cuor nostro verso la Sua Venerata Persona …ci sentiamo oltremodo contenti che spetta a noi l’onorevole ufficio di salutarla per la prima volta in questo luogo … E non sia mai che noi su questo foglio omettessimo l’espressions del sentimento contrario. Vivissime grazie pertanto siano rese dinanzi a tutti a V. E. per la generosità ed abnegazione con cui accolse nella Sua Diocesi questa nuova sezione della Casa di San Giuseppe di Hamrun …[3668]

                   - Through the help of other priests

In order to decide whether to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” or to St Joseph’s Orphanage, the Servant of God made one of his pros and cons discernment exercises. Among the reasons in favour of St Joseph’s Home, Joseph, the seminarian at the Capranica, put down these words, “2. L’amore di vivere in communità di persone ecclesiastiche e perciò sento dover essere contento in compagnia dei due sacerdoti, che già stanno in direzione della Casa di San Giuseppe.”[3669]

At this early age of 24, and when he was not even ordained deacon, Joseph De Piro was already showing that for him it was not enough to be given to the poor and the needy. He wanted to do this in communion with other priests. In fact it was even a bit earlier than his retreat started on 11 December 1901, that Joseph had thought of going to live with other priests at St Joseph’s, Malta: in connection with the scholastic year 1899-1900 the Servant of God wrote in his Diary that during the 1900 summer holidays he talked to Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the Director of St Joseph’s, about his wish to go and stay with him at the Orphanage.[3670]

On 9 January 1905, and therefore a little more than four years after he had shown for the first time Fr Vassallo his wish to go and stay with him at the Orphanage,  Fr Joseph consulted with his spiritual director, Fr Ferrara sj., and asked him whether he had to share again his wish with the Institute’s Director.[3671] Fr Joseph met Fr Emmanuel in Valletta on 16 January 1905 and again mentioned to him St Joseph’s.[3672] This time the Servant of God did not share with Vassallo only his inclination to live in communion with him. Vassallo was also the first of a series of Maltese diocesan priests whom De Piro asked to join him in the foundation of a new missionary congregation.[3673]

Exactly because De Piro’s plan included the foundation of a missionary society it was not that easy for Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the Director of St Joseph’s, to immediately invite De Piro to stay with him at the Institute. Also, Vassallo ended up his mission at the Orphanage in 1905 and was succeeded by Fr George Bugeja. To the latter, De Piro talked about his project on 10 December 1906.[3674] Again some time passed and there was not so much done. It was only on 19 February 1907 that De Piro and Bugeja decided something quite significant. They agreed that if they were to invite any other priest to join them they would not mention the vows, but, “… la formazione della comunita.”[3675]

Some other time passed and both De Piro and Bugeja did their best to find other priests who could join them in their project of evangelisation.[3676] To one of the priests who showed himself interested, De Piro said this on 26 January 1909, “… che l’opera doveva incominciar colla vita in comunità.”[3677]

The Servant of God continued with his mentioning the community living and not the vows. On 1 August 1909 he did this when he formulated the first draft of the profession that was supposed to be done by the members of his future Society:

In Nome del Padre, del Figliuolo e dello Spirito Santo, Cosi’ sià.

 

Promettiamo innanzi a Dio, alla Beata Vergine Assunta in Cielo ed a San Paolo Apostolo di formar parte della Piccola Compagnia di San Paolo appena ottentuta l’opportuna autorizzazione dalla Santa Sede.

Scopo della Compagnia è quello di formare dei missionari ed inviarli ove occorrono.

La Compagnia considererà come proprio il libro degli Esercizi Spirituali di S. Ignazio di Loyola dal quale estrarrà le proprie regole e constituzioni.[3678]

 

On 7 August 1905 Fr Joseph had written that his Society “… se coll’aiuto di Dio e della Vergine si arriverà all’erezione di corpo regolare, questo deve essere perfettamente tale.”[3679] For a society to be regular the members had to profess the vows. In fact in 1915 the Founder introduced the promise of the vows in the profession formula of the first two members of his Society. But he kept also the community aspect.[3680]

In the CIC (1917), or better in the commentaries to this Code, there was the use of the phrase “community life”, but it was nothing more than “common life”: “In every organisation the community life shall be followed faithfully by all, even in those things pertaining to food, clothing and furniture…”[3681] It was then mentioned again in CIC (1917) 2389, but here only the violation of community life and the punishment to be incurred were presented. In many of the sections of the Original Constitutions of our Society, De Piro put down here and there several articles which were intended to help the community living, but the Founder never used the word “community”, except in the section about the librarian.[3682] Only the phrase “common life” is to be found. Obviously one cannot therefore find a particular section about the community aspect in the Original Constitutions. At the same time the Servant of God wrote a whole section about charity.[3683] This can be considered without hesitation as the section about community living.

De Piro, started the section about charity with these words, “Tutti devono essere persuasi della grande necessità di mantenere fra noi il più stretto vincolo di scambievole carità. Infatti quanto più uniti saranno fra loro i membri della nostra Compagnia, altrettanto questa si mostrerà più vigorosa, e sarà ognora più atta alle imprese della gloria di Dio e salute delle anime.”[3684]

Coming to the Constitutions of his Society, the Founder wanted to make the members realise that the heart of all their apostolate must be the unity among them. This is what he emphasised again in his spiritual testament:

Ed intanto raccomando a tutti i membri indistintamente della Compagnia di S. Paolo, siano essi superiori o sudditi, ad usare tutte le loro sante premure per mantenere tra di loro la mutua carità in Cristo tenendosi per persuasi che nulla potrà maggiormente procurare la gloria di Dio, la prosperità della Compagnia, il bene spirituale proprio e del prossimo, quanto la conservazione della stessa giusta le parole di S. Paolo Nostro Padre ‘Charitas vero aedificat’ I Cor.[3685]

                   - In conjunction with the Foundress of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute

De Piro was one with the Foundress of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Guzeppina Curmi. Mother Teresa Degabriele, one of the first members of the Institute, testified that, “The Monsignor used to come to our Institute once a month. After having lunch with us we used to spend some time talking together. I, Mother Teresa, was in Hamrun. When De Piro came to our Institute, the Foundress used to inform me. I used to go to Zejtun and both of us met the Monsignor.”[3686] Sr Scolastica Pace confirmed this in her 2 March 1992 testimony.[3687]

                   - De Piro’s collaboration with other priests at St Joseph’s, Malta

Before taking over St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God was in continuous communion both with Fr Emmanuel Vassallo and with Fr George Bugeja, his predecessors in the direction of the Institute. He was still in Rome for his studies and from there he wrote regularly to Vassallo.[3688] With Bugeja, De Piro had a lot of contact because of the Society the latter wanted to set up.[3689] When Fr George became Director of St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God himself substituted him when he had to be away for about one month.[3690] At other times, after the Servant of God had founded his Society, there was so much contact between Bugeja and De Piro that the latter more than once sent the members of his Society to St Joseph’s to substitute the Freres De La Salle with the boys.[3691]

- In union with the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus, the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth, the members of his own Society and Maria Assunta Borg in the ecclesiastical charitable institutions

Within the context of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes the Servant of God was also continuously one with those who were in charge of the day to day running of these same Homes. He continuously worked hand in hand with the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus in their care of the Fra Diegu girls.[3692] Again, there was a strong bond between the Servant of God and the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth as regards the care of the orphaned girls of their Institute in Zejtun, St Francis de Paul at B’Kara and in the Home for babies at Santa Venera.[3693] Hand in hand with the members of his Society, Monsignor worked for the orphaned boys of St Joseph, Malta and Gozo.[3694]

- With the other members of the Maltese National Assembly (1918-1921) and those of its Central Commission

De Piro had been chosen as the first of four Monsignori to represent the Cathedral Chapter in the National Assembly of 1918-1921, led by Sir Filippo Sceberras, to write a draft constitution for Malta.[3695] On 25 February 1919 De Piro met the other members of the National Assembly for their first session.[3696] On 7 June of the same year the members met for the second time.[3697] This time it was decided that they set up a Central Commission to do the spade work for the drafting of the Constitution. The Servant of God was again chosen as a member.

While the members attended the second meeting of the Assembly, in the streets of Valletta there started the tragic riots of 7, 8, and 9 June 1919.[3698] The Assembly members were asked to help calm down the angry mob.[3699] There were 270 members in the National Assembly,[3700] but only a handful of them offered to help. Monsignor was one of these few ones. He collaborated with this small group and together with them mediated for the acquisition of peace.[3701] Together with the other members of the Committee Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919 he financially helped the families of the dead or wounded of the Sette Giugno riots.[3702]

- In conjunction with the members of his Society, those of the Society of Christian Doctrine (MUSEUM) and with Michael Casolani, for the evangelisation of the children in Mdina and Rabat, in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes and in B’Kara

In the first house of the Society, the Founder worked hand in hand with the members in order to give a good catechism grounding to the Mdina and Rabat boys.[3703] The Director, and again the members of his Society, collaborated together in the teaching of catechism to the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta.[3704] At Fra Diegu Institute the Servant of God worked hand in hand with the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus in the catechetical instructions given to the girls there.[3705]  De Piro, the members of his Society and the lay catechists worked together to give a good basic catechetical formation to the boys who attended the Oratory at B’Kara.[3706] For the teaching of catechism in B’Kara, the Oratory’s Director sought even the collaboration of the members of the Society of Christian Doctrine (MUSEUM).[3707]

- De Piro’s work with others in favour of the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants

The foundation of the Society itself already indicated that De Piro did not want to work on his own for the Maltese migrants; he wanted to have many who either as priests or as lay brothers would make part of a religious congregation which had to start with an apostolate among the Maltese abroad.[3708] Also, until his Society grew and provided the evangelisers for the Maltese migrants, the Founder cooperated with those who wrote to him on behalf of the Maltese abroad by collaborating with diocesan and religious priests and helped some of these go abroad with their conationals.[3709]

- De Piro’s seeking of the collaboration of others for the evangelisation of those who lacked the Good News

De Piro was still at the Capranica, in Rome, when he talked to his spiritual directors, Frs Sammut sj and Gualandi sj, and to Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the Director of St Joseph’s, Malta,[3710] about the foundation of a congregation.  After settling in Malta for good, the Servant of God did his best to find other priests who could either help him with their advice or join him in the setting up of a congregation whose main aim was the evangelisation of those peoples who still lacked the Good News.[3711] With the help of Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., superior of the Abyssinia mission, and the other Capuchin Friars there, in 1927, De Piro sent Br Joseph Caruana, a member of his Society, to that African country.[3712] Mizzi wished to have even priests from De Piro’s Society, but this was impossible for the time being.[3713] Therefore the Servant of God was entrusted with the task to convince the Capuchins in Malta to go themselves to Abyssinia.[3714] After even this attempt failed, Mizzi thought of the Diocese of Gozo as a solution.[3715] Mgr Gonzi, Gozo’s Bishop, did not want to embark on this mission if not with the cooperation of the Archdiocese of Malta. Therefore Mizzi again turned to De Piro to persuade Malta’s Archbishop Caruana to take over the African Mission.[3716]

 

(iii)  And by loving everyone according to one’s needs

It has been indicated in chapter 1 that De Piro’s service to society and to the Church has been quite varied, but for the reasons already mentioned at the very beginning of chapter 2 we focused since then our attention on his love for the underprivileged and for evangelisation.

In the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, both in Malta and Gozo, the Servant of God saw to it that the boys and girls were well nourished,[3717] had the necessary clothing,[3718] a decent home where to stay,[3719] and enjoyed a satisfactory hygene.[3720] De Piro was also very attentive on the orphans’ physical health.[3721] He personally visited them when sick in bed.[3722] With the orphans, the Director balanced between discipline and kindheartedness.[3723] Monsignor paid a lot of attention to the academic aspect of the orphans’ life: they all got a basic education[3724] and some were even encouraged to continue further studies.[3725] In order to help the orphans find work, earn their living and occupy with honour a place in society,[3726] the Director encouraged the teaching of trades and crafts.[3727] He even promoted the cultural aspect of the institutes by encouraging the orphans’ participation in the music band.[3728] But he was also very attentive that the boys and girls be given a sound and practical knowledge of religion[3729] and a good moral formation.[3730] Monsignor paid a lot of attention to the Liturgical and paraliturgical aspects of the Orphanages, especially the Eucharist[3731] and the Sacrament of Reconciliation.[3732] As he did for prayer, [3733] the Marian devotion[3734] and the devotion to St Joseph.[3735] Recreation was quite central in the timetable of the Institutes.[3736] Even the relationship of the boys and girls with their families,[3737] their preparation for life outside the charitable institutes[3738] and their choice of vocation.[3739] Before the boys and girls left the Institute, the Servant of God used to give them some money.[3740]

De Piro’s helping hand was extended even as far as the families of the instititutes’ boys and girls. He helped them financially[3741] and he frequently listened to their broken hearts when in trouble.[3742]

The Servant of God felt himself responsible to assist financially even the old boys and old girls of the charitable insititutes.[3743] He even included them in his will.[3744] He was also available to help them by listening to their problems.[3745] On 21 February 1933, being a senator, Monsignor intervened on the part of the institutes’ old boys and old girls in the Third Maltese Parliament.[3746] He helped the old girls by providing them even with a training centre where they could learn a trade and get a living.[3747]

The workers at St Joseph’s Institute needed financial help and the Director did help them by adding some extra money to their salaries.[3748] There was an occasion when he gave injury money to one of the employees.[3749] While Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina, the Servant of God asked the Archbishop to increase the salary of the employees who worked there.[3750] He also encouraged the increase of the salary of the academic and lay staff of the Cathedral School and their being given a retirement pension.[3751]

De Piro helped financially even the families of the Institutes’ employees.[3752]

Monsignor’s financial charity was not limited to the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, the Oratory, the Seminary or the Cathedral school. Many individuals, most of them anonymous, asked for his help and the Servant of God always assisted them.[3753]

The Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus who cooked the food at the Seminary, were not in need of any material help, but as other human beings they appreciated their superiors’ gratitude for what they were doing at the Mayor Seminary in Mdina. While writing his report for the scholastic year 1919-1920, the Rector praised the contribution of these nuns in the formation of the seminarians.[3754]

At the Major Seminary in Mdina, De Piro protested strongly with the Archbishop himself against the miserable food that was served at the Seminary. He personally visited the seminarians whenever these were sick in bed. Without doubt the Rector could not but pay a lot of attention to the academic aspect of the seminarians. In his report for the 1919-1920 scholastic year, Monsignor showed his concern about the not so good teaching of moral theology. He also encouraged the teaching of the Gregorian Chant  and some new subjects, very important for the prospective priests. The Servant of God paid attention to the liturgical aspect of the life of the seminarians, including the frequenting of the Sacrament of Reconciliation. The same he did for prayer  and the devotion to Saint Joseph. As he did for the pastoral dimension and the seminarians’ relationship with the world outside the Seminary. And for the moments of relax. At the Seminary, De Piro practiced a very reasonable discipline.[3755]

According to several witnesses, the Constitutions of his Society, and the notes of the Conferences he delivered to the 1929-1930 Brother novices, the Founder presented clear material about the need to have enough good food for all the members.[3756] He even procured a good academic formation for them.[3757] In the Society’s Houses there was a lot of attention for the Liturgical aspect of the members, especially the Eucharist[3758] and the Sacrament of Reconciliation.[3759] Even prayer was given a lot of importance.[3760] As was given to the Marian devotion,[3761] especially to Our Lady Assumed into Heaven,[3762] the love for Saint Paul,[3763] for Saint Joseph[3764] and for other saints.[3765] De Piro saw to it that the members of his Society received a good religious life formation, whether in general,[3766] as regards their community living,[3767] the vows in general,[3768] the vows of chastity,[3769] poverty,[3770] obedience,[3771] together with the vow of missions and the Society’s charism.[3772] Even the pastoral dimension was well catered for.[3773] As were the moments of recreation.[3774] Attention was paid to the members’ relationship with their families.[3775] The Padre went as far as seeing that the members involved themselves in some manual work.[3776] With the members of his Society, De Piro related with a fatherly discipline.[3777]

According to the Servant of God, the Maltese migrants had to receive material instruction and external education, and the cultivation of their faith. This could be given by means of religious instruction and other teaching. If the above was not given, the result would be moral and material loss.[3778]

De Piro set up his Congregation first and foremost to evangelise the ad gentes countries.[3779] For him this was mainly the spreading of the faith, but this proclamation of the Good News was in itself the giver of life,[3780] the holistic melioration of humanity,[3781] liberty,[3782] the light of belief,[3783] the light of true life,[3784] and the light of truth.[3785] The Missionary Laboratory was principally set up in order to serve as moral support for the missionaries. But it was also expected to provide the missionaries themselves and the ad gentes people with the basic human needs, such as food, clothing,[3786] first - aid material and medicines.[3787] The Founder insisted continuously on this attention for the material and spiritual aspects of the missionaries themselves and the evangelised people.[3788]


 

 

Conclusion

 

In his article “Christology,” Alois Grillmeier affirmed that after the Summa Theologica of St Thomas Aquinas no new Catholic teaching regarding Jesus Christ appeared in Christian thought and scholarship; only commentaries about the Angelic theologian’s work were produced.[3789] Antonio Giliberto adds that this same conviction is held by many other theologians besides Grillmeier.[3790] Illuminism provoked some new discussion; it promoted the dissociation of Jesus from Christ, in that a historical individual, and therefore one limited by time and space, cannot work out universal salvation.[3791] Here Jesus was only human. In an opposite direction, the Biblical Historical-Critical Method,[3792] while always distinguishing between the Jesus of history and the Christ of faith, tried at the same time to recuperate the historical reality of Jesus Christ. It therefore gave importance to the historical figure of Jesus, but who was considered only a prophet. He was messianic but not divine. This method of exegesis led to the Modernist crisis, which continued creating a distance between the data of faith and that of history. Modernist theology presented Christ as a man possessed by the divine Spirit, one endowed by superior religious experiences and therefore one with a conscience of a different Being.[3793] Obviously this theory met with opposition from the side of some theologians. Louis Billot (1846-1931) was its vigorous leading opponent,[3794] especially with his most speculative theology.[3795] He showed the importance of laying an adequate philosophical basis for dogmatic speculation.[3796] In relation to Christology he wrote his De Verbo Incarnato[3797] where he gave consideration to the question of the distinction of essence and existence before propounding and developing his theory of the hypostatic union.[3798]

Louis Billot taught at the Gregorian University in Rome during the years 1886 and 1888-1911.[3799] During the academic years 1900-1901 and 1901-1902, the 2nd and 3rd    years theological studies of Joseph De Piro, Billot taught the second, third and fourth year theology students.[3800] The Servant of God had therefore been one of his students. An exercise book of the Servant of God with notes of the De Verbo Incarnato course is still extant in the De Piro Archives. These pages are nothing but a summary of Billot’s textbook about the same subject.[3801]

The theological formation imparted by Billot to De Piro on Incarnation was translated in a clear way throughout the Founder’s life. The Servant of God did not teach or publish any systematic treatise about the Lord’s hypostatic union, but during his life he did indeed follow Jesus, human and divine, by giving a most balanced attention to both the human and the spiritual aspects of the human person.[3802]  The Founder’s charism was dual: love for those in need of basic human necessities and evangelisation.[3803] While practising his charity with the underprivileged and with those in need of the Good News, Monsignor continuously lived a holistic charity: enhancing the physical aspect, promoting all that had to do with the human character, encouraging the religious dimension or the religious practices, and in certain cases sustaining the living of religious life.[3804] De Piro could live so because, on the example of the Incarnate Word, he was all the time in union with God through his uninterrupted search for the divine will, the concrete living of the divine Word and through prayer.

In this way this incarnational spirituality of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro, could very well be seen as the inheritance passed on to the members of his Society and to the Church Universal.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appendices

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


 

Appendix 1

List of biblical references made by De Piro in his sermons

(This list was taken from the dissertation “The Handling of Pauline Texts by the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro” presented, in 1993, by Fr Mario Zammit Satariano mssp for the S. Th. L. degree at the University of Malta)

 

Old Testament

(In each case the text is followed by homily number, volume and page number according to the printed edition.)

 


 

Gn 1,3. 15; I, 37.

Gn 1,27. 138; III, 324. 144; III, 330.

Gn 3,4. 141; III, 327. 143; III, 329.

Gn 3,5. 117; III, 297. 170; III, 363.

Gn 3,15. 61; II, 167. 62; II, 170. 63; II, 173. 69; II, 184.

Gn 3,19. 172; III, 367.

Gn 5. 172; III, 366.

Gn 19,22. 136; III, 322.

Gn 22, 9-19. 15; I, 37. 104; II, 275. 212; III, 422.

Gn 28,17. 201; III, 409. 110; III, 286.

Ex . 29; I, 78.

Ex 16,4. 30; I, 81.

Ex 30, 23-25. 113; III, 292.

Lv 11,44. 99; II, 261; 103; II, 271. 110; III, 287. 134; III, 319.

Lv 19,2. 58; I, 161.

Dt 4,7. 29; I, 78.

Dt 28,1-15. 15; I, 37.

Dt 32,20. 14; I, 34.

2S 1,13. 15; I, 37.

2S 12,1-11. 175; III, 371.

2S 12,7. 123; III, 306.

1K. 15; I, 38.

1K 2,19. 78; II, 206.

1K 21,23. 167; III, 359.

2K 5,27. 206; III, 416.

Ne 8,9. 1; I, 2.

Jdt 15,10. 78; II, 209.

2M 7,22. 138; III, 324. 144; III, 330.

2M 7,28. 6; I, 11.

Jb 7,1. 19; I, 49.

Jb 7,5. 167; II, 359. 172; III, 366.

Jb 17,1. 169; III, 361.

Jb 19,21. 119; III, 301.

Jb 20,5. 5; I, 8.

Ps 8,7. 149; III, 335.

Ps 14,1. 12; I, 23.

Ps 14,2. 12; I, 23.

Ps 23,4. 6; I, 11.

Ps 35,4b. 3; I, 6.

Ps 36,4. 49; I, 136.

Ps 36,27. 12; I, 23.

Ps 37,14. 3; I, 6.

Ps 39,11. 112; III, 291.

Ps 41,2.3. 119; III, 300.

Ps 41,8. 13; I, 29. 14; I, 34.

Ps 50,12. 65; II, 177.

Ps 50,19. 65; II, 176.

Ps 58,7. 160; III, 348.

Ps 69,2. 111; III, 290.

Ps 86,36. 11; I, 20.

Ps 88,49. 13; I, 31.

Ps 88,50. 119; III, 300.

Ps 95,6. 3; I, 6.

Ps 104,21. 84; II, 225.

Ps 105,24. 117; III, 297.

Ps 110,4. 186; III, 385. 187; III, 387. 189; III, 390.

Ps 117,24. 184; III, 384.

Ps 119,5. 119; III, 300.

Ps 129,1. 183; III, 382.

Ps 132,1. 201; III, 409.

Ps 132,1-2. 113; III, 292.

Pr 8,16. 78; II, 208.

Pr 8,24. 61; II, 167. 62; II, 170. 63; II, 173.

Pr 8,31. 35; I, 102. 42; I, 115. 43; I, 119. 46; I, 130. 186; III, 385. 187; III, 387. 188; III, 389. 192; III, 394.

Pr 8,39. 89; II, 216.

Pr 13,3. 140; III, 326.

Pr 15,83. 104; II, 274.

Pr 23,26. 67; II, 179.

Pr 24,30-34. 153; III, 340.

Qo 1,2. 142; III, 328. 149; III, 335. 151; III, 337.

Qo 7,17. 5; I, 8.

Qo 12,1. 158; III, 346.

Qo 12,5. 117; III, 296. 118; III, 299. 141; III, 327. 143; III, 329.

Sg 4,7. 62; II, 169. 64; II, 174.

Sg 5,2. 108; III, 283.

Sg 6,9. 61; II, 166. 62; II, 169. 63; II, 172.

Ws 4,2. 78; II, 204.

Ws 10,13. 40; I, 111.

Ws 18,16. 5; I, 8.

Si 2,1. 108; III, 282.

Si 2,9. 72; II, 191.

Si 3,24. 160; III, 348.

Si 5,4. 155; III, 342.

Si 7,10. 157; III, 345.

Si 14,12. 5; I, 8. 167; III, 359. 172; III, 366.

Si 18,20. 1; I, 3.

Si 24,7. 69; II, 183. 73; II, 193.

Si 24,25. 68; II, 181.

Si 41,1. 169; III, 361.

Si 50,5. 61; II, 167. 62; II, 170. 63; II, 173.

Is 43,7. 138; III, 324. 144; III, 330.

Is 48,52. 158; III, 346.

Jr 2,20 72; II, 191.

Jr 6,13. 172; III, 367.

Jr 8,6. 155; III, 343.

Jr 17, 7-8. 111; III, 290.

Ezk 18,32. 122; III, 305.

Ezk 28,17. 86; II, 228.

Dn 3, 23-30. 104; II, 275.

Dn 14,23-27. 167; III, 359. 172; III, 366.

Hos 2,14. 81; II, 219.


 

 

Mt 1,19. 82; II, 221.

Mt 1,23. 71; II, 189.

Mt 2,1-11. 52; I, 145.

Mt 4,19. 115; III, 294.

Mt 4,19. 136; III, 322.

Mt 4,1-11. 154; III, 341.

Mt 5,3. 88; II, 232. 89; II, 236.

Mt 5,12. 115; III, 294.

Mt 6,9. 90; II, 240. 91; II, 242.

Mt 6,10. 35; I, 103. 57; II, 158.

Mt 6,21. 80; II, 213.

Mt 6,22. 1; I, 3.

Mt 6,24. 158; III, 346.

Mt 6,25-33. 15; I, 38.

Mt 7,7. 49; I, 137. 157; III, 345.

Mt 7,13-14. 16; I, 41.

Mt 7,15-21. 12; I, 22. 159; III, 347.

Mt 8,4. 136; III, 322.

Mt 8,8. 65; II, 176.

Mt 8,22. 107; III, 280. 115; III, 194.

Mt 10,14. 59; II, 163.

Mt 11,28. 22; I, 57. 39; I, 110. 58; II, 161.

Mt 11,29. 111; III, 289.

Mt 11,30. 158; III, 346.

Mt 12,25. 201; III, 409.

Mt 12,43-45. 157; III, 345.

Mt 13,55. 184; III, 383.

Mt 14,16-21. 15; I, 38.

Mt 16,18. 116; III, 295.

Mt 16,24. 6; I, 12. 19; I, 48. 92; II, 244. 208; III, 418.

Mt 16,26. 117; III, 297. 118; III, 299.

Mt 17,1-9. 1; I, 1. 6; I, 10. 75; II, 198.

Mt 18,11. 58; II, 161.

Mt 19,3. 17; I, 43.

Mt 19,6. 45; I, 125.

Mt 19,14. 25; I, 70.

Mt 19,16-21. 109; III, 285. 83; II, 224. 136; III, 322.

Mt 20,1-16. 136; III, 322.

Mt 22,1-14. 16; I, 40.

Mt 22,21. 107; III, 280.

Mt 22,34-46. 15; I, 37. 17; I, 43. 197; III, 403.

Mt 23,10. 39; I, 110.

Mt 24,16-18. 160; III, 348.

Mt 25,13. 5; I, 8.

Mt 25,41. 3; I, 6.

Mt 26,26-29. 46; I, 128.

Mt 26,36-44. 77; II, 201. 108; III, 282.

Mt 27,46. 18; I, 46.

Mt 27,54. 192; III, 394.

Mt 28,19. 25; I, 65. 115; III, 294.

Mt 28,20. 32; I, 92. 39; I, 109. 46; I, 128. 186; III, 385. 187; III, 187. 188; III, 389. 190; III, 392.

Mk 6,3. 184; III, 383.

Mk 7,31-37. 3; I, 6.

Mk 8,1-9. 11; I, 20.

Mk 11,13. 153; II, 339.

Mk 15,34. 18; I, 46. 71; II, 189.

Lk 1,26-35. 80; II, 215. 78; II, 207.

Lk 1,38. 71; II, 190.

Lk 1,39. 79; II, 212. 81; II, 218.

Lk 1,42. 77; II, 202.

Lk 1,48. 71; II, 190. 104; II, 274.

Lk 1,66. 93; II, 246.

Lk 2,1-50. 181; III, 378. 182; III, 380.

Lk 2,14. 21; I, 53.

Lk 2,51-52. 184; III, 383. 189; III, 390. 78; II, 207.

Lk 3,1-6. 21; I, 53.

Lk 5,8. 65; II, 176.

Lk 6,12. 77; II, 201.

Lk 6,36. 199; III, 406.

Lk 6,37. 199; III, 406.

Lk 7,14. 136; III, 322.

Lk 9,23. 59; II, 163.

Lk 9,60. 88; II, 233. 89; II, 237.

Lk 10,2. 25; I, 71.

Lk 10,16. 25; I, 65.

Lk 10,18. 86; II, 228.

Lk 11,1. 77; II, 201.

Lk 11,14-28. 1; I, 1. 20; I, 51. 178; III, 374.

Lk 12,18-19. 118; III, 299. 183; III, 382.

Lk 12,40. 109; III, 284. 118; III, 299. 168; III, 360. 169; III, 361. 172; III, 366.

Lk 12,49. 51; I, 143.

Lk 12,59. 173; III, 368.

Lk 13,6-9. 124; III, 307.

Lk 13,34. 14; I, 35.

Lk 15,11-16. 174; III, 369. 176; III, 372.

Lk 16,1-9. 13; I, 26.

Lk 16,24. 164; III, 354. 165; III, 356.

Lk 17,1-11. 32; I, 90. 73; II, 193. 81; II, 218. 121; III, 304.

Lk 17,11-19. 4; I, 7. 5; I, 8. 109; III, 285.

Lk 18,1. 81; II, 217.

Lk 18,9-14. 2; I, 4. 108; III, 282.

Lk 19,41-47. 14; I, 32.

Lk 22,15. 28; I, 77. 30; I, 83. 38; I, 108. 186; III, 386. 187; III, 387.

Lk 22,19. 38; I, 108. 186; III, 386. 187; III, 387.

Lk 22,43. 108; III, 282.

Lk 22,54-62. 9; I, 16.

Lk 23,34. 18; I, 45. 199; III, 406.

Lk 23,43. 18; I, 45.

Lk 23,46. 18; I, 46.

Jn 2,1-11. 70; II, 188. 79; II, 212. 80; II, 215.

Jn 4,7-26. 134; III, 319.

Jn 4,10. 139; III, 325. 140; III, 326.

Jn 5,6. 136; III, 322.

Jn 6,39. 28; I, 77.

Jn 6,50. 30; I, 82.

Jn 6,51. 30; I, 81. 31; I, 82.

Jn 6,52. 28; I, 77. 42; I, 114. 43; I, 118. 186; III, 386.

Jn 6,53. 31; I, 82. 42; I, 114. 43; I, 120.

Jn 6,54. 28; I, 77. 186; III, 386.

Jn 6,56. 42; I, 114. 43; I, 118. 192; III, 394.

Jn 6,57. 82; II, 223.

Jn 6,50-58. 38; I, 108.

Jn 8,12. 39; I, 110.

Jn 8,21. 160; III, 346.

Jn 8,34. 162; III, 351.

Jn 8,44. 160; III, 346.

Jn 8,46. 1; I, 2.

Jn 8,47. 7; I, 13. 8; I, 15. 10; I, 20. 178; III, 374.

Jn 8,49. 8; I, 15.

Jn 8,59. 8; I, 15.

Jn 9,4. 122; III, 305.

Jn 10,10. 32; I, 92.

Jn 11,38-44. 77; II, 201. 121; III, 304.

Jn 12,24. 108; III, 283.

Jn 13,1. 186; III, 386.

Jn 13,15. 156; III, 344.

Jn 13,34-35. 113; III, 292. 198; III, 404.

Jn 14,2. 39; I, 109.

Jn 14,6. 25; I, 65.

Jn 14,15. 196; III, 404. 198; III, 405.

Jn 14,28. 39; I, 109.

Jn 15,5. 46; I, 128.

Jn 15,12. 113; III, 292. 198; III, 404. 200; III, 408.

Jn 15,13. 91; II, 242.

Jn 15,17. 198; III, 404.

Jn 16,20. 212; III, 422.

Jn 17,5. 78; II, 207.

Jn 19,26. 9; I, 16. 18; I, 45.

Jn 19,27. 69; II, 183.

Jn 19,28. 18; I, 45.

Jn 19,30. 18; I, 46.

Jn 21,15-17. 115; III, 294.

Ac 2,1-11. 9; I, 16. 10; I, 18.

Ac 2,41. 9; I, 16.

Ac 2,42. 30; I, 83.

Ac 4,32. 198; III, 404.

Ac 4,41. 9; I, 16.

Ac 10,38. 25; I, 68. 26; I, 73. 58; II, 161. 186; III 386. 187; III, 387. 189; III, 390. 192; III, 394.

Ac 28,1-5. 85; II, 226.

Rm 1,17. 82; II, 221.

Rm 2,5. 155; III, 343.

Rm 2,11. 112; III, 291.

Rm 5,12. 172; III, 366.

Rm 6,22. 141; III, 327. 143; III, 329.

Rm 8,9. 6; I, 12.

Rm 8,29. 83; II, 224.

Rm 8,35. 17; I, 44. 53; I, 148. 54; I, 152. 55; I, 155. 105; II, 276. 106; II, 278.

Rm 8,39. 55; I, 155. 105; II, 276. 106; II, 278.

Rm 10,18. 25; I, 66.

Rm 14,4. 198; III, 404.

1Co 2,9. 6; I, 10.

1Co 2,14. 104; II, 274.

1Co 3,12-15. 7; I, 13. 36; II, 105.

1Co 3,16. 160; III, 348.

1Co 6,9-10. 155; III, 342.

1Co 7,29. 6; I, 11. 109; III, 284. 116; III, 295. 167; III, 359.

1Co 9,24. 116; III, 295.

1Co 10,12. 157; III, 345.

1Co 11,1. 83; II, 224.

1Co 11,24.26. 30; I, 83.

1Co 13,4. 97; II, 257.

1Co 13,8. 91; II, 241.

1Co 15,56. 5; I, 8. 118; III, 299.

2Co 4,10. 83; II, 224.

2Co 4,12. 172; III, 366.

2Co 12,4. 6; I, 10.

Ga 2,20. 28; I, 77. 32; I, 94. 82; II, 223. 88; II, 232. 89; II, 236. 100; II, 264. 101; II, 268. 120; III, 303.

Ga 3,27. 83; II, 224.

Ga 6,14.17. 156; III, 344.

Ep 2,19. 120; III, 303.

Ep 5,2. 198; III, 405.

Ep 5,15. 122; III, 305. 124; III, 307.

Ep 5,32. 44; II, 122.

Ph 2,7. 31; I, 87. 39; I, 110. 41; I, 112. 198; III, 404.

Ph 2,8. 156; III, 344.

Ph 3,1. 1; I, 2.

Ph 3,20. 107; III, 280.

Ph 4,13. 157; III, 346. 214; III, 428.

Col 3,14. 201; III, 409.

1Th 5,4. 16; I, 40.

1Tm 1,15. 176; III, 372.

1Tm 2,9-10. 71; II, 190.

1Tm 4,12. 107; III, 280.

1Tm 4,13. 205; III, 414.

1Tm 6,9. 172; III, 367.

2Tm 2,5. 157; III, 345.

2Tm 4,7. 18; I, 46.

Heb 7,25. 7; I,13.

Heb 9,27. 13; I, 31. 118; III, 299. 170; III, 363.

Heb 10,5. 208; III, 418.

Heb 11,1. 41; I, 112. 42; I, 115. 43; II, 119.

Heb 12,6. 111; III, 289.

Jm 1,19. 111; III, 288.

Jm 1,22. 1; I, 3.

Jm 2,17. 107; III, 280.

Jm 3,6. 20; I, 51.

Jm 4,6. 86; II, 228. 94; II, 249. 95; II, 252. 96; II, 256. 104; II, 275.

Jm 4,12. 198; III, 404.

1P 5,2. 24; I, 62.

1P 5,5. 86; II, 227.

1Jn 1,8. 7; I, 13. 8; I, 15.

1Jn 3,1. 6; I, 11.

1Jn 4,8. 46; I, 127. 198; III, 404.

1Jn 4,11-12. 197; III, 403.

1Jn 4,20. 201; III, 409.

Rv 2,10. 157; III, 345.

Rv 3,3. 157; III, 345.

Rv 3,15-16. 153; III, 339.

Rv 3,19. 111; III, 289.

Rv 3,20. 8; I, 15.

Rv 4,8. 78; II, 208.

Rv 8,3. 86; II, 229.

Rv 10,6. 122; III, 305.

Rv 12,7. 86; II, 227.

Rv 21,21. 6; I, 1


 

Appendix 2

The references to Pauline Letters made by De Piro in his sermons

 

Reference

Quotation

Subject of sermon

Pages of sermon

Times referred to

Rm 1, 17

For in it the righteousness of God is revealed from faith to faith; as it is written, "BUT THE RIGHTEOUS man SHALL LIVE BY FAITH."

St Joseph

221-223

1

Rm 2, 5

But because of your stubbornness and unrepentant heart you are storing up wrath for yourself in the day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God,

Effects of mortal sin

342-343

1

Rm 2, 11

For there is no partiality with God.

Mother superiors

291

1

Rm 5, 12

Therefore, just as through one man sin entered into the world, and death through sin, and so death spread to all men, because all sinned--

Death

366

1

Rm 6, 22

But now having been freed from sin and enslaved to God, you derive your benefit, resulting in sanctification, and the outcome, eternal life.

 

Aim of human being

 

Aim of human being

327

 

329

1

 

1

Rm 8, 9

However, you are not in the flesh but in the Spirit, if indeed the Spirit of God dwells in you. But if anyone does not have the Spirit of Christ, he does not belong to Him.

2 Sunday of Lent

10-12

1

Rm 8, 29

For those whom He foreknew, He also predestined to become conformed to the image of His Son, so that He would be the firstborn among many brethren;

St Joseph

224

1

Rm 8, 35

Who will separate us from the love of Christ? Will tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword?

17 Sunday after Pentecost

Sacred Heart of Jesus

Sacred Heart of Jesus

Sacred Heart of Jesus

St Calcedon

St Calcedon

42-44

 

148-151

152-154

155-157

276-277

278-279

1

 

1

4

3

4

3

Rm 8, 38

For I am convinced that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor things present, nor things to come, nor powers,

St Calcedon

 

St Calcedon

276-277

 

278-279

1

 

1

Rm 8, 39

nor height, nor depth, nor any other created thing, will be able to separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.

Sacred Heart of Jesus

155-157

1

Rm 10, 18

But I say, surely they have never heard, have they? Indeed they have; "THEIR VOICE HAS GONE OUT INTO ALL THE EARTH, AND THEIR WORDS TO THE ENDS OF THE WORLD."

Assumption of Our Lady and first solemn high mass of new priest

64-72

1

Rm 14, 4

Who are you to judge the servant of another? To his own master he stands or falls; and he will stand, for the Lord is able to make him stand.

Charity

404-407

1

1Co 2, 9

but just as it is written, "THINGS WHICH EYE HAS NOT SEEN AND EAR HAS NOT HEARD, AND which HAVE NOT ENTERED THE HEART OF MAN, ALL THAT GOD HAS PREPARED FOR THOSE WHO LOVE HIM."

“ Sunday of Lent

10-12

1

1Co 2, 14

But a natural man does not accept the things of the Spirit of God, for they are foolishness to him; and he cannot understand them, because they are spiritually appraised.

St Ursola

274-275

1

1Co 3, 12-15

Now if any man builds on the foundation with gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, straw, 13 each man's work will become evident; for the day will show it because it is to be revealed with fire, and the fire itself will test the quality of each man's work. 14 If any man's work which he has built on it remains, he will receive a reward. 15 If any man's work is burned up, he will suffer loss; but he himself will be saved, yet so as through fire.

Passion Sunday

 

 

 

 

 

Frequent communion

13-14

 

 

 

 

 

104-107

1

 

 

 

 

 

1

1Co 3, 16

Do you not know that you are a temple of God and that the Spirit of God dwells in you?

Sin

348-349

1

1Co 6, 8-10

On the contrary, you yourselves wrong and defraud. You do this even to your brethren. 9 Or do you not know that the unrighteous will not inherit the kingdom of God? Do not be deceived; neither fornicators, nor idolaters, nor adulterers, nor effeminate, nor homosexuals, 10 nor thieves, nor the covetous, nor drunkards, nor revilers, nor swindlers, will inherit the kingdom of God.

The consequences of mortal sin

342-343

1

1Co 7, 29

But this I say, brethren, the time has been shortened, so that from now on those who have wives should be as though they had none;

2 Sunday of Lent

 

End of the year (for the Nuzzo Sisters)

The effects of death on the body

10-12

 

284-285

 

359-360

1

 

1

 

1

1Co 9, 24

Do you not know that those who run in a race all run, but only one receives the prize? Run in such a way that you may win.

 

 

15 October 1927: to the first group of Franciscan Sisters who went to Abyssinia

294-295

1

1Co 10, 12

Therefore let him who thinks he stands take heed that he does not fall.

Sinning again

345

1

1Co 11, 1

Be imitators of me, just as I also am of Christ.

St Joseph

224

1

1Co 11, 24-26

and when He had given thanks, He broke it and said, "This is My body, which is for you; do this in remembrance of Me." 25 In the same way He took the cup also after supper, saying, "This cup is the new covenant in My blood; do this, as often as you drink it, in remembrance of Me." 26 For as often as you eat this bread and drink the cup, you proclaim the Lord's death until He comes.

Eucharist

81-83

1

1Co 13, 4

Love is patient, love is kind and is not jealous; love does not brag and is not arrogant,

St Vincent de Paula

257-259

1

1Co 13, 8

Love never fails; but if there are gifts of prophecy, they will be done away; if there are tongues, they will cease; if there is knowledge, it will be done away.

St Francis

241-243

9

1Co 15, 52

in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet; for the trumpet will sound, and the dead will be raised imperishable, and we will be changed.

Sinning again

345

1

1Co 15, 56

The sting of death is sin, and the power of sin is the law;

Death

299

1

2Co 4, 10

always carrying about in the body the dying of Jesus, so that the life of Jesus also may be manifested in our body.

St Joseph

224

1

2Co 4, 12

So death works in us, but life in you.

Death

366-367

1

2Co 12, 4

was caught up into Paradise and heard inexpressible words, which a man is not permitted to speak.

2 Sunday of Lent

10-12

1

Ga 2, 20

"I have been crucified with Christ; and it is no longer I who live, but Christ lives in me; and the life which I now live in the flesh I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me and gave Himself up for me.

 

Eucharist

 

 

13 Sunday after Pentecost

St Joseph – Eucharist

7 centinary of the beginning of the Franciscan Third Order.

7 centinary of the beginning of the Franciscan Third Order.

St Theresa of the Child Jesus.

St Theresa of the Child Jesus.

Praying for the dead.

77

 

 

90-97

 

220-223

232-235

 

 

236-238

 

 

264-266

 

267-268

 

302-302

1

 

 

1

 

1

3

 

 

3

 

 

4

 

1

 

1

Ga 3, 11

Now that no one is justified by the Law before God is evident; for, "THE RIGHTEOUS MAN SHALL LIVE BY FAITH."

St Joseph

220-223

1

Ga 3, 27

For all of you who were baptized into Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ.

St Joseph

224

1

Ga 6, 14

But may it never be that I would boast, except in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, through which the world has been crucified to me, and I to the world.

Avoidance of sin

344

1

Ga 6, 17

From now on let no one cause trouble for me, for I bear on my body the brand-marks of Jesus.

Avoidance of sin

344

1

Ep 2, 19

So then you are no longer strangers and aliens, but you are fellow citizens with the saints, and are of God's household,

Praying for the  dead

302-303

1

Ep 5, 2

and walk in love, just as Christ also loved you and gave Himself up for us, an offering and a sacrifice to God as a fragrant aroma.

Love - forgiveness

405

1

Ep 5, 15

Therefore be careful how you walk, not as unwise men but as wise,

End of the year

End of the year

305

307

1

1

Ep 5, 32

This mystery is great; but I am speaking with reference to Christ and the church.

Marriage

122-124

2

Ph  2, 7-8

but emptied Himself, taking the form of a bond-servant, and being made in the likeness of men.

 

 

 

Being found in appearance as a man, He humbled Himself by becoming obedient to the point of death, even death on a cross.

Eucharist

Eucharist

1 Communion

Charity

 

Avoidance of sin

84 – 89

109-110

112-113

404-405

 

344

1

1

1

1

 

1

Ph 3, 1

Finally, my brethren, rejoice in the Lord. To write the same things again is no trouble to me, and it is a safeguard for you.

Dispositions for the reception of the Word of God

1-3

1

Ph 3, 20

For our citizenship is in heaven, from which also we eagerly wait for a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ;

The  nun must be an example by her life

280-281

1

Ph 4, 13

I can do all things through Him who strengthens me.

No two masters

346-347

1

Col 3, 14

Beyond all these things put on love, which is the perfect bond of unity.

Charity

409-410

1

1Th 5, 4

But it is not as if you live in the dark, my brothers, for that day to overtake you like a thief.

19 Sunday after Pentecost

40-41

1

1Tm 1, 15

It is a trustworthy statement, deserving full acceptance, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, among whom I am foremost of all.

Parable of the Prodigal Son

372

1

1Tm 2, 9-10

Likewise, I want women to adorn themselves with proper clothing, modestly and discreetly, not with braided hair and gold or pearls or costly garments, 10 but rather by means of good works, as is proper for women making a claim to godliness.

Jesus Christ and Mary: Mediation between God and man.

189-190

1

1Tm 4, 12

Let no one look down on your youthfulness, but rather in speech, conduct, love, faith and purity, show yourself an example of those who believe.

The  nun must be an example by her life

280-281

4

1Tm 4, 13

Until I come, give attention to the public reading of Scripture, to exhortation and teaching.

The promise of nor sinning again

415

1

1Tm 6, 9

But those who want to get rich fall into temptation and a snare and many foolish and harmful desires which plunge men into ruin and destruction.

Death

366-367

1

2Tm 2, 5

Also if anyone competes as an athlete, he does not win the prize unless he competes according to the rules.

Sinning again

245

1

2Tm 4, 7

I have fought the good fight, I have finished the course, I have kept the faith;

Jesus’ crucifiction

45-46

1


 
 

 

Appendix 3

De Piro’s humility

(Humility is being singled out as a separate appendix because after charity it seems to me to have been the prevalent virtue exercised by the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro)

 

Name

Status

Where

Aspect/s

Aloisio, Aloisius.

Priest member of Society.

While collecting testimonies.

In general.[3805]

Azzopardi (Fr) Raphael.

Religious student – OSA.

In the Rabat and Mdina streets, and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.

Approachable by

all.[3806]

In general.[3807]

Balzan, John.

Young lad.

In the Qrendi streets and in the parish church

Served the celebrant during liturgical

celebrations.[3808]

Bonnici (Fr) Alexander OfmConv.

Religious priest –Ofm Conv.

Biographer

No boasting of his own contributions. [3809]

Brincat, Joseph.

Young lad

In the Qrendi streets and in the parish church.

Did not lord over other priests.[3810]

In liturgical celebrations.[3811]

In general.[3812]

Borda (Fr) Peter Paul

Religious student – (M)SSP

In the Society’s Houses.

Talked to all and helped all. [3813]

Always obeyed Archbishop and did what he was asked to do.[3814]

Cachia Zammit (Dr) Alexander.

Young boy

When with his father, during visits to St Joseph’s, Malta.

In general.[3815]

Camilleri (Fr) Alphonse M.

Religious student – Ofm

In the Rabat and Mdina streets, and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.

In general.[3816]

Approachable.[3817]

In his dealings with children.[3818]

Camileri Peter.

Young lad.

In the everyday life of St Joseph’s, Gozo.

Had same food as boys of Institute.[3819]

Caruana (Sr) Pia.

Young religious – Jesus of Nazareth

In the everyday life of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun.

Worked for the poor.[3820]

Ordinary clothes.[3821]

Used public transport.[3822]

Did not want to be preferred from

others.[3823]

Was not particular about food.[3824]

Ciangura, Michael.

Young lad.

St Joseph’s, Gozo.

In general.[3825]

Coppola (Fr) Dominic Ofm

Religious aspirant – (M)SSP

At the Santa Maria Aspirandate - Oratory, B’Kara, Malta.

Made conferences about it.[3826]

Had same food as memers.[3827]

Ordinary clothes.[3828]

Cremona, Bice.

Young niece.

In the De Piro family environment.

Same food as children of institutes.[3829]

De Piro (Sr) Marie.

Young niece

In the De Piro family environment and at the Mdina Cathedral

Clothes, rather

poor.[3830]

He was  a beggar for the institutes.[3831]

Unassuming.[3832]

Fenech (Fr) Seraphim OfmConv.

Religious student – OFMConv.

In the Rabat and Mdina streets, and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.

Had same food as the children of the institutes.[3833]

Formosa (Sr) Pauline.

Young girl

In the De Piro family environment in Mdina.

In general. [3834]

Galea, Biagio.

Young lad

In the Rabat streets and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral

Never raised his

voice.[3835]

Galea (Br) Venanz.

Young lad at St Joseph’s, Malta and Gozo, and as young religious Brother – (M)SSP

St Joseph’s, Malta and Gozo and in the Houses of the Society

With the members of the Society. [3836]

In general.[3837]

Gatt (Fr) Louis.

Religious student – (M)SSP

In the Society’s Houses in Mdina and Rabat.

He lived in the poor houses of the Society and not in the family palace. [3838] 

In general.[3839]

Had same food as members.[3840]

Gatt (Fr) Ugolino.

Religious student – OSA.

In the Rabat and Mdina streets, and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.

In general. [3841]

Non pretentious.[3842]

Giordmaina, Catherine.

Young lady.

In the Mdina streets.

In general.[3843]

Grech (Fr) Augustine.

Religious student – (M)SSP

In the Society’s Houses in Mdina and Rabat.

In general. [3844]

Same food as members.[3845]

Leopardi, Francoise M.

Young niece.

In the De Piro family environment.

Same food as relatives.[3846]

Same food as girls of Jesus of Nazareth.[3847]

Did not boast of privilages. [3848]

Mallia, Carmena.

Young lady.

Fra Diegu Institute, Malta.

Gentle and kind. [3849]

Talked about humility to girls.[3850]

Muscat, (Br) Felix.

Young lad at St Joseph’s, Malta and as young religious Brother – (M)SSP

At St Joseph’s, Malta and in the Society’s Houses in Mdina and Rabat.

In his relations with boys.[3851]

Rapa, Loreto.

Young lad.

At st Joseph’s, Gozo.

The way he treated the boys.[3852]

Sammut, Paul.

Young lad.

In the Rabat and Mdina streets and during catechism classes in first House of the Society.

In general.[3853]

Scerri, Anthony.

Young lad.

In the Rabat and Mdina streets and during catechism classes in first House of the Society.

Did not bother about his status.[3854]

Torn clothes. [3855]

Ordinary clothes.[3856]

In liturgical celebrations.[3857]

No show off.[3858]

Schembri, Angelo.

Young lad.

In the Qrendi streets and in the parish church.

In his salutations to everyone. [3859]

Schembri, Saviour.

Young lad.

As a catechist at the  Oratory, B’Kara.

Never shouted at the children. [3860]

Treated everybody with gentleness.[3861]

Sciberras, Concetta.

Young girl.

As a benefactress of St Joseph’s Gozo.

Gentle with all. [3862]

Spiteri, (Mgr) Lawrence.

Young seminarian.

At the Seminary (after De Piro’s rectorship).

In general. [3863]

Spiteri, (Br) Paul.

Young religious Brother – (M)SSP

In the Society’s first Houses.

Same food as members.[3864]

In general. [3865]

In liturgical celebrations.[3866]

Charitable humility.[3867] 

Tedesco, Victor

Religious aspirant – (M)SSP.

At the Santa Maria Aspirandate - Oratory, B’Kara.

Approachable by

all.[3868]

Not a popularity seeker.[3869]

In general.[3870]

Tonna, Joseph.

Young lad.

In the Rabat and Mdina streets and during catechism classes in first House of Society.

In general. [3871]

Tonna (Fr) Joseph.

Diocesan priest.

During liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.

In general.[3872]

Vassallo, Anthony.

Young lad.

In the Mdina streets.

Aproachable. [3873]

Vella (Fr) Arthur.

Religious priest – sj.

The first priest of the Society was his uncle.

In general. [3874]

When correcting the members of his Society.[3875]

Vella (Sr) Giakkina.

Religious Sister – Franciscan.

In the everyday life of Fra Diegu Institute.

Same food as girls of Fra Diegu.[3876]

In appearance. [3877]

In behaviour in general.[3878]

Vella, John.

Religious aspirant – (M)SSP

At the Santa Maria Aspirandate - Oratory, B’Kara.

Non pretentious. [3879]

Vella Haber, Michael.

Religious student – (M)SSP

In the Society’s first Houses.

Same food as members.[3880]

Serving at table. [3881]

In his dealings with the members of his Society.[3882]

Accepted all responsibilities given him by Archbishop.[3883]

Wilson, George.

Young lad.

He was himself from Mdina and was an employee at St Joseph’s, Malta.

The way he talked to boys and employees of Institute.[3884]

Had same food as the boys of St

Joseph’s.[3885]

Xuereb, Paul.

Religious aspirant and member – (M)SSP

At the Santa Maria Aspirandate – Oratory, B’Kara, and in the first Houses of the Society.

Ordinary clerical clothes. [3886]

Approachable by members of Society.[3887]

Same food as members of Society.[3888]

Talked about it to the members of his Society.[3889]

Xuereb (Sr) Pauline.

Religious Sister – Franciscan.

In the everyday life of Fra Diegu Institute.

In general. [3890]

Zammit (Sr) Bibiana.

Religious Sister – Franciscan.

In the everyday life of Fra Diegu Institute.

Same food as girls of Fra Diegu.[3891]

Zammit, (Fr) Loret.

A seminarian.

During De Piro’s rectorship.

The way he asked something from the seminarians. [3892]

 

 


 

Appendix 4

De Piro’s contributions

to the local and universal Church and to society in general

(Here the order is chronological)


 
 

 

Painter : 1889-1898

Military career : 1892 – 1896

Faculty of Arts : 1894-1897

Member, Congregation of the Onorati : 1895 -

Faculty of Law : 1897 – 1898

Studies in Roma : 1898 – 1902

Foundation of the Society : !901 - 1933

Priesthood : 1902 – 1933

Member, Unione Leoniana : Dates not known

Qrendi parish : 1904 – 1907

Preacher : 1904 – 1933

Sindaco Apostolico, Franciscans Minor, Rabat, Malta : 1906 -

Director, Fra Diegu Insitute : 1907 – 1933

Helper, Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus : 1907 – 1933

Procurator, Confraternity of BMV of Consolation, Qrendi : 1909 -

Monsignor, Metropolitan Chapter : 1911 – 1933

Cofounder, Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth : 1913 - 1933

Member, Committee, International Eucharistic Congress : 1913

Diocesan Director, Sacerdoti Adoratori : 1913 – 1933

Secretary, Comm., Fondo Vesc., Per Pane ai Poveri Durante La Guerra : 1914-1918

Co-rector, Manresa House, Floriana : 1914 -

Secretary to Archbishop M Caruana : 1915 – 1918

Formation of newly ordained priests : 1915 -

Deputy, Comm., Administration of Seminary : 1916 – 1918

Secretary, Archbishop’s Bread Fund : 1916 -

Member, Comm., Statue, St Paul, Saqqajja, Rabat : 1918 – 1925

Rector, Major Seminary, Mdina : 1918 – 1920

Member, National Assembly :1918-1921

Helper, Daughters of the Sacred Heart : 1918 – 1933

Deputy, Comm., Peace Feasts : 1919 –

Cashier, Comm., “Pro Maltesi Morti o Feriti il 7 o 8 Giugno” : 1919 - 1926

Peace maker – 7, 8, 9 Giugno 1919

Cooperator, Dame di Carita’ : 1919 –

Member, Camera Pontificia : 1920 -

Dean, Metropolitan Cathedral : 1920 – 1933

Director, “San Pawl: Almanacc of the Institute of the Missions” : 1921 – 1933

Member, Committee, Visit Prince of Wales  : 1921

Acting parishpriest, Gudia : 1922 – 1922

Member, Governing Board, Malta War Memorial Hospital for Children : 1922 -

Member, Special Comm., British Empire Exhibition : 1924 : 1922 -

Director, Jesus of Nazareth Institute : 1922 – 1933

Director, St Joseph Institute, Malta : 1922 – 1933

Deputy, Archbishop, Committee Zammit Clepp Hospital : 1925 – 1933

President, Comm., Decision, Restoration St Paul’s Church, Rabat : 1925 -

Director, St Joseph Institute, Gozo : 1925 – 1933

Director, Home for babies, Santa Venera : 1925 - 1933

Director, St Francis de Paule Institute, B’Kara : 1927 - 1933

Director, St Dominic Savio Oratory, B’Kara : 1927 – 1933

Mission, Abyssinia : 1927 - 1933

Director, Museum and Laboratory, Somalia : 1927- 1933

Deputy, Archbishop, Comm., Feast, Welcome, Duke of York : 1927 –

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Member, Tourist Comm : 1927 -

Director, Sacred Heart of Jesus Laboratory : 1928 – 1931

Superior, Novitiate – Santa Venera : 1928 – 1930 (?)

Director, St Mary Aspirandate :  1928 – 1933

St Joseph’s Band, Gh’Sielem, Gozo : 1928 – 1933

Director, Pilgrimage, Rome and Pompei : 1931

Senator, Third Parliament : 1932 – 1933


 

Appendix 5

The main and secondary aims of De Piro’s Society: work in ad gentes countries and among the Maltese migrants

 

Date

Steps taken

16 January 1905

De Piro shared his project with Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the director of St Joseph’s, Malta.  Vassallo told De Piro to put his project in writing.

7 August 1905

De Piro presented in writing his project : “3) Campi prossimi d’azione possono essere: a)… b) le colonie di Maltesi all’estero, ed c)…

10 December 1906

De Piro shared his project with Fr George Bugeja, thesuccessor of Fr E. Vassallo.  Bugeja wanted to help.

8 August 1908

De Piro talked to Fr John Mamo about the project.  Wanted to help.

2 November 1909

De Piro met La Fontaine at Fra Diegu and talked about the project.  La Fontaine encouraged De Piro and tld him to put it in wrinting to be presented to the Pope.

3 November 1909

Petition written and signed by De Piro.  Bugeja and Mamo added their names on it.

15 November 1909.

Archbishop Peter Pace put his recommendation on the petition.

In this petition De Piro presented the evangelisation of Maltese migrants as primary for his future Society:

“… una societa' religiosa allo scopo di farmare dei Missionari particolamente ed in primo luogo per le colonie di Maltesi all'estero.” [3893]

27 January 1910

La Fontaine kept his word and presented the petition to the Pope.  Told De Piro that the Pope blessed the project.  La Fontaine added that:

A me pare che l'opera debba essere foggiata a simiglianze di quella di Mgr Coccolo per gli emigranti italiani.  Sarebbe buona cosa accordarsi col P. Vella S.J. il quale, per essere stato lungo tempo fra i Maltesi in Grecia, potra' dare utilissimi lumi.” [3894]

6 June 1910

De Piro, together with Bugeja and Mamo, wrote to the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, asking him the permission to open a house for their Society:

“… la quale servira' di residenza ai componenti una Societa' religiosa allo scopo di formare dei Missionari, particolarmente ed in primo luogo per le colonie di Maltesi all'estero.” [3895]

12 June 1910

The Archbishop accepted.  Opened and blessed the house.  In the inaugural speech DePiro said this to the Archbishop:

“Ci sentiamo oggi assai consolati da un lato e confusi dall'altro nell'indirizzarci a Vostra Eccellenza per domandarle a voler benedire e dichiarare aperta questa  "Piccola Casa di San Paolo" la quale servira' di residenza ai componenti una Societa' Religiosa allo scopo di formare dei Missionari particolarmente ed in primo luogo per le colonie di Maltesi all'estero.” [3896]

30 June 1910

As was expected the Founder informed his benefactor, La Fontaine, with this step forward.  On his part the Apostolic Visitor answered De Piro on 30 June 1910.  After encouraging Fr Joseph, La Fontaine assured him that:

I buoni Maltesi lontani dalla patria avranno da voi altri grandissimi aiuti.[3897]

9 June 1911

After its opening and blessing, the “Piccola Casa di San Paolo”, on 30 June 1910, welcomed in it the first two members.[3898]  De Piro had asked Mgr La Fontaine for a blessing from Pope Pius X.  On 9 June 1911 La Fontaine wrote to a certain Mgr Bressan, an official at the Vatican, and asked him for this blessing.  La Fontaine presented De Piro’s Society as:

“… una Pia Unione di Sacerdoti e Catechisti, allo scopo di dedicarsi alla cultura speciale delle forti colonie Maltesi di Corfu' e di Tripoli.”[3899]

30 June 1914

De Piro asked the Auxiliary Bishop and Apostolic Administrator, Mgr Angelo Portelli, the permission for the members of his Society to wear the habit.  Attached to this petition De Piro presented also a “Breve Prospetto delle regole dell’istituto per le Missioni Estere”.  As regards the aim of the Society the Founder was quite clear:

2.  Scopo della Piccola Compagnia sara' quello di venire in aiuto dei popoli… particolarmente ed in primo luogo dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria ...” [3900]

25 November 1916

Although Mgr Emmanuel Vassallo did not join the Servant of God in the concrete initation of the Society, Vassallo helped a lot his old friend in its first years.  De Piro had received a Rescript from the then Congregation of the Sacraments.  In it there were some words which neither De Piro nor Vassallo could understand well.  The latter, on 25 November 1916, wrote to one of his friends in Rome asking for a clarification.  In this letter Vassallo told also this to his friend, Don Archangelo Bruni:

Mgr De Piro col consenso di Mgr Pace di F.M. fondo' questa pia unione in favore dei Maltesi residenti all'estero.  Con questo egli non intese, e non intende di adibire i suoi missionari esclusivamente pei Maltesi, ma anche per altri che ne avessero bisogno.  Il fine primario pero' della Congregazione sono i Maltesi residenti all'estero.”[3901]

3 December 1915

It has already been said that two were the youths who joined the Society of De Piro on 30 June 1910.  One of these, John Vella, intended to become a priest.  Five years after joining, Vella was nearing the minor orders.  Therefore the Founder wrote to Pope Benedict XV, asking him the permission for his student to be ordained “titulo missionis”.  The answer from the side of the Vatican was already indicating doubts about the principal aim of the Society:

Estratto dalla lettera del 3 Dicem. 1915 del Dr. Giuseppe Sebastiani Spedizioniere Apostolico.

Riguardo alla facolta' per lo studente Giovanni Vella per essere ordinato "titulo Missionis" la Sacra Congregazione desidera conoscere qualche notizia riguardo all'Istituto della Piccola Casa di San Paolo per le Missioni Estere, se dipende dalla Congregazione di Propaganda Fide e se altre volte si sia domandata tale facolta’. ” [3902]

4 January 1916

The Servant of God answered Sebastiani on 4 January 1916:

In riscontro alla sua pregiatissima del 3 Dicembre 1915 relativamente alla mia domanda, per poter presentare all'Ordinazione ‘titulo Missionis’ il giovane studente Giovanni Vella sono a significarle:-

2)  Che esso in primo luogo, e' inteso a favore dei Maltese lontani dalla patria e pure dell'assistenza religiosa.

3)  Che l'Istituto non dipende dalla Congregazione "De  Propaganda Fide".

4) Che questa e' la prima occasione nella quale viene avanzata tale supplica.” [3903]

8 February 1916

Sebastiani answered back on 8 February 1916; De Piro’s Society was being considered by the Vatican as having been set up for the Maltese migrants:

Estratto dalla lettera del Dottor Giuseppe Sebastiani - Spedizioniere Apostolico dell'8 Febbraio 1916.

"Riguardo poi alla supplica dello studente Giovanni Vella per essere ordinato ‘titulo Missionis’ mi rincresce di doverle dire che la Congregazione dei Sacramenti visto che l'Istituto della Piccola Casa di San Paolo non si occupa che di Missionari per i Maltesi residenti fuori dell'isola e non per altre Missioni ed infedeli, non ha creduto di accordare il detto privilegio per l'ordinazione.” [3904]

This was in fact the instance when De Piro, because of his mentioning of the Society’s evangelisation to the Maltese migrants, experienced the first of a serious of setbacks as regards the canonical approval of the Society.

30 June 1916

At such a moment the Servant of God remembered his friend and benefactor,  Bishop Peter La Fontaine. He wrote to him and told him that:

La Sacra Congregazione dei Sacramenti, dopo chieste ed avute delle informazioni riguardanti l'Istituto rispose negativamente, adducendo per ragione che l'Istituto e` inteso per Misssionari per soli Maltesi e non per altre nazioni ed infedeli.” [3905]

De Piro did not stop here.  Although the answer of  the then Congregation of the Sacraments  has been considered by the Founder as negative, it offered him an oportunity where he could explain better to La Fontaine what he had in mind as regards the aim of the Society; although the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants was not the main scope, he was quite clear about his wanting to continue with it:

Anzitutto come Ella potra' vedere dal foglio che accompagna la presente, nel dire in primo luogo, non si intende fare l'esclusione supposta dalla Sacra Congregazione; ed utinam il Piccolo Istituto Maltese possa in futuro avere quest'onore di inviare Missionarii presso gli infedeli e per tutto il mondo.  Ma come ben comprendera' l'Eccellenza Vostra da parte nostra sarebbe troppo ardire il solo accarezzare una simile idea - Inoltre ho desiderato che il titulo per l'ordinazione fosse quello di Missione, per imprimere sempre piu' nella mente e nel cuore dei giovani l'idea missionaria.  Ella che conosce qualche cosa di Malta, sa molto bene quanto il Maltese sia attaccato al suolo natio; e comprendera' anche che l'idea delle Missioni Estere non trovando terreno fertile, se lo deve formare per se.”[3906]

28 July 1916

La Fontaine answered De Piro on 28 July 1916.   In this letter, the Patriarch of Venice showed the Servant of God that for him the Society was one for the Maltese migrants.  It was obvious; he got this impression from his contact with De Piro, the one who showed so much love for the evangelisation of the Maltese away from their country:

Sarei d'avviso che per ottenere l'ordinazione al Suddiaconato del suo giovine Missionario titulo missionis, Ella esponesse brevemente e chiaramente l'organismo, lo scopo e lo statuto della piccola Societa', facendo vedere il bene grande, che i missionari esercitano in mezzo ai cattolici Maltesi all'estero, e come non venga messo ad essi il pane quotidiano.  L'esposto insieme con una supplica affettiva dovrebbe essere indirizzato propria al Santo Padre.”[3907]

22 August 1916

Mgr De Piro did what La Fontaine had told him to do ; on 22 August 1916 he wrote to Pope Benedict XV. Again, although he was eager to get the “titulo missionis” for his first member to be ordained priest, and at the same time he also knew that mentioning the work among the Maltese migrants would hinder him from getting this “titulo, he did not keep back from mentioning this apostolate when writing to the Pope:

… ha iniziato nel 1910 la costituzione di un Istituto per le Missioni Estere, particolarmente ed in primo luogo pei Maltesi fuori dell' Isola… [3908]

Even Mgr Mauro Caruana, the Archbishop of Malta, who wrote his recommendation at the end of De Piro’s letter to the Pope, referred to this evangelisation of the Society to the Maltese migrants:

“… che per il futuro non potra’ non fare bene immenso ai Maltesi residenti all'estero …”[3909]

It is obvious that Archbishop Caruana was influenced by no one but by De Piro himself!

17 November 1916

Reference has already been made to Fr William Bonett and his two undated  letters to De Piro.[3910]  It has also been said that the Servant of God answered Bonett after his second letter.[3911]    In this letter De Piro reminded Bonett about the difficulty of the Maltese diocesan priest to leave his native country and go abroad.  At the same time the Founder tried to make Bonett hope in some other help, the members of his own Society:

“… pero' nella tua Messa non ti dimenticare di fare sempre un piccolo memento per nostro nascente Istituto per le Missioni Estere, e finalmente il Signore ci fara' assaggiare qualche frutto di tante fatiche e sacrifici. Uno degli studenti ha incominciato teologia, sto per ammettere un altro in filosofia e ci sono altri parecchi nel corso ginnasiale.  Finalmente si arrivera' magari anche in Australia, ma credi pure che per presente nonostante la piccolezza dell'Opera il lavoro e' duro e richiede grande pazienza. Quindi aiutaci colle tue preghiere e forse qualche bel giorno vedrai raggungerti qualch piccolo Missionario della Piccola Compagnia di San Paolo.  Sarebbe un mio vivo desiderio di vedere aperta in Australia qualche casa delle nostre pie Suore le Terziarie Francescane; secondo me sara' di grande aiuto spirituale anche alla colonia Maltese, potendovi in tal modo forse rimediare al male da te lamentato nell'ultima tua diretta a S.E. Reverendissima. Se insegnassero un po' di catechismo mi pare che dovrebbero fare del bene; ci sono parecchie di esse che conoscono sufficientemente l'inglese e sono certo che subito l'apprenderanno bene, dopo una breve residenza.” [3912]

20 December 1918

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

10 March 1919

Fr John Mamo had been one of the two priests who had helped De Piro to start the Society, but who after a short while abandoned the Servant of God in order to start something on his own. Propaganda Fide had asked the Archbishop of Malta information about this priest and his initiative.  Bishop Angelo Portelli, the Auxiliary Bishop, wrote in the name of Archbishop Caruana on 20 December 1918.  After answering the Congregation’s query, Portelli mentioned De Piro’s Society.  Propaganda Fide showed interest in the Society of De Piro and asked more information about it.  Portelli told De Piro about this and asked the Servant of God to supply him with this information.  De Piro wrote to Portelli on 10 March 1919.  In the section about “Lo Sviluppo” he put down these words:

"La Compagnia di San Paolo Apostolo e' una Societa' di Missionari ... indi cerchera' di venire in aiuto di quei popoli i quali difettano di operai evangelici incomminciando dai Maltesi lontani dalla patria …” [3913]

31 March 1919

This information was sent to Propaganda Fide.  Cardinal Van Rossum, the Prefect of Propaganda, answered by an encouraging letter to Portelli.  He also asked the Auxiliary Bishop to tell him whether De Piro intended to bind the members with the religious vows.  The Servant of God tried to solve this difficulty of the Congregation by several letters and through Mgr Portelli, but another problem which the Founder had already faced, cropped up: whether the Society was one for the ad gentes countries or for the Maltese migrants?

Innanzi tutto pero' occorre che Mgr De Piro chiarisca meglio la finalita' dell'Istituto.  Nella relazione inviata dalla S.V. si dice che ‘l'Istituto’ cerchera' di venire in aiuto di quei popoli i quali defettano di operai evangelici; incominciando dai maltesi lontani dalla patria, ecc....’  Ora il porre come fine precipuo l'assistenza dei maltesi all'estero, puo' essere un'intralcio per lo sviluppo dell'opera.  Gli istituti missionari si prefiggono principalmente di propagare la fede tra gli infedeli o di tutto il mondo o di una particolare regione; cosi' ci sono istituti missonari per i Negri, per i Cinesi, ecc.  Vegga la S.V. che Mgr De Piro entri in quest'Ordine di idee, se, come credo accettera' tale modificazine, gli mandero' dei statuti di Congregazioni Missionarie su cui modellare le proprie regole; dopo di che la S.V. potra' ricevera dalla Santa Sede la facolta', di cui sopra, per erigere canonicamente l'Istituto.” [3914]

9 April 1920

De Piro decided to go himself to Propaganda Fide in order to talk directly  to Van Rossum.

According to a letter sent to La Fontaine, De Piro was in Rome on the 9 April 1920.  From further correspondence we know that the Servant of God met the Prefect of the Congregation and the former got the impression that things were clarified. [3915]

18 May 1920

On 18 May 1920 Malta’s Archbishop, Mauro Caruana, sent more information to Propaganda Fide.  Obviously this was supplied by De Piro.  In it there was again mention of the Maltese migrants:

Il Canonico Giuseppe De Piro, della Diocesi di Malta, prostrato al bacio della Sacra Porpora, umilmente espone che egli accolto ed incoraggito dall'Emo' Pietro La Fontaine, allora Visitatore Apostolico di detta Diocesi, e confortato dalla Benedizione Apostolica di Sua Santita' Pio X di s.m., diede principio nel 1910 all'istituzione di una Societa' Religiosa, avente per scopo le Missioni Estere, ad incominciare dall'assistenza dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria.”[3916]

26 July 1920

In spite of De Piro’s personal visit to Van Rossum in Rome, and Portelli’s just mentioned letter,  Propaganda Fide could not see the ad gentes aim of the Society.  In fact the Founder received a letter sent to him from the Congregation on 26 July 1920.  In it Mgr Camillo Laurenti, on behalf of the Prefect, went as far as saying to De Piro that for any future needs he had to contact the Congregation for Religious:

Sarei stato ben lieto d'interessarmi della cosa, qualora l'opera sua fosse destinata all'evangelizzazzione degli infedeli, pero' veggo che ella intende provvedere col suo Istituto all'assistenza religiosa dei maltesi lontani dalla patria…

Ella per la sua istituzione dovra' rivolgersi piuttosto alla S.C. dei Religiosi… [3917]

18 August 1920

The Founder was obviously shocked by the letter of Propaganda Fide, but, still, in  his written reaction he did not say that he changed his mind about one of the secondary aims of his Society, the evangelisation of the Maltese migrants:

Io infatti avevo spiegato che coll' incominciare dalla coltivazione spirituale dei Maltesi all'estero non si escludeva la conversione degli infedeli, ma che anzi un tale inizio nell'acquistare il favore del paese verso il nascente Istituto gli avrebbe dato l'agio di lanciarsi nel vasto campo dei paesi infedeli, dopo acquistata una certa vigoria.” [3918]

18 August 1920

On the same day, 18 August 1920, De Piro wrote also to another friend of his, Don Archangelo Bruni, an official at the Congregation of the Sacraments. He asked him to see to the difficulties met with by Propaganda.  In this letter, De Piro also said to Bruni that:

Senza alcuna mia premura ma per semplice disposizione della Divina Provvidenza mi son trovato in contatto colla Congne de Propaganda Fide… 

… poiche, questo Istituto ha per fine la conversione degli Infedeli, ma per le ragioni adotti incominciera' l'azione sua a favore dei Maltesi.  In Africa poi, dove ci sono colonie di Maltesi vi sono anche infedeli e mi pare che l'Egitto stia tuttora sotto la giurisdizione della Congne' de Propaganda.” [3919]

16 September 1920

Bruni did what he was asked to do by the Servant of God and on 16 September 1920 communicated his findings to De Piro:

La difficolta' dell'approvazione dell'Istituto per parte della Propaganda sussiste in quanto che l’Istituto non riguarda direttamente la conversione degli infedeli, ma i Maltesi dimoranti all'estero e quindi secondo il nuovo Codice l'approvazione spetta alla S. Congregazione dei Religiosi.”[3920]

18 November 1920

In the letter written to De Piro on 26 July 1920, Mgr Laurenti had offered that Propaganda Fide would recommend the Founder and the Society of St Paul to the Congregation for Religious.  De Piro accepted this offer in his letter written to Laurenti on 18 August 1920.  Propaganda wrote to the Congregation  of Religious on 18 November 1920.  It could not but present De Piro’s Society as a one for the Maltese migrants:

Il sottoscritto Card. Prefetto della S.C. di Propaganda espone all' E. V. R.ma che in Malta il Can.co Giuseppe De Piro ha dato principio, da qualche anno, ad una istituzione per le missioni estere sotto il nome ‘PICCOLA CASA DI S. PAOLO’.

Sua intenzione e' di dare all'Istituto forma di Congregazione religiosa con voti semplici; e questa S.C. se ne era interessata nella supposizione che il fondatore volesse  costituire una societa' in tutto e per tutto missionaria, avendo pero' la Propaganda invitato il Rev. Can.co De Piro a chiarire meglio il fine dell'Istituto, questi ha dichiarato che egli intende occuparsi prima di tutto dell' assistenza dei Maltesi all'estero, e poi anche in avvenire alla conversione degli infedeli.  Questa S.C. ha allora fatto conoscere al sullodato Canonico che una tale opera sfuggiva alla Competenza della Propaganda la quale si accupa delle opere ed istituzioni dirette esclusivamente all'evangelizzazzione degli infedeli, e che percio' avrebbe dovuto rivolgersi a cotesta S.C. dei Religiosi.

Ma il De Piro con lettera del 18 Agosto esprime il suo dispiacere di interrompere le sue relazioni con la S.C di Propaganda, perche’ da essa si riprometteva un accrescimento dello spirito missionario; torna poi a chiarire meglio il suo scopo, dicendo che l'assistenza dei Maltesi e' un mezzo scelto per acquistare il favore del paese per il nascente istituto, mentre il fine propostosi e' sempre l'evangelizzazioni degl' infedeli.

Lo scrivente Cardinale trasmette l'intiera posizione di piu' rimette all' E. V. di decidere in merito al desiderio espresso dal Can.co De Piro di dipendere dalla S.C. di Porpaganda per il suo istituto di assistenza dei Maltesi e di missioni per gl' infedeli.  Raccomanda ad ogni modo alla sua benevolenza questo nascente istituto da cui e' lecito sperare buoni frutti per il bene delle anime.” [3921]

27 November 1920

From the Congregation for Religious Van Rossum was told that De Piro’s Society was accepted there, because:

“…  l'opera delle Missioni per gli infedeli, a cui intende giungere il Fondatore, si presenta ancora come cosa lontano, mentre il fine prossimo sarebbe l'assistenza dei Maltesi all'Estero.[3922]

4 February 1921

The Congregation for Religious, on 4 February 1921, wrote also to the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, telling him that the next step was not the approval of the Society by the Vatican but by him as the Local Ordinary.[3923]

14 February 1921

It could have been that Archbishop Caruana was not quick in passing on to the Servant of God the letter of Propaganda Fide of 4 February 1921, regarding the canonical approval of the Society.  This could have been the reason why De Piro wrote to Don Archangelo Bruni on 14 February 1921 and asked him to whom he had to write in order to get the canonical erection of his Society, whether to Propaganda Fide or the Local Ordinary.[3924]  Also, on the same day Caruana wrote to the Holy Father asking him the permission for two other members of De Piro’s Society to be ordained “titulo missionis”.[3925]  This last letter of Caruana might have been passed on to the Holy Father through Don Bruni.  In fact the latter wrote to the Servant of God on 11 March 1921 and told him that:

·                                 the permisison for the ordination “titulo missionis” of two of the members of his members was acquired;

·                                 from then on De Piro had to write to the Congregation for Religious.[3926]

The latter meant that the Vatican still considered the Society as set up for the Maltese migrants!

10 April 1921

Led by Bruni’s letter of 11 March 1921, but more and more by that of Propaganda Fide of 4 February of the same year, the Servant of God wrote to Mgr Mauro Caruana, the Archbishop of Malta, on 10 April 1921, asking His Excellency to declare La Compagnia di San Paolo a religious congregation. In this petition De Piro still said that the scope of his Society was:

“… le Missioni Estere ad incominciare dall'assistenza dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria.[3927]

Attached to this letter to Archbishop Caruana the Servant of God sent also a “Prospetto delle Regole della Compagnia di San Paolo”. Even here the Founder was quite explicit:

Indi cerchera' di venire in aiuto di quei popoli, i quali difettano di operai evangelici, incominciando dai Maltesi lontani  dalla patria …[3928]

14 November 1921

The Archbishop of Malta canonically erected La Compagnia di San Paolo on 14 November 1921.  His Excellency, Mauro Caruana, also asked De Piro, “…ut infra sex menses Nobis exhibeat per extensum et modo exhaurienti et completo statuto sue constitutiones, quibus supradicta Societas regenda est.” [3929]  In fact the Founder presented the rules guiding his Society on 10 November 1922.[3930]  The rules presented 1921 “… quantunque lo stesso nella sua integrita` non e` del tutto esauriente e completo …,” but “…esso delinea in sostanza il carattere della Compagnia.”[3931]   And this especially as regards the apostolate of the Society with the Maltese migrants.  In fact in the section “Prospetto” De Piro has very clear words:

“… e di salvare le anime venendo in aiuto di quei popoli, i quali difettano di operai evangelici, incominciando dalle colonie Maltesi all’estero…” [3932]

 


 

Appendix 6

The genesis of the Original Constitutions of De Piro’s Society (Documentation)

 

7 August 1905                                                                  

From the Founder’s Diary[3933]

 

Son tornato dal Vassallo; gli ho presentato la mia idea scritta …

 

1)  Una societa' di Missionari - pel presente non e' facile il dire se debba essere regolare o secolare, pero' se coll'aiuto di Dio e della Vergine si arrivera' all'erezione di corpo regolare, questo deve essere perfettamente tale e deve cercare il modo ed i mezzi di tenere a se aggregati il Clero Secolare.

 

2)  Lo scopo principale, come indica il nome della Societa', consiste nelle Missioni estere.

 

3)  Campi prossimi d'azione possono essere: a) La Casa di S. Giuseppe, b) Le colonnie di Maltesi  all'estero ed   c) a bordo le corazzate etc.

 

4)  Affidare la societa' al valido patrocinio di S. Paolo, dal quale prendera' il nome.

 

5)  Pel presente non fare voti ne giuramenti, pero' dobbiamo essere disposti a secondare la Volonta' Divina con somma generosita'.  La nostra parola d'ordine deve essere, 'Sequar te quocumque ieris'.

 

6)  Fare ogni anno gli Edercizi Spirituali di San Ignazio di Layola.

 

7)  Incontrarci almeno una volta al mese.

 

8Incominciare la formazione di un capitale per contribuzioni mensili.

 

 

1 ta’ Awissu 1909      

Part of the first formula of the profession to be done by the members of the Society [3934]

 

Scopo della Cimpagnia e' quello di formare dei Missionarii ed inviarli ove occorrono.

 

La Compagnia considerera' come proprio il libro degli Esercizi Spirituali di S. Ignazio di Loyola dal quale estana le proprie regole e constituzioni.”

 

 

30 June 1914                            

From letter of Founder to Archbishop Peter Pace [3935]    

 

Breve Prospetto delle Regole

dell'Istituto per le Missioni Estere

 

1.  L'Istituto portera' il nome di Piccola Compagnia di San Paolo.

 

2.  Scopo della Piccola Compagnia sara' quello di venire in aiuto dei popoli privi di operai Evangelici particolarmente ed in primo luogo dei Maltesi lontani dalla patira, ed a tal fine le sara' a cuore la cura si case di Beneficenza.

 

3. La Piccola Compania sara' composta si Sacerdoti e Catechisti laici congregati in vita con me.

 

4.  I membri di detta Picc. Comp. emetteranno i voti di Ubbidienza, Missione, Poverta' e Castita'.

 

5.  L'abito sara' il talare nero con fascia anche nera.

 

6.  In appresso a tempo opportuno sara' presentato per l'approvazione dell'Autorita' Ecclesiastico lo sviluppo particolare delle suddette Regole generali.

 

 

10 March 1919                         

Part of letter of De Piro to Bishop Angelo Portelli [3936]

 

Ed ora per cio' che riguarda le Costituzioni particloari dell'Istituto debbo riferire che poche pagine manoscritte ed incomplete che non hanno ancora il bene di alcuna approvazione diretta, ne servono pel momento come norma direttiva, delle quali per brevita' transcrivo qua il Prospetto.  "La Compagnia di San Paolo Apostolo e' una Societa' di Missionari, Sacerdoti e Catechisti, congregati in perfetta vita comune.  Essa si assume la lotta di perfezionare i suoi membri nell'amore di Dio e del prossimo per mezzo dell'osservanza delle virtu' cristiane ed in particolar modo di una perfetta ubbidienza, castita' e poverta'. Indi cerchera' di venire in aiuto di quei popoli i quali difettano di operai evangelici incomminciando dai Maltesi lontani dalla patria, ed assumera' la cura di case di beneficenza.  Gli ammettendi devono essere idonei per essere formati giusta lo scopo della Compagnia, i cui membre possono essere di appartenervi o per ritiro o per esculsione.  Il Superiore eletto avra' la facolta' e l'obbligo di stabilire cio' che maggiormente conduce la Compagnia, al conseguimento del fine prefessosi.”  

 

 

10 April 1921    

Part of letter of Servant of God to Archbishop Mauro Caruana [3937]

 

Prospetto delle Regole della Compagnia di San Paolo.

 

La Compagnia di San Paolo Apostolo e'una Societa' di Missionarii, Sacerdoti e Catechisti laici, congregati in perfetta vita comune,

 

Essa si assume la lotta di perfezionare i suoi Membri nell'amore di Dio e del prossimo per messo dell'osservanza delle virtu' cristiane ed in particolar modo di una perfetta ubbidienza, castita' e poverta'.

 

Indi cerchera' di venire in aiuto di quei popoli, i quali difettano di operai evangelici, incominciando dai Maltesi lontani  dalla patria, ed assunera' la cura di case di beneficienza.

 

Tutti i membri, dopo la debita prova, emetteranno i voti di ubbidienza, missione, poverta' e castita'

 

L'abito e' il talare nero con fascia anche nera; alla prima professione i Catechisti ricereranno la corona del Rosario della Beata Virgine che terranno raccomandata alla fascia; gli studenti riceveranno una croce di legno raccomandata all collo da un cardonicino e stretta al petto per mezzo della fascia; ed i Sacerdoti la proteranno munita del Crocefisso.

 

Gli ammettendi devono essere i donei per essere formati giusti lo scopo della Compagnia.

 

I membri possono cessare di appartenervi o per ritiro o per espulsione.

 

Il Padre Generale, eletto a vita, ed assistito da quattro Consiglieri, avra' la facolta' e l'obbligo di stabilire, entro i limiti delle regole, cio' che maggiormente conduce la Compagnis al conseguimento del fine prefissosi.

 

(Distesa la Compagnia in tre case e pervenuto a dodici il numero dei Sacerdoti professsi questi passeranno all'elezione a vita del Padre Generale della Compagnia.  Fino a tanto pero' che questa elezione potesse avere luogo, il Vescovo nominera' il Padre Superiore della Comapgnia e questi a sua volta nominera' accorrendo i Padri Superiori Locali).

 

 

14 November 1921              

Approval of Society by Archbishop M. Caruana.  The Founder was also reminded to present complete text of Constitutions [3938]

 

Decretum

 

Viso supplici libello Nobis porrecto ab Ill.mo et Rev.mo Dno' Can.co' Decano Josepho De Piro pro erectione canonica Societatis ab ipso fundata sub titulo S. Pauli Apostoli et pro adprobatione constitutionem, quibus ipso Societas regenda est;

 

Viso fine ad quem tendit institutio praedictae Societatis; Auctoritate Nostra ordinaria  erigimus et tam canonice erectam declaramus Piam Societatem de qua in precibus, sub titulo S. Pauli Apostoli; sub statutis quae ipsis precibus adjicuintur, quaeque in modum experimenti adprobamus, injungentes oratori ut infra sex menses Nobis exhibeat per extensum et modo exhaurienti et completo statuto sue constitutiones, quibus supradicta Societas regenda est.

 

 

10 November 1922        

The Founder presented the Constitutions to Archbishop M. Caruana [3939]

 

Nota del Decano G. De Piro

 

Comparisce il medesimo ed ottemperando al Venerato Secreto di Sua Ecc.za Rev.ma Mgr. Arciv. Vescovo di Malta del 14 Novembre 1921, prorogato verbalmente, esebisce in estero, per l’opportuna approvazione, il corpo di regole dalle quali è eretta la Compagnia di San Paolo - Compie inoltre il dovere di dichiarare che quantunque lo stesso nella sua integrità non è del tutto esauriente e completo pur tuttavia esso delinea in sostanza il carattere della Comagnia…

 

Valletta il 10 Novembre 1922

G. Decano De Piro

 

 

30 January 1923                             

Analysis of the Constitutions by Fr V Furci sj [3940]

 

Fr V. Furci sj, rector of St Aloisius College, B’Kara, was asked by Archbishop M. Caruana to examine the Constitutions presented by De Piro.  Furci made two pages of observations rather than corrections:

 

  • General observations.  Related to the structure and methodology of the presentation rather than  to the contents.
  • The three vows traditionally related to religious life must be presented first.  The vow of missions follows these.
  • According to the Founder, all the members, whereever they are, have to wear the same habit.  In some places this is not possible.
  • Furci made some observations, re: some articles, eg., the novitiate.
  • General observations: excellent Constitutions, based on Christian perfection and on the teaching of the founders of other religious orders.
  • They are hard to follow because there are too many details: there is need of a distinction between the constitutions, the norms and the common rules.
  • Furci suggests the Ignatian month.
  • He notes that the devotion to the Sacred Heart and St Joseph are only mentioned in the end.

 

 

11 September 1923            

Fr Furci pays a visit to the Society’s House in Mdina [3941]

 

Furci wrote to De Piro telling him that he was asked by Archbishop Caruana to pay a visit to the Society’s House in Mdina.  He was going to do this the day after.

 

 

16 September 1923            

Report to Archbishop Caruana about Furci’s visit to the Society’s House [3942]

 

Furci wrote to Archbishop Caruana telling him that he is writing with a lot of trepidation because he is conscious that he has to be acountable to God.

  • The visit was made on 12 of the month.
  • The Socety is in itself of glory to God and he therefore recommends every help frm the side of the Archbishop.  At the same time it cannot porgress as it is.  If it continues in the same way it will close down.  The reason is the almost complete absence of the Founder; he has to be completely dedicate to it.  Furci suggests that there be found some virtuous religious who can take care of the novices.  The latter is most important.
  • Fr John Vella has to be sent away “… senza indugio ne tergiversazione…”.  He is causing harm to the others.
  • For the vows to be valid there is need of a good novitiate.
  • Fr Michael Callus and Br Joseph Caruana seem to be the best members of the community; they are young, virtuous and mortified.
  • Mgr De Piro has to show himself more disciplined and less tolerant especially with those who are not observant.  When there are public mistakes he must correct in public.  And he has also to inflict punishments.
  • Furci also noted that some were not punctual.  These exempted themselves from the common acts.

 

 

10 January1924                                     

Fr Furci recommended the Constitutions [3943]

 

Fr Furci wrote to Archbishop Caruana and told him that he had examined the Constitutions twice.  And this with Mgr De Piro.  Furci also told Caruana that he had made some corrections and modifications here and there.  He considered the corrections more as “sottocapi integranti” than as essential, and these had to do with the general and special administration of the Company … Furci recommended the approval of the Constitutions as they are because this encourages a lot the members.

 

 

18 March 1924    

Archbishop Caruana approved the first two parts of the Constitutions [3944]

 

Decretum

 

Cum per Letteras Apostolicas Sacrae Congregationis Religiosorum diei 4 Februarii 1929 Prot. 6550/20 Nobis tributa fuit facultas erigendi Piam Societatem Religiosam ab Ill.mo et Rev.mo Dno' Joseph De Piro D'Amato Can.co' Decano Nostrae Ecclesiae Cathedralis Fundatam, quam die 14 Decembris 1921 decrevimus ut cognascatur et appellatur sub titulo "Congregazione di San Paolo", et quam iam canonice erezimus, constito Nobis Pium Opus non habere alium finem nisi Dei Omnipotentis gloriam et salurem animarum, nec non constito etiam Nobis de salutari progresser egusdem piae societatis a die institutionis, virtute supradictum Letterarum Apostolicarum et vigore Decreti Executorialis adprobamus Corpus Regularum Nobis exhibitum a supradicto Rev.mo Can.co' Fundatore, ex quo Corpore, etsi nondum completo, satis appare6t nobilis et sanctus character proedictae Piae Congregaitonis, cum ipsae regulae ducunt ad Chrisianam perfectionem et sunt juxtanorman doctrinae et spiritus sanctorum fondatorum ordinum religiosorum.

 

Tamen ut compleatur hoc Corpus Regularum, ex quibus habetur ordo, volumus non tantum tu serventur correctiones et modificationes quas in Domino judicabimus esse faciendas in supradicto Corpore Regularum, sed volumus etiam et mandamus ut per supradictum Canonicum Fundatorme quam primum redigentur et Nobis exhibeantur alias regulas quae ed regimen generale et particulare ufficiorum ipsuis Congregaitonis spectant, reservantes in furtre Nobis Nostrisque Successoribus facultatem tollendi, addendi, modificandi quidquid in Domino magis expedire vidibitur.

 

Auspicientes in Domino omnia bona, Nostram Partoralem Benedictionem peramantea impertimur dilecto filio Nostro Canonico Fundatore omnibusque Sociis Piae Congregationis.

 

Datum in Nostro Palatio Civitatis Vallettai dei 18 Martii 1924.

 

Sign. Maurus O.S.B. Arch. Epsum. Meliten.

(L+s) sign. Sac. Ant. Galea Canvellarius

Concordat cum originale

Datum ex M. Curia die 2 Aprilis 1924                             Sac. Ant. Galea Cancellarius.

 

 

12 November 1925                         

The Founder finalised the writing of the Constitutions [3945]

 

From the note written in the “Scritti” one can conclude that the Founder went to the Monte Cassino Abbey, Italy, and on this day he finalised the last part of the Original Constitutions, or the part about the general and particular administration of the Society.

 

 

9 December 1925                             

De Piro presented to the Archbishop the last part of the Constitutions [3946]

 

Nella Gran Curia

Vescovile di Malta.

 

Suppliche 396/32                                Nota del Can.co Decano G De Piro

                                                                                quale Superiore della Compagnia

                                                                                di San Paolo - Istituto Religioso

                                                                                per le Missioni Estere.

 

Comparisce il medesimo ed in esecuzione del Venerato Decreto di Sua Ecc.za Rev.ma Mgr. Arciv. Vescovo, del 18 Marzo 1924, consequa e sottomette alla relativa approvasione il complemento delle regole, dalle quali viene governata la surriferita Compagnia di S. Paolo.

 

Ed eseguito quanto sopra, con profondo figliale ossequio, so rafferma di Sua Ecc.za Rev.ma Mgr. Argiv. Vescovo Umilissimo servo.

 

G. Decano De Piro

 

Presentata del cimparente il 9 Dic 1925

Sac. Ant. Galea.

Cancelliere.

 

 

 

 

 

 

17 May 1929                                    

Examination of Constitutions by Mgr Carmel Zammit [3947]

 

Archbishop M. Caruana asked Mgr Zammit to examine the last part of the Constitutions.

 

 

15 July 1930              

Report by Mgr C. Zammit about the last part of the Constitutions[3948]

 

Nella Curia Vescovile di Malta

 

Eminenza Reverendissima.

 

In esecuzione del venerato decreto del di 17 Maggio 1929, col quale V. E. intimava al sottoscritto di riferire intorno ad alcune delle Regole della Compagnia di S. Paolo presentate all' E. V. dal Rev.mo Mons. Can. Decano G. De Piro per la relativa approvazione, ho l'onore di sottomettere a V.E. che, avendo esaminato attentamente dellt regole, che trattano del Procuratore Generale presso la S. Sede, dei visitatori, del Provinciali e vicari di Missione, dell'Economo, dei Capitoli Provinciali e Vicariale, del Superiore Locale, del Prefetto Spirituale e dei Fratelli Catechisti, del Sagrestano, dell’Economo Locale, del Custode delle vesti, dell’Infermierem del Portinaio, del Compratore, del Dispensiere, del Refettoriere, dello Svegliatore e infine dei Funerali ed altri Suffragi, non ho trovato nulla che mi sembra oggessionabile all’approvazione delle stesse, da parte di Vostra Eccellenza.

 

Avendo eseguito quanto sopra con sensi di piena devozione e figliele ossequio passo a raffermarmi dell’ E.V. Revmo.

 

Ubb.mo dev.mo servo

C.Can. Zammit

 

16 Luglio 1930

 

 

5 October 1932                   

Archbishop M. Caruana approved the last part of the Constitutions[3949]

 

Decreto

 

Siccome l'Ill.mo e Rev.mo Mons. Giuseppe de Piro Navarra, Can.co Decano della Nra. Cattedrale, ottemperando al Nro. Decreto dle 18 Marzo 1924, lei ha esibito il complemento delle Regole della Compagnia di S. Paolo, da lui fondata particolarmente per cio' che riguarda il Governo Generale e Particolare.

 

Siccome, giusto il voto qui annesso, del Rev.mo Relatore da Noi incaricato per Nro' Decreto del 19 Maggio 1929, nulla si e' trovato di oggezionabile all'approvazione delle stesse;

 

Col presente Nostro Decreto concediamo ben volentieri la chiesta approvazione ai termini e sotto le riserve del precitato Nro Decreto del 18 Marzo 1924.

 

Desiderando ogni ulteriore prosperita' in Dno' alla prelodata Compagnia, impartiamo di cuore alla stessa la Nra. benedizione.

 

Dato in Valletta, il 5 Ottobre 1932

fto. Maurus O.S.B. Arch. Epus. Melit.

 

Vera copia rilasciata dalla Curia

Bibliography

 

De Piro documents

(Where possible the order of these documents is chronological)

 

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Il-familja tieghu.

= Original documents or copies mainly related to the De Piro family.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu.

= Original documents or copies related to the life of the Servant of God from his birth to the moment when he decided his vocation.

Joseph De Piro: Lyceum.  

= Documents related to the years Joseph spent at the Malta Lyceum for his secondary education ( 1889 -1894).

Joseph De Piro: Royal Malta Militia. 

= Documents related  to the three years and five months the Servant of God spent as “a military man”.

Joseph De Piro: Royal University of Malta. 

= Copies of documents and originals of notebooks of De Piro as a University student.

De Piro: sketches, drawings and paintings.

= These are original sketches and a painting of Joseph De Piro as a young boy and until he started studying for the priesthood.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Vokazzjoni. 

= Two discernment exercises: one related to his choice of vocation and the other one in order to decide whether to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”, Rome, or St Joseph’s, Malta.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Capranica.  

= Documents related to the years Joseph De Piro spent at the Capranica College, Rome (1898-1902).

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Suddjakonat, Djakonat, Presbiterat. 

= Documents connected to the three Orders received by the Servant of God.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Sacerdozju.

= Material related to his ordination and first solemn high mass, confessions permits and the mass registers.

Il-Qaddej ta’ Alla, Guzeppi De Piro: Korrispondenza, I: Ittri lill-familjari.

= Letters exchanged between mother and son and between Joseph and his brother Guido, when the Servant of God was in Rome for his studies (1898-I902).

Il-Qaddej ta’ Alla, Guzeppi De Piro: Korrispondenza, II: Ittri mill-familjari.

= Letters which Joseph received from his mother, brothers, sisters and his brother in law, Paolo, when he was in Rome.

Il-Qaddej ta’ Alla, Guzeppi De Piro: Korrispondenza, III: Ittri mill-iskola, mid-direttur spiritwali u mid-direttur ta’ San Guzepp.

= Letters Joseph received from various persons during his years of secondary education.  In this volume there are also letters Joseph received from Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the director of St Joseph’s, Malta, and from Fr Sammut sj, his spiritual director, while he was at the Capranica in Rome (1898-1902) and in Davos – Switzerland (1889-I904).

Il-Qaddej ta’ Alla, Guzeppi De Piro: Korrispondenza, IV: Mixxellanea. 

= Letters to young Joseph De Piro which cannot be included in the above three volumes.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Davos.

= A few pages related to the period De Piro spent in Switzerland (1902-1904) to be cured of tuberculosis.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Qrendi.  

= A register with the masses said by the Servant of God during his stay in this parish (1904-1907).

Mons Guzppi De Piro: Djarju.          

= Personal notes of De Piro himself from the time he started studying for the priesthood until he clarified his ideas about the nature of the Society he wanted to found. Almost each and every entry is related to the Missionary Society. Years covered: 1898-1909.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Sindku Apostoliku OFM – Rabat. 

= Includes photocopied documents connected to De Piro’s administation of the property of the Franciscan Minors Convent, Rabat, Malta.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Monsinjur u Dekan.  

= Mainly photocopies of the acts of the Chapter of the Cathedral where De Piro was canon and dean.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Kungress Ewkaristiku, 1913. 

= Letters related to the apponintment of Mgr Joseph De Piro as member of the organising cmmittee of the International Eucharistic Congress, held in Malta in 1913.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Sacerdoti Adoratori. 

= Documents related to the administration of this sodality.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Segretarju tal-Arcisqof Mawru Caruana.

= This includes only the letter of appointment of Mgr. De Piro as secretary to Archbishop Mauro Caruana (1915-1918).

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Membru tal-Kummissjoni ghall-formazzjoni tas-sacerdoti novelli.

= This is made up of the letter of appointment of Mgr. De Piro as first member of this Commission.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Rettur tas-Seminarju.

= Original documents and photocopies related to the years 1918-1920, when Monsignor was rector of the Major Seminary at Mdina, Malta.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro:Dekan.  

= Correspondence between Archbishop Peter Pace and Fr Joseph De Piro, re: the latter’s nomination as Monsignor and dean of the Metropolitan Chapter.  Also, some documents related to the role of dean of the Chapter.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Gudja.

= His nomination as acting parish priest (July-August 1922). Also, information about conflict between two parish parties.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesu` - Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo. 

= Correspondence between the Servant of God and the administration of these two Maltese religious female Congregations.

Dame di Carita’.

= De Piro’s mother had gathered around her some other ladies with the aim of preparing vestments for poor churches. This file includes the rules and the petition to Archbishop Mauro Caruana to start the Organisation.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Kumitat Specjali ta’ Konsultazzjoni dwar ir-restawr tal-Knisja ta’ San Pawl – Rabat.

= The minutes of the Committee set up by Archbishop Mauro Caruana in order to study the possible restoration of the Rabat Parish Church, Malta.  De Piro was the president of this Committee.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla.  3 vols.

= Whole or parts of sermons written by Monsignor himself.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Politika.

=  Pages related to De Piro’s share in the National Assembly and its Central Commission (1918-1921), the Sette Giugno riots (1919), the conflict between Lord Gerard Strickland and the Church (1930), and the Senate of the Third Maltese Parliament (1932-1933).

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Unione Leoniana. 

= A very few pages of documents related to the statutes of this Unione and De Piro’s membership in the same.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Sptar Zammit Clapp. 

= Containing mostly the nomination and yearly confirmations of De Piro’s membership in the Committee of Administration of this hospital.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Fra Diegu.

= The documents related to Monsignor as director of this Institute (1907-1933).

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Istitut Gesu` Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula.

= The documents which witness to De Piro’s direction of these two ecclesiastical charitable institutes and his efforts to help in the foundation of the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth (1922-1933).

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Institut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta).

= Documents related to De Piro as director of this Institute (1922-1933).

Casa di San Giuseppe, Istituto Canco Bonnici: Registro dei beni mobili ed immobili.

= During the year 1926, De Piro, as director of St Joseph’s, Malta, started registering all  mobile and immobile property of the same Home.

Casa di San Giuseppe, Istituto Bonnici: Piccola Cassa “A”. 

= The petty income and expenditure of St Joseph’s, Malta.

Registro delle Conferme nella Casa di San Giuseppe.

= Register containing the names of boys who received the sacrament of confirmation at St Joseph’s, Malta, the year when they were confirmed and the names of parents and godfathers.

Casa di San Giuseppe: Registro degli esami per la conferma e prima comunione.

= Register containing the names of candidates for first holy communion or confirmation, their approval or not, and date of approval or not.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex).

= Material related to Monsignor, as founder and director of this Home (1925-1933).

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Laboratorju tat-tfajliet.

= The documents which show Monsignor’s efforts to create this Initiative in favour of poor and abandoned young girls (1928-I931).

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Laboratorio Sacro Cuore di Gesu` - Cassa. 

= Register containing the income and expenditure of the Sacred Heart Laboratory.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara.

= A collection of documents related to the history of the Oratory since its beginning (1910-1933).

M.S.S.P. at the time of the Founder. 

= Documents and letters, to and from Monsignor, related to the various moments of the history of the Society, until the death of the Founder (1908-1933).

M.S.S.P. at the time of the Founder:  Addenda. 

= Same as above.

Regole della Compagnia di S. Paolo.  Fascicoli I-III. 

= The Constitutions of the Society, written by the Founder and approved by Mgr Mauro Caruana, Archbishop of Malta, on 18 March 1924 (first two Fascicoli) and 5 October 1932 (the third Fascicolo).

Atti del Consiglio del Pedro Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo.

= These are the official acts of the first Council of the Society of St Paul. As assistants to the Founder there were Fr. Michael Callus and Fr. Joseph Spiteri, both of them members of the Society.Years covered: 1927-1933.

Personal files.

= Documents related to taking of habit, professions, courses, ordinations and correspondence to or from the members of De Piro’s Society.

Missjoni Abbissinja: Korrispondenza (1927 – 1975), I: Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur. 

= Letters written from Abyssinia by Br Joseph Caruana to Mgr De Piro.

Missjoni Abbissinja: Korrispondenza (1927 – 1975), II: Fra Guzepp lil ohrajn.

= Letters written from Abyssinia by Br Joseph Caruana to various other individuals.

Missjoni Abbissinja: Korrispondenza (1927 – 1975), III: Ohrajn lil Mons G. De Piro.

= Letters written from Abyssinia to De Piro by several missionaries in Abyssinia.

Missjoni Abbissinja: Korrispondenza (1927 – 1975), IV: Mixxellanea. 

= Letters written by various persons to various individuals, re: Abyssinia mission.

Procura, Missione d’Abissinia - Libro Cassa presso l’Economo Generale.  

= Here one finds the income and expenditure related to the Society’s mission in Abyssinia, for the years 1927 up to 1951.     

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Konferenzi lin-novizzi (1929-1930).

= Conferences delivered by Mgr. De Piro to the novices during the novitiate 1929-1930, held at St. Joseph’s Institute, Sta Venera, Malta, as recorded by Br Jerome Gatt ssp.

San Pawl: Almanacc ta l’Institut tal Missioni (1922-1936). 

= A yearly publication for missionary animation. Most probably De Piro was not only the publisher but also the author of almost all the material of the 1922-1933 editions. English translation by Fr Frans Ferriggi mssp.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Dar Sant’Agata. 

= Documents related to St Agatha’s Motherhouse (1898-1934).

Sant’Agata: Procura del Barone De Piro.

= Documents related to the administration of St Agatha’s Church, Rabat. Years: 1812 until it was given to Baron Joseph De Piro.

Conti, Chiesa di Sant’Agata.

= Documents showing the passing on of the Church to the Society of St. Paul.

Acquisto siti attigui a S. Agata –Rabat.

= Documents showing the acquisition of land on which St. Agatha’s Motherhouse was built.

Registro della Dispensa.  

= In this petty cash book there were recorded the income and expenditure of the first members for the years 1921 up to 1925 as regards cooking. 

Spesa Giornaliera della Piccola Casa di San Paolo. 

= This cash book includes the petty income and expenditure of the first nine years of the Society’s community.

Libro Cassa. 

= Here one finds the petty income and expenditure of the first members of the Society for the years 1923 up to 1941.

Educandato Santa Maria, Oratorio, B’Cara – Registro Primo. 

= The income and expenditure of the Educandato Santa Maria from the year 1928 up to 1932.

Borsa di Studio affidata alla Vergine Maria Assunta. 

= Income for study burseries and its investment in various kinds.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Appuntamenti Varji.  

= De Piro was asked to sit on various committees and make part of many organizations, both ecclesiastical and civil. e.g. Congregazione Degli Onorati, Casa San Calcedonio per gli Ezercizi Spirituali, Camera Pontificia Maltese, Malta War Memorial Hospital for Children, Comitato Pro Maltesi Morti o Feriti il 7 o 8 guigno, Committee: Smyrna Refugees (1922), Special Committee: British Empire Exhibition (1924), Tourist Committee, etc., etc.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Apprezzamenti u Ringrazzjamenti lilu.  

= Short messages or speeches with which the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, the seminarians, the members of his Society, etc., thanked or expressed their appreciation to De Piro for services rendered by him.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Apprezzamenti u Ringrazzjamenti lilu – Addenda. 

= Same as above.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Testment Sigriet. 

= The Servant of God made his testamentary will on 8 February 1932.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Funeral. Transportation of Remains of De Piro from the  Addolorata Cemetery to St. Agatha’s Motherhouse (1948).

= Documents related to these two occasions.

Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Trasport tal-fdalijiet (1948). 

= Documents related to the transportation of the remains of the Servant of God from the Addolorata Cemetry, the place where he was originally buried, to St Agatha’s Motherhouse, the actual burialplace.

Miscellaneous.

= All other De Piro documents.

 

Other documents

Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro: Diocesan Process, Tribunal sessions “Ne Pereant Testes”. Archbishop’s Curia 1987.

= The sessions held during the year 1987 by the Diocesan Tribunal in order to gather testimonies, ne pereant testes.

Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro: Diocesan Process. Archbishop’s Curia, 7 October 1988 - 25 January 2003.

          = The ordinary Tribunal sessions for the gathering of testimonies about the Servant of  God, Joseph De Piro.

 

Bonnici E., Stat tal-Istituti u tas-Socjeta` S. Pawl fil-mewt tieghu.

= A report, written by Mgr Enrico Bonnici, the successor of De Piro in the direction of the charitable institutes and the Society, about the state of affairs of these institutes and the Society.

Sciberras T., Taw xhieda fuq Mons Guzeppi De Piro, vol I + Index. 

= Testimonies obtained from those who knew Monsignor directly (Gathered during 1960s-1970s by Aloisius Aloisio and then edited and indexed by T., Sciberras in 1986).

____, Taw xhieda fuq Mons Guzeppi De Piro, vol II. 

= Other testimonies obtained from those who knew Monsignor directly (Gathered during 1960s-1970s by Aloisius Aloisio and then edited and indexed by T., Sciberras in 1991).

 

De Piro: Biographies

Bonnici Al., Mons Guzeppi De Piro (1877-1933), i: Fundatur tas-Socjeta` Missjunarja ta’ San Pawl, Malta 1982.

____, Mons Guzeppi De Piro (1877-1933), ii: F’Kull Qasam tal-Istorja ta’ Malta,  Malta 1985.

____, Giuseppe De Piro (1877-1933): Founder of the Missioanry Society of St Paul, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, Malta 1988.

 

De Piro: Short biographies

Bonnici Al., Mons Guzeppi De Piro: Fundatur tas-Socjeta` Missjunarja ta’ San Pawl,  Malta 1979.

____, Mons Guzeppi De Piro (1877-1933): Fundatur tas-Socjeta` Missjunarja ta’ San Pawl, in Malta Kattolika fil-Hajja Mqallba tas-Seklu XX, Malta 1979, pp. 22- 34 .

____, Mons Guzeppi De Piro, in Taw Xhieda b’Ghemilhom, Malta 1984, pp. 91-102.

____, Mons Guzeppi De Piro, in Maltin Xhieda tal-Evangelju, Malta 1986, pp. 67-78.

____, Mgr Joseph De Piro: Founder of the Missionary Society of St Paul, in Civilization 35 (1987), pp. 962- 966.

____, Mgr Joseph De Piro: Genuine love towards everyone, in Civilization 36 (1988), pp. 987- 991.

____, Mgr Joseph De Piro: A graphological analysis of a personality, in Civilization 37 (1988), pp. 1022- 1023.

____, Mgr Joseph De Piro: A man of untiring energy, in Civilization 38 (1988), pp. 1037- 1039.

____, Giuseppe De Piro (1877-1933): Fundador de la Sociedad de San Pablo, translated by Antero W. Melendez C., Lima 1993.

Bonnici E., Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, Malta 1933.

Ciarlo` J. ─ Galea M., Mons Guzeppi De Piro, in Qaddejja u Xhieda, Malta 2002, pp.32-34 .

Sciberras T., Missjunarju minn Pajjizu: Guzeppi De Piro, Malta 2002.

____, Mons Guzeppi De Piro, Malta 2002.

s. n., Mons Can. Dec.Gius. dei Msi. De Piro: Il-Hajja u l-Opra, Malta 1948.

s.n., Il-Qaddej ta’ Alla, Guzeppi De Piro, Malta 1993.

s.n., Il-Qaddej ta’ Alla, Guzeppi De Piro, in Sala ta’ Espozizzjoni Permanenti ta’ Dokumentazzjoni Storika, Malta 1994, pp. 89-93.

s.n., Mgr Joseph De Piro: The nobleman that served the poor, Australia s.a.

 

De Piro: Studies

Aloisio, A., Nagharfu lill-Fundatur.

= Periodical publications about some aspect of the life and activity of the Servant of God. For use by the members of the Society.

Cilia M., The Missionary Spirit of Joseph De Piro  (Unpublished M.A. dissertation), All Hallows Missionary College, Dublin, 2001.

Ferriggi F., Twemminu f’Kitbietu, Sayings ta’ Mons G. De Piro, i, Malta 1996.

Sciberras T., Mgr Joseph De Piro: A life of chastity, poverty and obedience  (Unpublished Licenciate dissertation), Gregorian University, Rome, 1981.

____,  San Paul: Almanacc ta l’Istitut tal Missioni, 1922-1936 – Indici analitiku, Malta 1986.

____The Virtues of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro.  Malta, 1987.

____, Il-Hajja tal-Qaddej ta’ Alla, Guzeppi De Piro - Indici analitiku tal-biografija miktuba minn Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv.  Malta, 1993.

____, Il-Hajja tal-Qaddej ta’ Alla, Guzeppi De Piro: Indici tal-ismijiet tal-biografija miktuba minn Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv.  Malta, 1993.

____, The Servant of God, Joseph De Piro: A reconstruction of his life, Malta 21995.

____, Publications: Articles, etc. about De Piro published at some time or other, in newspapers and periodicals, both local and foreign, Malta 2001.

____, Mgr Joseph De Piro, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul.  Text, Commentary and Analythical Index, Malta 2003.

Zammit Satariano M., The Handling of Pauline Texts by The Servant of God, Joseph De Piro (Unpublished Licenciate dissertation), University of Malta,1993.

 

Church Documents

Sacrosanctum Concilium Tridentinum, Naples 1841.

Codex Iuris Canonici, Vatican Edition 1929.

Vatican City, Annuario Pontificio 1933.

Pius XI, Rerum Ecclesiae, Editrice Studium - Rome 1928.

Pius XI,Twelve Encyclicals, London 1943.

Pius XII, Atti e Discorsi, Rome 1950.

John Paul II, Redemptoris Missio, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1991.

 

Congregatio Pro Causis Sanctorum, Canonizationis Servi Dei Pauli Manna, Positio Super Virtutibus (1872-1952), Rome 1985.

____, Canonizationis Servi Dei Iosephi Allamano (1851-1926), Positio Super Virtutibus, Rome 1986.

____, Beatificationis et Canonizationis Servi Dei Danielis Comboni (1831-1881), Positio Super Virtutibus, 2 vols, Rome 1988.

____, Beatificationis et Canonizationis Servi Dei Georgii Preca (1880-1962), Positi Super Vita, Virtutibus et Fama Sanctitatis, Rome 1997.

____, Beatificationis et Canonizationis Servae Dei Margaritae A S. Corde Iesu (1862-1952), Positio Super Vita, Virtutibus et Fama Sanctitatis, Rome 2004.

 

Conferenza Episcopale Italiana, Enchiridion della Chiesa per le Migrazioni, Bologna 2001.

 

Annuario della Diocesi di Malta, 1933 -.

Catholic Directory of Malta and Gozo, The, 1963.

Diocesi di Malta, La, Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiastico, 1916 – .

Index Dierum et Horarum in Quibus Rev.mi Dignit.  et Can. Metropolitani Provinciae Melitensis Sacrum Camere et Horis Canonicis In Ecclesia Metropolitana adesse tenentur, 1924 –.

 

Theology – Spirituality

AA.VV., La Compagnia di Gesu` e le Scienze Sacre, in Analecta Gregoriana (Series Theologica, vol. XXIX – Sectio A [n.3]), Rome 1942.

AA.VV., Enciclopedia Mariana - Theotocos, edited by Raimondo Spiazzi - Cassiano da Langasco, Genoa 21959.

AA.VV., A Catholic Dictionary of Theology, 1, edited by H. Francis Davis, Edinburgh 1961.

AA.VV., Sacramentum Mundi: An Encyclopedia of Theology, 3, edited by Karl Rahner et al., London 1969.

AA.VV., Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, edited by Guerrino Pelliccia - Giancarlo Rocca, 10 vols, Rome 1973-2003.

AA.VV., Nuovo Dizionario di Teologia, edited by Giuseppe Barbaglio - Severino Dianich, Rome 1977.

AA.VV., Mysterium Salutis – Supplemento: Lessico dei Teologi del Secolo XX, edited by Piersandro Vanzan - Hans Jurgen Schultz, Brescia 1978.

AA.VV., Nuovo Dizionario di Spiritualita` edited by Stefano De Fiores - Tullo Goffi, , Rome 1979.

AA.VV., Solidarieta`: Nuovo Nome della Pace, Turin 1988.

AA.VV., La Solidarieta` per il superamento di emarginazione, solitudine e razzismo.  Atti del 59o corso di aggiornamento culturale dell’Universita` Cattolica, Cagliari 10-15 Settembre 1989, Milan 1990.

AA.VV., Nuova Evangelizzazione e Solidarieta` Sociale, Bologna1992.

AA.VV., Teologia e Solidarieta`, Turin 1993.

AA.VV., The New Dictionary of Catholic Spirituality, ed., by Michael Downey, Bangalore 1995.

Amato A., Gesu` il Signore, Bologna 1988.

Azevedo M., The Consecrated Life, New York 1995.

Becker De, G., Lexico De La Teologia Del Sacrado Corazon, Milwaukee 1975.

Bedeschi L., Don Antonio Pottier (1849-1923): Difensore dei diritti dei lavoratori, in Vita Pasorale (3 March 2004), pp. 83-85.

Besutti J. M., Ricerche Sulla Storia della Mariologia dal 1800 al Vaticano II, Rome 1984.

Borg A.J., The Reform of the Council of Trent in Malta and Gozo, Malta 1975.

Borg P.P., Il Valore del Sillabo di Pio X, 3 vols, Acireale 1911.

Borg V., Marian Devotions in the Islands of Saint Paul, Malta 1983.

Bugeja A., Maria Theresa Nuzzo: Her Spirituality and Social Commitment  (Unpublished B.A. dissertation), University of Malta 2001.

Caraman Ph., University of the Nations: the Story of the Gregorian University of Rome from 1551 to Vatican II, New York 1981.

Carson D.A., The Gospel According to John, Michigan1991.

Cessario R., Le Virtu`, Jaca Books 1994.

Chaignon R.P., Nuovo Corso di Meditazioni pei Sacerdoti ossia Il Prete Santificato dalla pratica dell’orazione, Bologna 1865.

____, Il prete sactificato dalla paratica dell’orazione ossia corso di meditazioni pei sacerdoti, Venice 1907.

____, Compendio delle Meditazioni per i sacerdoti con aggiunta di nuove meditazioni ed altre appendici, Rome 1909.

____, Meditazioni ad uso delle comunita’ religiose, Rome 1924.

Ciappi L.M., The heart of Christ, the Centre of the Mystery of Salvation, Rome 1983.

Comblin J., Sent from the Father: Meditations on the Fourth Gospel, Dublin 1979.

Deharbe J., Spiegazione del Catechismo Grande, 3 vols,  Rome 1908

Dehon L., Catechisme Social, Paris 1898.

Denis M., Il Mistero Dell’Amore Divino, Naples 1982.

Ellis A.C. - Korth F. N., Canon Law: A Text and Commentary, Milwaukee 41963.

Fiores De, S., Maria Madre di Gesu`: Sintesi Storico-Salvifica, Bologna 1992.

Francesconi M., Giovanni Battista Scalabrini, Rome 1985.

Frendo G., Noti ta’ Marjologija (Unpublished notes), Malta 1977.

Gonzalez C.I., Cristologia: Tu sei la nostra Salvezza, Monferrato 1988.

Graef H., Mary, A History of Doctrine and Devotion, London 1965.

Guiducci P., Formare alla vita: Per Una cultura della solidarieta`, Turin 1989.

Häring B., Timely and Intimely Virtues, Middlegreen 1986.

Huckle J.J - Visokay Paul, The Gospel According to St John, New York 1981.

Iozzelli F., Roma Religosa all’inizio del Novecento, Rome 1985.

Laurentin R., La Vergine Maria: Mariologia Post-Conciliare, Rome 41973.

Lightfoot R.H., St John’s Gospel, Oxford 1960.

Manicaro J., Liturgical Renewal in the Maltese Islands: A Historical Study (1840-1963), Rome 2004.

Manzo M., Don Pirro Scavizzi: Prete Romano, Monferrato 1997.

McDonald W.J., New Catholic Encyclopedia, 15 vols, New York 1967.

Odile M. - Hugues J.M., Spiritualita` del Cuore di Cristo, Milan 1986.

O.S.A. Manuale delle Spose e madri cristiane, Rome 1913.

Peters E.N., The 1917 Pio-Benedictine Code of Canon Law in English Translation with Extensive Scholarly Apparatus, San Francisco 2001.

Pirri P., L’Universita` Gregoriana del Collegio Romano nel primo secolo dalla Restituzione, Rome 1930.

Rahner K., The Interpretation of the Dogma of the Assumption, in Theological Investigations, 1, London 21965.

____, On the Theology of the Incarnation, in Theological Investigations, 4, London 1966.

____, Some Theses for a Theology of Devotion to the Sacred Heart, in Theological Investigations, 3, London 1967.

____, The Passion and Asceticism, in Theological Investigations, 3,  London 1967.

____, The Theological Meaning of the Veneration of the Sacred Heart, in Theological Investigations, 8, London 1971.

____, Encyclopaedia of Theology: The Concise Sacramentum Mundi, New York, 1975.

Rota T., Il Cuore Spezzato di Gesu` nel Mondo, Naples 1982.

Salvoldi V., Il Vangelo della Solidarieta`: Gesu` con i poveri, i peccatori, i non violenti, Milan 1993.

Sanders J.N. - Mastin B.A., The Gospel of St John, London 1968.

Segneri P., L’Incredulo Senza Scusa, Venice – Paolo Baglioni 1698.

____, Quaresimale, Pesaro – A. Barion 1828.

____, La Manna dell’anima ovvero ezercizio facile e fruttuoso per tutti i giorni dell’anno, Florence - San Paolo 1934.

s. n., Il Cobor tal Gloriosissimu Patriarca S. Giusepp Patrun tal Cnisia Cattolica

Ikkonsidrat fix-xahar ta’ Marzu, Malta 1928.

Tobin T.H., The Spirituality of Paul, Delaware 1987.

Vagli V., Dalle origini del Collegio Romano alla Pontificia Universita` Gregoriana, in La Gregoriana: Informazioni P.U.G (June 2003), pp. 22-25.

Veiga Coutinho Da, Lucio., Tradition et Histoire dans la controverse moderniste (1898-1910), Analecta Gregoriana 1954.

Woywod S., A Practical Commentary on the Code of Canon Law, 2 vols, London 1932.

Zedda S., Prima Lettura di San Paolo, Brescia 51973.

 

 

Missiology

AA.VV., La preghiera e il lavoro apostolico nelle missioni, in Analecta Gregoriana (vol. LXXII, series Facultatis Missiologicae, Sectio A [n. 2]), Rome 1954.

AA.VV., L’Annuncio del Vangelo Oggi: Commento all’Esortazione Apostolica di Paolo VI Evangelii Nuntiandi, Pontificia Universita` Urbaniana 1977.

AA.VV., Chiesa e missione, Pontificia Universita` Urbaniana 1990. 

AA.VV., Redemptoris Missio: Riflessioni, Pontificia Universita` Urbaniana 1991.

AA.VV., Dizionario di missiologia, Dehoniane Bologna 1993.

AA.VV., Storia dell’Italia Religosa, 3: L’Eta` Contemporanea, Laterza 1995.

Agasso D., Forte di un’idea: Daniele Comboni, in Nigrizia (June 1992), pp. 55-56.

Ballarin L., L’anima missionaria di Guido Maria Conforti, Parma 1962.

____, Le Costituzioni Saveriane: Studio Storico, Rome 1977.

Balzarini M. - Zanotto A., Le Missioni nel Pensiero degli Ultimi Pontefici, Ancora 1960.

Bona C., La rinascita missionaria in Italia.  Dalle “Amicizie” cristiane all’Opera della Propagazione della Fede, Turin 1964.

____, Eredi di una tradizione missionaria, conferenza tenuta alla Commissione Regionale per la coperazioe fra le Chiese di Liguria-Piemonte-Valle d’Aosta-Sardegna (18 June 1987),Turin.

Bosa Domenico, Lavigerie: Alle Frontiere della Chiesa, in Africa (1/92), pp. 22-28 .

____, Lavigerie e l’Italia, in Africa, 6/92, pp 31-34.

Bosch D.J., Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission, New York 1991.

Carminati C., Compendio di missiologia, Bergamo 31929.

Catarzi D., Lineamenti di dommatica missionaria, Parma 1958.

Caviglia A., La concezione missionaria di Don Bosco, Rome 1932.

Chiocchetta P., Daniele Comboni: Carte per l’evangelizzazzione dell’Africa, Verona 1978.

____, I grandi testimoni del Vangelo: Pagine di spiritualita` missionaria, Rome 1992.

Comby J., Duemila anni di evangelizzazione.  Storia dell’espansione cristiana, Turin 1994.  

Delacroix S., Histoire universelle des missions catholiques, III, Les Missions contemporaines (1800-1957), Paris 1958. 

Galea A., Il Missiunarju iz-Zghir, Malta1911- ? .

Garcia Villoslada R., Los historiadores de las misiones.  Origen y desarrollo de la historiografia misional, Bilbao 1956.

Gilli A. - Chiocchetta P., Il Messaggio di Daniele Comboni, Verona 1977.

Latourette K.S., A History of the Expansion of Christianity, 7 vols., New York 1937-1945.

Lopez-Gay J., Storia delle Missioni, Rome 1998.

Luzbetak L.J., Chiesa e Cultura, Bologna 1991.

Manna P., Il problema missionario e i sacerdoti, Rome 1939.

Masson J., Les missions au premier Concile du Vatican, in Eglise Vivante (IV/1, 1962), pp. 38-47.

Metzler J., Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide: Memoria rerum, 350 anni al servizio delle missioni (1815-1972), III/1, III/2, Rom-Freiburg-Wein 1973-1976.

____, Dalle Missioni alle Chiese locali (1846-1965), in Storia della Chiesa, founded by A. Fliche and V. Martin, Milan, 1990.

Mizzi A., La Missione Somala e i missionari Maltesi, Malta 1931.

____, Malta missionaria e i suoi missionari, Malta 1934.

____, Problemi principali dello apostolato Cattolico, Malta 1934.

____, Cenni Etnografici Galla ossia organizzazione civile, Usi e costumi oromonici, Malta 1935.

____, Gli Studi civili Galla, Malta 1935.

____, I proverbi Galla, Malta 1935.

____, Semplici constatazioni filologico-etnologiche Galla, Malta 1936.

____, L’Apostolato maltese nei secoli passati, 2 vols, Malta 1937-1938.

Mondreganes, P. Las misiones en las actas del Concilio Vaticano, in Euntes Docete (1,1948).

Montalban F.X., Manual de Historia de las Misiones, Pamplona 1952.

Muller K., Teologia della Missione, Bologna 1991.

Neill S., A History of Christian Missions, London 1964.

Okure T., The Johannine Approach to Mission, Tubingen 1988.

Propaganda Fide, Annali tal-Popagazioni tal-Fidi, translated by Alphonse Maria Galea, Malta 1896- ?.

Rambelli J., Piccolo catechismo missionario, Rome s.a.

Saldanha J., Patterns of Evangelisation in Mission History, Bombay 1988.

Sales L., Cooperazione Missionaria: Il Papa dice cosi`, Rome 1930.

Santolini J., Evangelizzazione e Missione: Teologia e prassi missionaria in Eugenio de Mazenod, Bologna 1984.

Schmid E., Alle origini della missione dell’Africa Centrale, Verona 1987.

Schmidlin J., Manuale di storia delle missioni cattoliche, Milan 1927.

Seumois A.V., Introduction a la Missiologie, Schoneck-Beckeuried 1952.

____, Teologia Missionaria, Bologna 1993.

Shorter A., Evangelisation and Culture, London 1994.

Skee E., The Missionary aspect of the Juventutis Domus, in Hajja Salesjana (8 March 1993), pp. 8-11.

s.n., Apostolato Missionario: perche` e come i fedeli debbono aiutare le missioni fra gl’infedeli, Rome 1929.

Studium Combonianum, Daniele Comboni: Nel primo Centenario della Morte (1881-1981), Rome 1982.

Suigo Ch., Pio IX e La Fondazione del primo Istituto Missionario Italiano a Milano, Rome 1975.

Tadina I., Ignazio Knoblehar (1819-1858), Rome 1991.

Tragella G.B., Le Missioni Estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, 3 vols, Milan 1950-1963.

Unione Missionaria del Clero, Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche,  Rome 1934.

Unione Missionaria del Clero in Italia, Annuario Missionario Italiano, Rome 1932- ? .

Unione Missionaria del Clero in Italia, Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, Rome 1934.

Unione Missionaria del Clero in Italia, I piu` recenti documenti pontifici sulle missioni, Rome 1937.

Unione Missionaria del Clero in Italia, Rivista dell’Unione Missionaria del Clero, Rome 1919- ?.

 

Civil Documents

Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, L’, 25 Febraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, Processi verbali ed altri documenti dell’Assemblea Nazionale e delle relative Commissioni, raccolti e stampati nel presente volume per ordine del Parlamento Maltese, Malta 1923.

Central Office of Statistics, An enquiry into the Family size in Malta and Gozo, Malta 1963.

____, Demographic Review of the Maltese Islands for the Year 1960, Malta 1961.

____, Demographic Review of the Maltese Islands for the Year 1961, Malta 1963.

____, Demographic Review of the Maltese Islands for the Year 1962, Malta  1964.

____, Maltese Islands: 1957 Census Silhouette, Malta 1959.

____, Statistical Abstract of the Maltese Islands (1957), Malta, 1958.

Chamber of Commerce, Century of Progress 1848-1948, Malta 1948.

Government of Malta, Census of the Maltese Islands taken on 2 April 1911, Malta.

Instructions to Governor and Commander in Chief of Malta – 14 April 1921.

Kostituzzjoni tal-Gvern Responsabbli f’Malta –1921, Malta 1945.

Letters Patent constituting the Office of Governor and Commander in chief of Malta – 14 April 1921.

Letters Patent providing for the constitution of Responsible Governement in Mata – 14 April 1921.

Malta Legislative Assembly 1921-1933Official Reports of the Legislative Assembly of Malta 1921-1933.

Malta Royal Commission (1931), Report, London 1932.

Royal Malta Regiment of Malta, The Standing Orders, Malta 1896.

Vatican Secretary of State, Esposizione Documentata della Questione Maltese (Febbraio 1929 – Giugno 1930), Vatican City 1930.

 

Newspapers published in Malta

Bandiera tal-Maltin, Il- (1898-1905, 1911- 1914)

Daily Malta Chronicle and Imperial Services Gazzette, The (1887-1940)

Diocesi, La (1916-1921)

Habib, Il- (1912-1913, 1914-1916, 1917-1924)

Hmar, Il- (1917-1928)

Lehen is-Sewwa (1928- )

Malta (1883-1940)

Malta Taghna (1891-1939)

Malta Times, The (1840-1927)

Sunday Times of Malta, The (1933- )

Times of Malta, The (1935- )

Voce del Popolo, La (1918-1919)

 

History and actuality: Malta and beyond

AA. VV, L-Istorja tal-Kazini tal-Baned f’Malta u Ghawdex, 3 vols, Malta 1997-1998.

AA.VV.,Yesterday’s Schools: Readings in Maltese Educational History, Malta 2001.

AA.VV., Festa Madonna ta’ Loreto-Ghajnsielem, Malta 2003.

Abela, A.E., The order of St Michael and St George in Malta and the Maltese Knights of the British Realm, Malta 1988.

____, A Nation’s Praise, Malta: People, Places and Events, Malta 1994.

____, Grace and Glory, Malta: People, Places and Events, Malta 1997.

Agius A.W., Maltese children subjected to hardship, in The Times (19 February 1994), p. 10.

Agius E., Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta:1891-1921, Malta 1991.

Agius S., Lill Martri tar-Religion u tal Patria: Onor. Prof. Mons. E. Dandria,

Malta s.a.

Alexander J., Mabel Strickland, Malta 1996.

Alington A.F., The Lamps Go Out: 1914, and the outbreak of War, London 1969.

Angas G.F., A Ramble in Malta and Sicily,  London 1842.

Attard E., The police in the 1919 riots and their aftermath, in The Sunday Times (6 June 1999), pp. 50- 51.

Attard L.E.,  Early Maltese Emigration (1900-1914), Malta 1983.

____, The Great Exodus (1918-1939), Malta 1989.

____, From Emigration to Immigration, in The Sunday Times (17 April 1994), p. 50.

____, The Safety Valve (A History of Maltese Emigration from 1946), Malta 1997.

____, L-Emigrazzjoni Maltija, Is-Seklu Dsatax u Ghoxrin, Malta 1999.

____, Mgr George J. Caruana (1882-1951): Bishop of Puerto Rico, in Lil Hutna (November 1999), pp. 3-7.

____, Maltin ta’ l-Egittu, in Lehen is-Sewwa (15 January 2005), p. 21.

Azzopardi G., Ghejdut Manwel Dimech, London 1975.

____, Manwel Dimech: Arrest and Exile, in Heritage 20 (1978), pp. 397-400.

azzopardi N., The Malta Railway (Part one), in Civilization 35 (1987), pp. 953-956.

____, The Malta Railway (Part two), in Civilization 36 (1988), pp. 992-994.

____, The Malta Railway (Part three), in Civilization 37 (1988), pp. 1012-1014.

Azzopardi Sant E., Malta, A Shock of Delight, Malta 1931.

Badger G.P., Description of Malta and Gozo, Malta 1838.

____, Historical Guide to Malta, Malta 1879.

Bartolo A., The Sovereignty of Malta and the Nature of its Title: Correspondence by Anglo-Maltese and Melitensis published between the 7 March and the 22 May 1907 in The Daily Malta Chronicle, Malta 1909.

 

____, Malta, A Neglected Outpost of Empire: Some plain speaking, Malta 1911.

____, History of the Maltese Islands, in Malta and Gibraltar, edited by A. Macmillan, London 1915.

Bartolo P., X’Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, Malta 1979.

Bellanti P.F., Ittra Enciclica tal-Papa Ljun XIII Rerum Novarum tal-15 ta’ Mejju 1891, fuk chif jinsabu t-tfal tax-xoghol, Malta 1921.

____, Studies in Maltese History, Malta 1924.

Belli G., Storja ta’ Malta u Ghawdex, Malta, 7 vols, 1932.

Bezzina J., Servizzi Publici f’Malta, Malta 1962.

Bezzina J., Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony: The Gozo- Malta Story (1798-1864), Malta 1985.

____, Saint Joseph Home, a boys’ haven in Gozo, Malta 1987.

____, The Gozo–Malta Ferry Service: Il-Vapur ta’ Ghawdex, from Prehistory to Present Days, Malta 1991.

____, Church History, Malta  1994.

____, L-Istorja tal-Knisja f’Malta, Malta 2002.

Birnie A., An Economic History of Europe 1760-1939, London 1948.

____, An economic history of the British Isles, London 1957.

Blouet B., The Story of Malta, London 21972.

Boissevain J., Friends of Friends, Oxford 1974.

Bondin R., Is-Sette Giugno, in Il-Poplu, News Magazine 2 (June 1988), pp. 29-31.

____, The ‘Language Question’, in Il-Mument, Suppliment Politiku (7 October 2001),

p. vii.

____, Il-Hsibijiet Socjali ta’ Enrico Mizzi, in Il-Mument, Suppliment Politiku

(21 October 2001), p. vii.

____, Aktar Hsibijiet Socjali ta’ Enrico Mizzi, in Il-Mument, Suppliment Politiku (4 November 2001), p. vii.

Bonnici Al., Storja tal-Knisja, 14 – 15, Malta 1979-1980.

____, Dun Gorg Preca: Hajja-Xhieda-Dokumenti, I, Zmien ta’ Prova (1880-1916), Malta 1980.

____, Madre Marija Tereza Nuzzo (1851-1923), Malta 1986.

____, Id-Dar ta’ San Guzepp, Santa Venera: Seklu ta’ hidma ghall-gid tat-tfal subien (!888-1988), Malta 1988.

____, Mons Sidor Formosa (1851-1931), Malta 1991.

____, Dun Alfred Gatt (1873-1937), Malta 1995.

____, L-Istituti Ta’ Hajja Kkonsagrata, Malta 2000.

Bonnici Ar., Church and State in Malta 1800-1850; The Abolition of Ecclesiastical Immunities.  The Church and the Freedom of the Press, Malta 1958.

____, History of the Church in Malta, 3 vols, Malta 1967-75.

Bonnici E., Mons. Kan. Prof. F. Bonnici: Fundatur tad-Dar ta’ San Guzepp tal-Hamrun – Taghrif fuq il-Hajja Tieghu, Malta 1955.

Bonnici G. Storja tal-Partit tal-Haddiema, Malta 1931. 

Bonnici J. - Cassar M., Il-Vapur tal-Art – The Malta Railway,  Malta 1987.

____, Tifkira tal-Kungress Ewkaristiku Internazzjonali – Malta (1913), Malta 1988.

____, The Malta Tramway and the Barracca Lift, Malta 1991.

____, Malta Then and Now, 3, Malta 1993.

____, Il-Port il-kbir u t-Tarzna ta’ Malta, Malta 1994.

Borg E.V., Mdina, in Malta, the inflight magazine of the Air Malta (October 1990), pp. 29- 31.

Borg J., Reggie Miller and his General Workers’ Union (Unpublished B.A. dissertation), University of Malta, 1979.

____, Evolution of the Modern Trade Union, in Civilization 1 (1982), pp. 6-9.

____, Trade Unions: The Political Goal, in Civilization 2 (1982), pp. 34-36.

____, The Setting Up of a Trade Union Council, in Civilization 3 (1982), pp. 60-63.

____, The Lean Years after the T.U.C. Experience, in Civilization 5 (1983), pp. 113-115.

____, The Emergence of the General Workers’ Union, in Civilization 7 (1983), pp. 187-189.

____, Reggie Miller, in Civilization 9 (1983), pp 230-233.

____, A More Professional Outlook, in Civilization 13 (1984), pp. 340-341.

____, The Maltese Population (Part one), in Civilization 14 (1984), pp. 378-381.

____, The Maltese Population (Part two), in Civilization 16 (1984). pp. 426-429.

Borg P., L-Isqaq ta’ Guze` Chetcuti u r-Riflessi tal-Edukazzjoni fis-Socjeta` Maltija (Unpublished B.Educ., dissertation), University of Malta 1987.

Borg P.P., Kelinu Vella Haber, Malta 2003.

Borg R., The Maltese Worker 1919-1939 (Unpublished B.A., dissertation), University of Malta 1975.

Borg V., The Seminary of Malta and the ecclesiastical benefices of the Maltese Islands, Malta 1965.

____, The lay Confraternities of the Maltese Islands (Unpublished talk).

Borg V., Maltese Trade Unions and the first years of the Trade Union Council  (Unpublished B.A., dissertation), University of Malta 1976.

Bowen – Jones H., Malta: Background for Development, Durham 1960.

Bradley R.N., Malta and the Mediterranean Race, London 1912.

Braudel F., A History of Civilizations, London 1995.

Busuttil S., Malta’s Economy in the Nineteenth Century,  Malta 1973.

Cachia L., Noti Qosra Dwar L-Istorja Tal-Ilsien Malti, in Wirt Artna, 1, n. 1 (March 1994), pp. 20-23.

Ciarlo` J., Socjeta` Filarmonica Nazzjonali “La Vallette”, Malta 1994.

Calleja J., Ugo P. Mifsud, Malta 1997.

____, Ordinazzjonijiet Sacerdotali (!800-2000), Malta 2001.

Calleja J., De La Salle Brothers’ Connection, in The Times (11 October 2000), p. 26.

Calleja P., Maltese of the Western Third: A history and commentary on the people of Maltese origin in the state of Western Australia, Bedford 1993.

Camilleri J., Is-Sette Giugno, in It-Torca- Il-Hadd Magazine (3 June 2001), p. 11.

Camilleri J., Meta l-Maltin u l-Ghawdxin emigraw bi hgarhom, in Socjeta` Filarmonika Nicolo` Isouard 2005, pp. 109-110.

Camilleri J.J., Dr Albert V. Laferla, in Heritage 22 (May 1979), pp. 436-437.

Camilleri Flores A., The Oldest Extant Trade Union in Malta – The Movement of United Teachers (1919-1969), in Civilzation 29 (1986), pp. 792-795.

Caruana A.J., 50th death anniversary of Archbishop George Caruana, in The Sinday Times – Feature (29 April 2001), pp. 44-45.

Caruana dei Conti Gatto V., Malta Nobile Illustrata coi Documenti e colla Storia, Malta 1903.

Casolani C., The Sanitary Question in Malta, Malta 1880.

Casolani H., Maltin, ifthu ghajnejkom (Awake Malta) jew It-Taghlima Harxa tal-Emigrazzjoni, Malta 1930.

Cassar G., The politico religious issues of the Thirties, in The Sunday Times of Malta (23 October 1988), pp. 20-21.

Cassar Pullicino G., Guze` Muscat Azzopardi, Malta 1991.

Cauchi M.N., Maltese Migrants in Australia, Melbourne 1990.

Chesney A.G., Historical records of the Maltese Corps of the British Army, London 1987.

Chetcuti G., Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici, Malta, 1996.

Coldrey B.M., Maltese Child Migration to Australia (1930s to the 1960s), Australia 22003.

Cremona J.J., An outline of the Constitutional development of Malta under British Rule, Malta 1963.

Dandria E., The Malta Crisis, Holborn 1930.

Davies J., People of the Mediteranean: An Essay in Comparative Social Anthropology, London 1974.

Davy J., Notes and Observations on the Ionian Islands and Malta, I, London 1842.

Debono P., History of Malta, translated by D., Fallon, Malta 1903.

Degiorgio D., Anglu Caruana: L-Ewwel Tradeunionist f’Malta, in L-Ideal, 65 (July 1971), pp. 6-7.

Dudley Buxton L.H., Malta: An anthropological study, in The Geographical Review, XIV, London 1924.

E.C - A.A., Il-Qawmien tal-Haddiem Malti (1920 - 1955), Malta 1971.

Editor, The, A Century Ago: Daily Malta Chronicle, in The Times (20 September 2003), p. 23.

Edwards W., Notes on European History, London 21969.

Ellul R., Il-Parrocca tal-Qrendi f’Gheluq it-350 Sena, Malta 1968.

Ellul Galea A., Mro. Gonzi u l-Baned fil-bidu tas-Seklu XX, in L-Orizzont (14 January 1995), p. 13.

Ellul Galea K., L-Istorja tat-Tarzna, Malta 1973.

____, It-Trejdunjonizmu f’Malta, 4 vols, Malta 1993-2001.

Farrugia Ch., Our Roots – New Horizons: The History of Maltese Migration, Exhibition Catalogue, 8 –30 November 2001, Malta.

Farrugia J. - Briguglio L., A Focus on Gozo, Malta 1996.

Farrugia L., Ricordo del XXIV Congresso Eucaristico Internazionale Celebrato nell’Isola di Malta dal 22 al 27 Aprile 1913, Malta 1914.

Farrugia Randon R., Towards Responsible Government, part i, in Mid Med Bank – Report and Accounts (1992), pp. I- XIX.

____, Marquis Nicolo` Testaferrata de Noto: His Life and Times, Malta 1993.

____, Towards Responsible Government, part ii, in Mid Med Bank – Report and Accounts (1993), pp. I- XIX.

____, Sir Filippo Sceberras, Malta 1994.

Faure` G., L-Istorja ta’ Malta u Ghawdex bil-Gzejjer Taghhom u l-grajjiet li saru fihom, 4 vols, Malta 1916.

Fenech D., A Social and Economic Review of Malta during the First World War 1914-1918 (Unpublished B.A. dissertation), University of Malta 1973.

Fenech I., Blood on the Streets, in The Times - Weekender (25 July 1998), p. 9.

Filedhouse D.K., Economics and Empire 1830-1914,  London 1973.

Fisher H.A.L., A History of Europe, II: From the Beginning of the Eighteenth Century to 1935, London 1960.

Formosa H.B., Dictionary of Maltese National Biographies Including Foreigners Connected with Malta or who died and are buried in Malta, Malta 1958.

Frendo H., A Social Background to the Maltese Labour Movement (Unpublished B.A. dissertation), University of Malta 1968.

____, Dimechianism (Unpublished B.A. Honours, dissertation), University of Malta, 1970.

____, Ir-Rivoluzzjoni Maltija tal-1919, Malta 1970.

____, Lejn Tnissil ta’ Nazzjon: It Twemmin Socjo-Politiku ta’ Manwel Dimech, Malta 1971.

____, Birht Pangs of a Nation: Manwel Dimech’s Malta, 1860-1921,  Malta 1972.

____, Language of a Colony: A study of the Maltese Language Question  (Unpublished M.A. thesis), University of Malta 1973.

____, Party Politics in a Fortress Colony: the Maltese Experience, Malta 1979.

____, Ir-Rieda ghall-Helsien (1880-1905), Malta 1980.

____, Maltese Settlement in English Speaking Countries: The Australian Case, in The Democrat (27 December 1986).

____, Malta’s Quest for Independence: Reflections on the Course of Maltese History, Malta 1989.

____, Poplu Wiehed: Is-Sette Giugno, Sebghin Sena Wara, in Il-Poplu 13 (June 1989), pp. 20-31.

____, Storja ta’ Kuragg, in Il-Poplu 14 (September 1989), pp. 6- 40.

____, Lejn Gvern Responsabbli (1905-1921), Malta 1990.

____, Language and Nationhood in the Maltese Experience: Some Comparative and Theoretical Approaches, in Collected Papers, edited by Roger Ellul Micallef - Stanley Fiorini, Malta 1992, pp. 439- 540.

____, Maltese Political Development (1798-1964): A Documentary History, Malta 1993.

____, Maltese Journalism (1838-1992): An Historical Overview, Malta 1994.

____, Journalsm in Malta: A Long and Eventful History, in The Times (5 November 1994), pp. VIII- IX.

____, Past and Present, Parts I-IV, in The Times (27 –30 July 1998).

____, Manwel Dimech revisited, in The Sunday Times - Feature, (22 April 2001), pp. 36-37.

____, Why was Dimech not repatriated, in The Sunday Times - Feature, (29 April 2001), pp. 40- 41.

____, An enemy of the Church, in The Sunday Times - Feature, (6 May 2001),

pp. 40-41.

____, A Strange death in Alexandria, in The Sunday Times of Malta - Feature, (13  May 2001), pp. 46- 47.

____, Storja ta’ Malta, III, Malta 2004.

Friggieri O., Gwann Mamo: Il-Kittieb tar-Riforma Socjali, Malta 1984.

Galea B., L-Imdina ta’ Tfuliti, Malta 21989.

Galea J.M., The Development of the Maltese House, in Wirt Malta (Vol 8, Summer 1994), Canada.

Galea L., An Intimate Outline Sketch of Fonso, Malta 1942.

Galea M., L-Isqof Scicluna jipprojbixxi l-baned fil-purcissjonijiet, in Lehen is-Sewwa (1 April 1995), p. 13.

____, Il-Knisja tal-Gizwiti fil-Belt, in Lil Hbiebna (April 2002), pp 80-81.

Galea Scannura C., The Sette Giugno Affair, in Heritage (Part 6), pp. 109- 114.

Ganado H., Rajt Malta Tinbidel,1, 1900-1933, Malta 1974.

Gauci Ch. A., Maltese Nobility (1): The Early Days, in Civilization 4 (1983), pp. 92-93.

____, Maltese Nobility (2): Under the Knights of St John, in Civilization 6 (1983), pp. 145- 147.

____, Maltese Nobility (3): Since the Expulsion of the Knights (Part 0ne), in Civilization 8 (1983), pp. 212- 215.

____, Maltese Nobility (4): After Independence, in Civilization 10 (1983), pp. 253-255.

____, Maltese Nobility (5): Foreign Connections,  in Civilization 12 (1983),

pp. 317- 319.

____, Maltese Nobility (6): Heraldry, in Civilization 14 (1984), pp. 365- 367.

____, A Key to Maltese Coats of Arms, Malta 1988.

____, The Genealogy and Heraldry of the Noble Families of Malta, II, Malta 1992.

Gauci P., Il-Cungress Ewkaristicu ta’ Cartagni (7-11 ta’ Mejju 1930), Malta 1930.

Giles S.D.G., Malta’s Nobility and the Winds of Change (1888-1988), Malta 1988.

Graham I., The Malta Railway, in Heritage (September 1979), pp. 530- 536.

Grasso L.A., Alfons Maria Galea, Malta 1992.

Griffiths G.H., Ritratt: Maltese Migration in Focus, Sydney 1988.

Grima G., The Constitution and Religion in Malta between 1921 and 1974, in Melita Theologica 36/2 (1985), pp. 20-40.

Grima M., The Malta - Gozo Ferry Service, in Gozo Year Book (1979), pp. 27-29.

Inguanez J., Grajjiet Malta fl-Imghoddi, Malta 2000.

Koster A., Prelates and Politicians in Malta: Changing Power Balances between Church and State in a Mediterranean Island Fortress (1800-1976), Assen 1984.

Lacroix F.M., Malte e le Gozo, in L’Univers, ou Histoire et Description de tous les Pueples, edited by M. D’Avezac, Paris 1848.

Laferla A.V., The Story of Man in Malta, Malta 1935.

____., British Malta, I, 1800-1872, Malta 1938.

____., British Malta, II, 1872-1921, Malta 1947.

Lanfranco G., L-Istorja Tat-Trasport f’Malta, Malta 1999.

Laspina S., Outlines of Maltese History, Malta 1971.

Leaver A.J., Mdina- Malta’s Oldest City (Part one), in Civilization 33 (1987), pp. 907-911.

____, Mdina- Malta’s Oldest City (Part two), in Civilization 34 (1987), pp. 825-828.

Lee H.I., British Policy Towards Religion, Ancient Laws and Customs in Malta, 1824-1851, in Melita Historica, iii, 4 (1963); iv, 1 (1964).

____, Malta 1813- 1914: A Study in Constitutional and Startigic Development, (1972).

Leeds C.A., European History 1789-1914, Great Britain 21979.

Luke H., Malta, London 21960.

Mac Gill T., A Handbook or Guide for Strangers Visiting Malta,  Malta 1939.

Mackinnon, A.G.T., Malta, The Nurse of the Mediterranean, London 1916.

Mallia Ph., L-Isqof li Habbu Kulhadd, Malta 1982.

Mallia S., Il-Gizwiti fl-Imdina, in Lil Hbiebna (February 2002), pp. 40-41.

Mallia-Milanes V., De La Salle College, I (1903-1938), Malta 1979.

Micallef D., Malta, Mitt Sena Ilu, Malta 1986.

Mifsud Bonnici R., Grajja ta’ Baned f’Malta u Ghawdex, I, Malta 1956.

Mintoff D., Priests and Politics in Malta, Malta 1961.

Mitrovich G., The Claims of the Maltese, London 1835.

____, The Cause of the People of Malta, London 1836.

Mizzi F.P., Religious Toleration and Political Activity of the Maltese Clergy in the Constitutions of Malta under British Rule: A collection of exerpts from documents with brief explanatory notes, Malta 1966.

Mizzi M.A.M., Voice from Malta, Malta 1896.

Montalto J., The Nobles of Malta 1530-1800, Malta 1979.

Montanaro E.G., Maltese Corps in the British Army (1800-1970), in Civilization 7 (1983), pp. 178- 181.

____, Maltese Corps in the British Army (1800-1970), in Civilization 9 (1983), pp 240-243.

Montebello M.F., A warrior from the lowest rungs, in The Sunday Times of Malta - Feature (15 April 2001), pp. 36- 37.

Montonati A., Quelli che hanno fatto gli Italiani, in Vita Pastorale (10 October 2002), pp. 126-128.

____, Coraggio e Profezia: Un Pioniere del Vaticano II – Il Beato Giorgio Preca (Malta 1880-1962), Milan 2003.

Nassau Senior W., Conversations and Journals in Egypt and Malta II, London 1882.

____, Nationalism: A report by a study Group of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, Oxford 1939.

Nicolas J., The Position of Women in the Maltese Economy 1900-1974 (Unpublished B.A. dissertation),  University of Malta, 1974.

Peacock, H.L., A Modern History of Europe, Oxford 71982.

Pirotta G.A., The Maltese Public Service (1800-1940): The Administrative Politics of a Micro-State, Malta 1996.

Pirotta J.M., L-Istorja Kostituzzjonali u l-Isfond Storiku (1800-1942), Malta 2005.

Portelli J.P., More light on Maltese in Toronto, 1913-1914, in The Sunday Times – Feature (8 April 2001), pp. 34-35.

____, Malta wara l-Emigrazzjoni, in L-Ahbar (October 2001), pp. 12 - 13.

____, Il-Maltin u ‘Toronto’s Many faces’, in L-Ahbar (October 2001), pp. 8, 11.

Price Ch.A., Malta and the Maltese.  A study in Nineteenth Century Migration, Melbourne 1954.

Price J.H., The Malta Tramways, in Modern Tramway and Light Railway Review, XXXIII, 392 (August 1970).

Progress Press, Malta, Past and Present, Malta 1930.

____, Malta Who’s Who 1968, Malta.

Richards D., Modern Europe 1789-1945, London 41950.

Rowsell F.W., Malta, Ninteenth Century, IV (August 1878).

Saint Joseph, Institute, Almanac 1908- 1997. Special references are made to 1924, 1925, 1927-1935, 1938-1940, 1950, 1956, 1974, 1996, 1997.

Saint Vincent de Paul, The Society of, Rules, London 1958.

Sant J., Dun Gwann Mamo (1878-1935), in Il-Mument (3 August 1997), p. 18.

Sant M.A., Is-Sette Giugno: Jum ta’ Tislima, Jum ta’ Taghlima, in Il-Kelma li Tmantni lir-Ruh, Malta 2004, pp. 123- 126.

Sartre J.P., L’Essere e il Nulla, translated  by H. Marcuse, Milan 1968.

Savona Ventura Ch., Il-Medicina fil-Gzejjer Maltin, Malta1999.

Schiavone M.J., L-Elezzjonijiet f’Malta 1849-1981, Malta 1987.

____, L-Elezzjonijiet f’Malta (1849-1992): Storja, Fatti, Cifri, Malta 1992.

____, It-Tmintax –il Elezzjoni f’70 Sena, in In-Nazzjon Taghna (21 January 1992), pp. VIII - XI.

Schiavone M.J - Scerri L.J., Maltese Biographies of the Twentieth Century, Malta 1997.

Scicluna Ch.J., The Mortmain Act 1967: Its Genesis and Interpretation (LLD unpublished thesis) University of Malta, 1983.

Scicluna Sorge A., I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno 1919: Una Pagina della Lotta Nazionale di Malta, Malta 1930.

Segond G., Storja ta’ Malta u Ghawdex, 4 vols, Malta 1931.

Seminary, The, Seminarium 1986-1987, Malta 1987.

Smith H. - Koster A., Lord Strickland: Servant of the Crown,  2 vols, Malta 1984 – 1986.

s.n., Is-Sur Fons Maria Galea, Malta 1945.

s.n., Il-Hajja fil-Qosor tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ l-Istitut Gesu` Nazzarenu (15 ta’ Ottubru 1864 – 27 ta’ Dicembru 1931), Malta 1963.

s.n., Il-Glieda ghall-Ghixien: Grajja ta’ Poplu, Malta 1981.

s.n., Il-Gwerra ghall-Imhuh: Grajja ta’ Poplu, Malta 1981.

s.n., Grajjiet il-Freres f’pajjizna, in Il-Freres (November-December1995), pp. 5- 12.

s.n., Il-KĠ 21 u Fr Jan Roothan, SJ, in Lil Hbiebna (September-October 2004), pp. 176-177.

Spiteri P., Grajja li ma tintesa qatt: the remembrance of the 75 International Eucharistic Congress which was held in Malta in 1913, in Lehen is-Sewwa (7 May 1988), pp. 5-6.

Sultana M., L-Opra Socjali tal-Knisja f’Malta Permezz ta’ l-Istituti tat-tfal (!880-1945) (Unpublished B.Educ., dissertation), University of Malta 1987.

Taylor A.J.P., The Struggle for Mastery in Europe (1848-1918), Oxford 1971.

Vassallo E.P., Strickland, Malta 1932.

Vassallo K., Self Portrait: Karmenu Vassallo (1), in Civilization 6 (1983), pp 164-168.

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[1] D. Camilleri, The Missionary Society Of St Paul: Background and New Perspectives in the Understanding of ‘Mission’. Unpublished dissertation, University of Malta, 1992.

M. Cilia, The Missionary Spirituality of Joseph De Piro. Unpublished dissertation, All Hallows Missionary College, Ireland, 2001.

T. Sciberras, Mgr Joseph De Piro: A Life of Chastity, Poverty and Obedience. Unpublished dissertation, Gregorian University, Rome, 1981.

M. Zammit Satariano, The Handling of Pauline Texts by the Servant of  God, Joseph De Piro. Unpublished dissertation, University of Malta, 1993.

[2] Cf De Piro Archives (Dpa), Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, p. 1.

[3] Cf ibid.

[4] Cf Dpa, Il-familja tieghu, p. 1.

[5] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, p. 1.

[6] Dpa, Capranica, p. 1.

[7] The Servant of God has been very methodic in his filing of the documents. Also, the Society has felt it was its responsibility to preserve as much as possible all that had been left by the Founder. Because of this, in the Archives of the Society one can still find precious material written by Monsignor himself. But added to this one can still find also as much precious information about De Piro coming from people who knew him de visu or de auditu a videntibus.

By “witnesses” is meant people who knew De Piro de visu or de auditu a videntibus. During the 1960s and early 1970s one of the members of the Missionary Society of St Paul, then Br Aloisius Aloisio, felt it his responsibility to gather together as much information as possible regarding the Founder. The testimonies he gathered are called “The Aloisio Collection”. In the 1982 General and Special Chapter of the Missionary Society of St Paul the members present unanimously agreed that they should ask the Archbishop of Malta to start the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Founder, Mgr Joseph De Piro. Fr James Bonello, the Superior General elected in that same Chapter, sent the petition to Archbishop Joseph Mercieca on 14 November 1984. Since many of the witnesses who could give information about Monsignor were already advanced in age, the then postulator, Fr Tony Sciberras mssp, asked the Archbishop to set up a tribunal and hear the witnesses ne pereant. This was done and the witnesses gave their testimonies between 9 January 1987 and 27 November of the same year. These testimonies are known as “The 1987 Testimonies”. When the gathering of these testimonies was finished, the Tribunal held its first official session or the opening of the Diocesan Process on 7 October 1988. Since that date the Tribunal started hearing the witnesses again and continued doing this until 15 May 1992. These sessions are referred to as “The 1988-1992 Testimonies”. On 29 September 1990 another Tribunal was set up, this time in the Island of Gozo, in order to hear the witnesses who came from that Diocese. The sessions of this Tribunal were held between 10 September 1990 and 9 January 1991.  The testimonies collected are known as “The Gozo Testimonies”.

[8] Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro (Dp), The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1121. Cf also ibid, pp. 960, 1049-1050, 1109.

[9] Cf The Malta Lyceum (Hamrun) (ML), The Lyceum Admission Book , 1881-1899, pp. 47, 53, 57.

[10] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1010.

[11] Cf ibid, p. 1121. Cf also Dpa, Capranica, p. 1.

[12] Cf ML, The Lyceum Admission Book, 1881-1899, pp. 47, 53, 57.

[13] Cf Dpa, Lyceum.

[14] Fr Stanley Tomlin mssp, ex-Superior General of the Missionary Society of St Paul asked Fr Alexander Bonnici, OfmConv., a historian, to write the Life of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro. Bonnici accepted and immediately started collecting as much material as possible for the compilation of this Life. Amongst others, on 21 December 1979 he wrote to the Registrar of the University of Malta asking to be provided with all the information available at the University Archives about De Piro. The Registrar answered on 18 February 1980. Bonnici was given the lists of subjects De Piro studied at the University during the years 1894-1895, 1895-1896 and 1896-1897 at the Faculty of Arts and Sciences. The Registrar also added that although De Piro’s name did not appear in the list of results in later years the fact that he chose Latin and Political Economy, indicated quite clearly that young Joseph had undoubtedly been enrolled in the Law Faculty.

[15] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, pp. 3h-3l.

[16] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, Malta 1988, p. 18.

[17] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, p. 3j.

[18] Cf ibid.

[19] Cf ibid.

[20] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 1.

[21] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. II, Malta 1968, p. 70.

[22] Cf ibid.

[23] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 2.

[24] A. Ferris, Storia Ecclesiastica di Malta, Malta 1866, p. 217.

[25] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. II, p. 70.

[26] Cf ibid.

[27] Cf Dpa, Guzeppi zaghzugh; Dpa, Università ta’ Malta. Cf also Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 2-3.

[28] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 1.

[29] Cf The collection of drawings that is still well preserved in the De Piro Archives, at St Agatha’s Rabat, Malta (Cf Dpa, Sketches).

[30] Ibid.

[31] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 1.

[32] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[33] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[34] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 1.

[35] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 21.

[36] The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1133. Cf also ibid, p. 1122.

[37] Cf ibid, p. 1133. Cf also Ibid, p. 1122.

[38] Cf ibid.

[39] Cf ibid, pp. 1012, 1041,1064, 1085, 1087, 1133.

[40] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. 1, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 14.

[41] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1.

[42] Ibid, p. 2.

[43] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 24.

[44] Cf ibid.

[45] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 1.

[46] Cf ibid.

[47] Ibid, p. 2.

[48] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, Cf also ibid, vol. II.

[49] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, pp. 1-2.

[50] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[51] Cf ibid.

[52] Cf ibid

[53] Cf ibid, pp. 5-7.

[54] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4a

[55] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 5. Cf also ibid, p. 11.

[56] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[57] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[58] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4b.

[59] Cf ibid, p. 4c.

[60] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 11. Cf also ibid, p. 64.

[61] Cf Student MSSP, Mons. De Piro, Malta 1948, p. 6.

[62] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 25.

[63] Dpa, Capranica, p. 4d.

[64] Ibid, p. 4f.

[65] Ibid, p. 4j.

[66] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 24

[67] Ibid, p. 29.

[68] Cf Archiepiscopal Archives, Malta (AAM), Catalogus Ordinationum, 1889-1902, p. 128.

[69] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4b. Cf also Dpa, Suddjakonat, Djakonat, Presbiterat, pp. 1-7.

[70] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 3, n. 4.

[71] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4b.

[72] Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[73] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[74] Cf ibid, p. 3

[75] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[76]Ibid, p. 1.

[77] Ibid, p. 2.

[78] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 2-4.

[79] Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[80] Ibid, p. 3.

[81] Ibid.

[82] Ibid.

[83] Cf pp. 15-16 of this thesis.

[84] Ibid.

[85] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4b.

[86] Ibid.

[87] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 5.

[88] Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[89] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. II, Ittri mill-familjari, p. 96.

[90] Ibid, p. 97.

[91] Cf ibid.

[92] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[93] Cf ibid.

[94] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 48, 52-53, 55-56, 271.

[95] Cf ibid, pp. 48, 52-53, 55.

[96] Cf ibid, p. 48.

[97] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 997.

[98] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 49.

[99] Cf ibid, pp. 49, 55-56.

[100] The 1987 Testimonies, p. 49.

[101] Ibid.

[102] The 1987 Testimonies, p. 53.

[103] Ibid, p. 56.

[104] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 7.

[105] Cf ibid.

[106] Cf ibid.

[107] This information was given me by Fr Goerge Aquilina Ofm, historian of the Maltese Frnaciscan Monors Province, today, 14 August 2004.

[108] Cf Dpa, Sindku Apostoliku Ofm - Rabat – Rabat, pp. 1f. Cf also Dpa,: Appuntamenti Varji, pp. 3-6.

[109] Much of the material in this section has been taken from Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 89-95.

[110] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2.

[111] Cf A declaration made by Fr John Briffa Brincati to Fr Al. Bonnici OfmConv.

[112] Cf ibid.

[113] Cf ibid.

[114] Cf ibid.

[115] Dpa, Dekan, p. 3.

[116] Cf A declaration made by Fr John Briffa Brincati to Fr Al. Bonnici OfmConv.

[117] Ibid.

[118] Cf ibid.

[119] Dpa, Dekan, p. 4.

[120] Dpa, ibid, p. 5.

[121] Cf A declaration made by Fr John Briffa Brincati to Fr Al. Bonnici OfmConv.

[122] Cf Dpa, Monsinjur u Dekan, p. 2.

[123] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[124] Cf ibid, pp. 4-5.

[125] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 10.

[126] Cf ibid, p. 20.

[127] Cf ibid, p. 23.

[128] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. I, Malta 1967, p. 86.

[129] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 38.

[130] L. Farrugia, Ricordo del XXIV Congresso Eucaristico Internazionale Celebrato nel’Isola di Malta dai 22 al 27 Aprile 1913, pp. 9-10.

[131] Cf ibid, pp. 10-14.

[132] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[133] Cf J. Bonnici and M. Cassar, Tifkira tal-Kungress Ewkaristiku Internazzjoni: Malta 1913, Malta 1988, p. 40.

[134] Cf Dpa, Kungress Ewkaristiku 1913, p. 1.

[135] Cf ibid.

[136] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[137] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 12.

[138] Cf ibid, p. 15.

[139] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[140] Cf ibid.

[141] Cf Rabat Parish Archives (RPA), Congresso Eucharistico Parrocchiale, p. 1.

[142] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 16.

[143] Cf AAM, Correspondence, Caruana, 1915- 1918.

[144] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, pp. 26, 39, 44-45, 61-66.

[145] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 6.

[146] Cf pp.  PAGEREF migrants \h 260-262 of this thesis.

[147] Cf pp. 31-32 of this thesis.

[148] Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, pp. 19-20.

[149] Cf ibid, p. 19.

[150] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 1.

[151] Ibid, p. 4.

[152] The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1000-1001

[153] Ibid, p. 1001.

[154] Ibid, p. 1002.

[155] Ibid, p. 1002.

[156] Ibid, p. 999.

[157] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 14-20.

[158] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 29.

[159] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, Malta 1975, p. 38.

[160] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 85-87.

[161] Cf pp. 25-29 of this thesis.

[162] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 25.

[163] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. I, p. 86.

[164] Cf p. 29 of this thesis.

[165] Cf p. 43 of this thesis.

[166] Cf Dpa, Gudja, p. 10.

[167] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[168] For more details, cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 298-300.

[169] Cf Dpa, Gudja, pp. 1-9.

[170] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[171] Ibid, p. 11.

[172] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. III, pp. 284-285.

[173] Cf ibid, pp. 286-287.

[174] Cf AAM, Civil Acts, 1918-1919, n. 43.

[175] Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesu – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, p. 10.

[176] Cf ibid, p. 8. Cf also J. Bezzina, L-Istorja tal-Knisja f’Malta, Malta 2002, p. 222.

[177] Cf Paolo Cagliari, Amiamo L’Amore, Gozo 1987, p. 107.

[178] Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesu – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, p. 2.

[179] Ibid, p. 3.

[180] Cf Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus (AFSHJ), Minutes, General Chapter, 1917.

[181] Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesu – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, p. 5.

[182] Ibid.

[183] Ibid, p. 7.

[184] Ibid, p. 8.

[185] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 211.

[186] Cf ibid, p. 214.

[187] Cf ibid, 1930, pp. 272-274.

[188] Cf ibid, 1932, pp. 379-380.

[189] Cf pp.  PAGEREF nazareth \h 53-53 of this thesis.

[190] Cf pp. 99-103 of this thesis.

[191] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ L-Istitut Gesu Nazzarenu, Malta 1963, pp. 21f. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 200, 913.

[192] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27.

[193] Cf ibid.

[194] Cf ibid, 1924-1925, n.71, M. Guzeppina Curmi – Caruana, 28 December 1924.

[195] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesu Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68 iii.

[196] Cf ibid, p. 68 viii- 68 ix.

[197] Cf ibid, pp. 68 xi - 68 xiii. Cf also p. 68 xxviii.

[198] Cf ibid, pp. 68 xxix – xxxi.

[199] Dpa, Kumitat specjali ta’ konsultazzjoni dwar ir-restawr tal-Knisja ta’ San Pawl – Rabat, p. 1.

[200] Cf ibid.

[201] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[202] Cf ibid.

[203] Cf p. 15 of this thesis.

[204] Cf ibid.

[205] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[206] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols. Cf also the Section “De Piro’s evangelisation in Malta: the preached evangelisation (pp. 214 REF accademia \h -229 of this thesis) where there is an exhaustitve analysis of the preaching of the Servant of God.

[207] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols.

[208] Cf Appendix 1 (pp. 521-525 of this thesis).

[209] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 28.

[210] Cf ibid.

[211] Cf ibid.

[212] Cf Malta Government (MG), L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, Malta 1923, pp. 5-6.

[213] Cf ibid, p. 6. Cf also Joseph M. Pirotta, L-Istorja Kostituzzjonali u l-Isfond Storiku (1800-1942), Malta 2005, p. 117.

[214] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9.

[215] Cf ibid.

[216] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[217] Cf ibid, pp. 28-37.

[218] Cf ibid, p. 35. Cf also Joseph M. Pirotta, L-Istorja Kostituzzjonali u l-Isfond Storiku (1800-1942), p. 122.

[219] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 110. In the first meeting of the Commission, the Servant of God did not seem to have been present (Cf ibid, p. 109).

[220] Cf ibid, pp. 109-110.

[221] Cf ibid, p. 37.

[222] Cf ibid, p. 109.

[223] Cf ibid.

[224] Cf ibid, pp. 19-106, 110-227.

[225] Cf eg., Dpa, Dekan, pp. 133-138.

[226] Cf ibid.

[227] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 191-192.

[228] Cf p. 44 of this thesis.

[229] Cf MG, Reports of the Commission appointed to inquire into the Events of the 7and 8June . . 1919, and into the circumstances whch led up to these Events, 18 and 19 September 1919, Malta 1919, p. 6.

[230] Cf PAR, Reports, B. 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W11.

[231] Cf ibid, Minutes of the Proceedings of the Commission of Enquiry into the Events of the 7 and 8 June 1919, and into the circumstances whch led to them. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4 (21 August 1919) and Sitting 6 (26 August 1919).

[232] Giubileo Sacerdotale. In Malta (19 April 1927), p. 2.

[233] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, Malta 1979, p. 189.

[234] Cf ibid.

[235] Cf A. Scicluna Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno, Malta 1930. Cf also R. Farrugia Randon, Sir Filippo Sceberras: His Life and Times, Malta 1994, p. 114.

[236] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 189.

[237] Ibid, one of the photoes after p. 108.

[238] Cf R. Farrugia Randon, Sir Filippo Sceberras: His Life and Times, p. 114.

[239] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 297.

[240] Cf A. Scicluna Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno 1919. Cf also P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 189.

[241] Cf A. Scicluna Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno 1919. Cf also P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 190-191.

[242] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921.

[243] Cf Letters Patent providing for the constitution of Responsible Government in Malta. Cf also H. Ganado, Rajt Malta Tinbidel, vol. 1, Malta 1974, p. 241.

[244] Cf M. J. Schiavone, L-Elezzjonijiet f’Malta: 1849-1992; Storja, Fatti, Cifri, Malta 1992, p. 62.

[245] Cf H. Ganado, Rajt Malta Tinbidel, vol. 1, p. 252.

[246] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 30.

[247] Cf ibid, p. 31.

[248] Cf pp. 75-89 of this thesis.

[249] Cf ibid.

[250] Cf The Daily Malta Chronicle, 24 December 1920, p. 1.

[251] Cf K. Ellul Galea, It-Trejdunjonizmu f’Malta, vol. II, Malta 1996, p. 127.

[252] Cf ibid, p. 124.

[253] Cf La Diocesi di Malta, La Diocesi: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiologic,. 1919-1920, Year IV, p. 138. Cf also E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta: 1891-1921, Malta 1991, p. 149.

[254] Cf K. Ellul Galea, It-Trejdunjonizmu f’Malta, vol. II, p. 127.

[255] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta: 1891-1921, p. 148.

[256] Cf ibid.

[257] Cf ibid, pp. 148-156.

[258] La Diocesi di Malta, Statuto, in La Diocesi di Malta: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiologico, 1919-1920, Year IV, pp. 140-141.

[259] Charles Plater, Home Rule for Malta, in Daily Malta Chronicle (28 January 1921), p. 3.

[260] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta: 1891-1921, p. 151.

[261] Cf La Diocesi di Malta, La Diocesi: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiastico, 1919-1920, year IV, p. 142.

[262] Cf Dpa, Unione Leoniana, p. 2.

[263] Cf ibid.

[264] E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta: 1891-1921, p. 155.

[265] Cf ibid.

[266] Cf Dpa, Appunatamenti Varji, p. 37.

[267] Cf ibid, p. 39.

[268] Cf ibid.

[269] Cf ibid, pp. 40a- 41.

[270] Cf Dpa, Sptar Zammit Clapp, p. 1.

[271] Cf ibid, pp. 1ff.

[272] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[273] Cf ibid, p. 18

[274] Cf J. Calleja, Ugo P Mifsud, Malta 1997, p. 105. 

[275] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 43.

[276] Cf ibid, p. 44

[277] Cf especially ibid, p. 45. Cf Also ibid, pp. 47- 56.

[278] Ibid.

[279] The Editor, Monsignor De Piro: A Tribute to his memory, in The Malta Chronicle (23 September 1933), p. 2.

[280] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 969, 994, 1006, 1036-1037, 1056, 1068-1069, 1077, 1079, 1084, 1092, 1100, 1104, 1117, 1122.

[281] Cf M. J. Schiavone, L-Elezzjonijiet f’Malta, 1849-1992: Storja, Fatti, Cifri, p. 134.

[282] The Editor, Monsignor De Piro: A Tribute to his Memory, in The Malta Chronicle (19 September 1933), p. 4.

[283] Cf graph?

[284] Cf especially Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3rd Parliament, 21 February 1933, pp. 495-496.

[285] Cf pp. 17-19 of this thesis. 

[286] Cf p. 17 of this thesis.

[287] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[288] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 976.

[289] Cf Xand Cortis, Fra Diegu Bonanno Ofm. An unpublished manuscript found in the De Piro Archives (Cf DPA, Fra Diegu).

[290] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 2-10.

[291] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 974-975.

[292] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[293] Cf ibid.

[294] La Diocesi di Malta, La Diocesi: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiastico di Malta, 7 November 1916, n. 7, p. 212.

[295] Cf ibid.

[296] Cf ibid.

[297] Cf ibid, p. 213.

[298] Cf ibid. Here it is interesting to say that among those who heard the appeal of the   Archbishop there was the Governor General. He offered £100. 00. 0 and sent His Excellency a very nice letter of appreciation for the Archbishop’s action (Cf ibid, 7 January 1917, n. 8, pp. 245-246).

[299] Cf ibid, from 7 January 1917 up to 1919-1920, nos. 1-2 (Anno IV).

[300] Dpa, Istitut Gesu Nazzarenu - Isititu San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68e.

[301] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja fil-qosor tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi, Fundaturici ta’ L-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, pp. 35-40.

[302] Cf ibid, p. 67-68.

[303] Cf ibid.

[304] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 14.

[305] Cf ibid, p. 22.

[306] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp, p. 9a.

[307] Cf pp. 17-19 of this thesis.

[308] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 5.

[309] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[310] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 19-22.

[311] Cf S. Muscat, Xi Haga mill-kronaka tal-Kumpanija. An unpublished manuscript, p. 57.

[312] Cf J. Bezzina, Saint Joseph Home: a boys’ haven in Gozo, Gozo 1987, pp. 10-11

[313] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[314] Cf ibid, pp. 11-13.

[315] Cf ibid, p. 15.

[316] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 2, 3-7.

[317] Cf ibid, pp. 3-7.

[318] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[319] Cf ibid, p. 9b.

[320] Cf ibid, p. 9c.

[321] Cf ibid.

[322] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20.

[323] Cf ibid, p. 19.

[324] Cf ibid, pp. 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39-40, 41-42, 43-44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54.

[325] Cf ibid , p. 15.

[326] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn Fuq Mons. De Piro, Malta 1933, pp. 7-8.

[327] Cf J. De Piro, Introduction, in The Glories of the Patriarch, St Joseph, Malta 1928, p. 3.

[328] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn Fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 8-9.

[329] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 318.

[330] Cf Dpa, Testment Sigriet, art. 2.

[331] Cf ibid, articles eight and nine.

[332] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 10.

[333] Cf ibid, pp. 1, 4, 13.

[334] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[335] Cf ibid, pp. 1, 4.

[336] Cf ibid.

[337] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[338] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[339] Cf ibid, pp. 10-12.

[340] Cf ibid, pp. 13-14.

[341] Cf pp. 183- 186 of this thesis.

[342] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 5-6, 7-9.

[343] Cf ibid, pp. 20-21, n. 5.

[344] Cf E. B. Vella, Storja ta’ B’Kara, p. 494.

[345] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 10.

[346] Cf ibid, p. 23.

[347] Cf ibid, p. 26, nos. 2-3.

[348] Cf ibid, p. 26, n. 4.

[349] Cf ibid, p. 26, nos. 5-6.

[350] Cf ibid, p. 28.

[351] Ibid.

[352] Cf ibid, p. 29.

[353] Cf ibid, pp. 30, 32.

[354] Cf ibid, p. 32. Cf also ibid, p. 33.

[355] Cf ibid, pp. 35-38

[356] Cf ibid, pp. 29; 30; p. 35 nos. c2, c3; p. 36, n. c2; p. 37, n. 4; p. 38.

[357] Cf ibid, p. 36.

[358] Cf ibid, p. 36, nos. 1, 3, 4.

[359] Cf ibid, p. 41, n. 2.

[360] For a more elaborate presentation of this, cf pp.  REF accademia \h  PAGEREF oratory5 \h 183-186 of this thesis.

[361] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, eg., pp. 30, 32, 36.

[362] Cf ibid, pp. 87-88.

[363] Cf ibid.

[364] Cf ibid, pp. 41-42, 47, 52, 59-60, 63, 68.

[365] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 250.

[366] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 44.

[367] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 12.

[368] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[369] Cf ibid.

[370] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 250-251.

[371] Cf Personal files, n. 2.

[372] For a more extensive presentation of this reality in De Piro’s life refer to pp. 190-194 REF accademia \h  of this thesis.

[373] For a much more extensive presentation of this reality in De Piro’s life refer to pp. 197-199 of this thesis.

[374] Cf pp. 17-20 of this thesis.

[375] Cf ibid.

[376] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[377] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[378] Cf ibid.

[379] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[380] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[381] Cf ibid.

[382] Cf ibid, pp. 4-5.

[383] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[384] Cf ibid, p. 5.

[385] Cf ibid.

[386] Cf ibid.

[387] Ibid, p. 6.

[388] Cf ibid, p. 5.

[389] Cf ibid.

[390] Cf ibid, pp. 5-6.

[391] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[392] Cf ibid.

[393] Ibid.

[394] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[395] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[396] Cf ibid.

[397] Cf ibid.

[398] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[399] Cf ibid.

[400] Cf ibid, pp. 9-11.

[401] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[402] Cf ibid.

[403] Cf ibid.

[404] Cf ibid.

[405] Cf ibid.

[406] Cf ibid.

[407] Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 6.

[408] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 12.

[409] Cf ibid.

[410] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 5. Cf also Dpa, Djarju, p. 12.

[411] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 5.

[412] Cf p. 62 of this thesis.

[413] Cf below.

[414] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 7.

[415] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[416] Cf ibid, pp. 11, 13.

[417] Cf ibid, pp. 14, 83. Cf also ibid, p. 17.

[418] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 159.

[419] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 22a.

[420] Cf below.

[421] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 29.

[422] Cf ibid, p. 42. Cf also Al. Bonnici, Mons. Guzeppi De Piro, vol. I, Malta 1982, pp. 266-273.

[423] Dpa, Personal files, n. 2.

[424] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, pp. 83-85.

[425] Cf ibid.

[426] Cf ibid, p. 81.

[427] Cf ibid, pp. 87, 89, 95, 116-117, 118, 131.

[428] Cf ibid, pp. 91, 103-104, 110, 111-112, 124-125, 130.

[429] Cf ibid, p. 105, 120, 123.

[430] Cf ibid, p. 120.

[431] Cf ibid, p. 126.

[432] Cf above.

[433] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 221-227. Cf also Missjoni Abbissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 1-7.

[434] Cf Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 110.

[435] Cf Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 75.

[436] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1926, pp. 143-144; 1927, pp. 183-184; 1929, pp. 240-242; 1930, pp. 256-258.

[437] Cf ibid, 1925, pp. 128-129; 1926, p. 136, 151-152, 153; 1927, pp. 164-166, 183-184; 1928, pp. 191, 203-209, 441; 1929, p. 250; 1930, pp. 256-258; 1931, p. 303.

[438] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 22; 1927, p. 180; 1928, pp. 209, 213-214, 221; 1929, pp. 221-227; 229-230, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 269-270, 272-274, 286, 293; 1931, pp. 320, 321, 324-325, 332-333, 342; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372; 1933, p. 438.

[438] Ibid, 1927, p. 183.

[439] Cf p. 234 of this thesis.

[440] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Tesatimonies, p. 1068.

[441] Cf DPA, Mewt, Funaral, Trasport tal-fdalijiet, p. i. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1004-1005, 1027-1029, 1054-1055. Cf also ibid, pp. 988, 1003, 1061, 1067, 1037, 1072, 1088, 1090, 1097.

[442] Cf  pp. 535 - 536.

[443] Note the three dimensions of evangelisation as presented by John Paul II in his Encyclical Redemptoris Missio (Cf AAS 83 [1991] pp. 249-340), n. 33.

[444]Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 997.

[445] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, 3 vol.s.

[446] Cf Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesù – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, pp. 2-8.

[447] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 214; 1932, p. 380.

[448] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, p. 14.

[449] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 4.

[450] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 1ff.

[451] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 12.

[452] Cf Ibid, p. 27.

[453] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 4.

[454] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 39, 44-45, 61-66.

[455] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 5ff .

[456] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 febbraio 1919 – 27 maggio 1921, Malta 1923, p. 9.

[457] Cf Palace Archives Valletta. Reports, B. 15/18, n 4. Minutes of the Proceedings of the Commission of Enquiry into the Events of the 7 th and 8 th June 1919 and the Circumstances which led up to them, report of Evidence. Cf also p. 205 of this thesis.

[458] Cf Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesù – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, p. 10.

[459] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 28.

[460] Cf Dpa, Dame di Carità, pp. 1ff.

[461] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922-1933.

[462] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 37.

[463] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 9a.

[464] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 19-20.

[465] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula,  p. 82.

[466] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 35-38.

[467] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja (1927-1975), 4 vols.

[468] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. I: Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 8. Cf also vol. III: Ohrajn lil Mons. De Piro, pp. 11, 17. Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 195; 1929, pp. 236-237; 1930, p. 274; 1931, pp. 323, 338; 1932, pp. 371-372; 1933, p. 438. The Laboratory was later transferred to St Agatha’s, the Motherhouse of De Piro’s Society, in Rabat, Malta. When there, it was known as Saint Agatha Laboratory (Cf Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 [Korrispondnza], vol. IV: Mixxellanea, p. 5).

[469] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet.

[470] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 244.

[471] Cf Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3rd Parliament, 18 November 1932, p. 170.

[472] Cf ibid, 21 February 1933, pp. 495-498.

[473] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 168a-b.

[474] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[475] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, pp. 25, 125.

[476] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 13.

[477] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[478] Cf Central office of Statistics, Malta (COSM), 1957 Census Silhouette, p. 1. M. Vassallo, From Lordship to Stewardship: Religion and Social Change in Malta, The Hague 1979, p. 30. V. Mallia Milanes, The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, Malta 1988, pp. 93-99, 105, 131, 152, 166.

[479] Cf W. Senior Nassau, Conversations and Journals in Egypt and Malta, London 1882, ii, p. 29.

[480] Cf C. Cassar: Everyday Life in Malta, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, p. 64.

[481] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and the Maltese, Melbourne 1954, p. 15.

[482] Ibid.

[483] Ibid.

[484] Ibid.

[485] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, Malta 1991, p. 43.

[486] Cf ibid. pp. 43-44.

[487] Report of the Royal Commission (RRC), par. 74.

[488] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, p. 44.

[489] Cf ibid.

[490] Is-Sengha.

[491] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and the Maltese, p. 29.

[492] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, Malta 1985, p. 74.

[493] G. P. Badger, Description of Malta and Gozo, Malta 1838, p. 75.

[494] Cf D. Miege, Histoire de Malte, Paris 1840, i, p. 168.

[495] Cf S. Busuttil, Malta’s Economy in the Nineteenth Century, in The British Colonial Experience 1800 - 1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 93.

[496] 30 January, 1896, pp. 4-5.

[497] Cf House of Commons, Acts, 25 July 1899.

[498] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, pp. 45-46.

[499] Cf ibid.

[500] Cf Imsejkna Malta, in Is-Salib, 8 May 1909, p. 2.

[501] Cf RRC of 1912, p. 166.

[502] Cf ibid, par. 25.

[503] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, pp. 71-73.

[504] Cf T. Mac Gill, A Handbook or Guide for Strangers Visiting Malta, Malta 1939, pp. 34-35.

[505] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 87.

[506] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 101.

[507] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and The Maltese, p. 131.

[508] Cf J. Davy, Notes and Observations on the Ionian Islands and Malta, London 1842, vol. I, p. 431.

[509] T. Mac Gill, A Handbook or Guide for Strangers Visiting Malta, pp. 34-35.

[510] Cf ibid, p. 42.

[511] Cf G. F. Badger, Description of Malta and Gozo, p. 300.

J. Davy: Notes and Observations on the Ionian Islands and Malta, vol. I, p. 435.

[512] Cf G.F. Angas, A Ramble in Malta and Sicily, London 1842, pp. 38, 70.

[513] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony,  p. 76.

C.A. Price, Malta and The Maltese, p. 30.

[514] Cf H. Ganado, Rajt Malta Tinbidel, vol. I, Malta 1974, pp. 22-23.

[515] Cf J Micallef, L-Istorja ta’ Hal Safi, Malta 1980, p. 66.

[516] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 105.

[517] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and The Maltese, p. 30.

[518] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 76.

[519] Cf H. Frendo, Birth Pangs of a Nation: Manuel Dimech’s Malta (1860-1921), Malta 1972, p. 42.

[520] Cf Government Census 1891. Cf also H. Frendo, Birth Pangs of a Nation: Manuel Dimech’s Malta (1860-1921), p. 30.

[521] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 75.

C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. In “The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964”, ed., V. Mallia Milanes, p. 104.

[522] G. F. Badger, Description of Malta and Gozo, Malta 1838, p. 97.

G. F. Angas, A Ramble in Malta and Sicily, p. 36.

[523] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. In “The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964”, ed., V. Mallia Milanes, p. 103.

[524] Cf p. 81 of this thesis.

[525] Cf H. Ganado, Rajt Malta Tinbidel, vol. iv, p. 319.

[526] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and The Maltese, p. 30.

[527] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 103.

[528] J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 81.

[529] Cf ibid.

[530] Cf ibid.

[531] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. In “The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964” Ed., V. Mallia Milanes, p. 107.

[532] Cf AR. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III , Malta 1975, p. 158.

[533] Ibid.

[534] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 106.

[535] Cf ibid.

[536] Cf ibid.

[537] *This includes 109 males and 117 females, British and other foreigners.

[538] *This includes 132 males and 130 females, British and other foreigners.

Cf Census of the Maltese Islands. 1903. Table XLV.

[539] Cf D. Fenech, A Social and Economic Review of Malta during the First World War 1914-1918. Unpublshed BA., dissertation, University of Malta 1973, p. 176.

[540] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 107.

[541] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 159.

[542] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964. edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 104.

[543] Cf H. Frendo, Party Politics in a Fortress Colony: The Maltese Experience, Malta 1979, p. 9.

[544] Cf R. Grima, Malta and the Crimean War, Unpublished BA dissertation, University of Malta 1979, p. 120.

[545] Cf ibid.

[546] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 104.

[547] Cf Royal Commissioners, Report; Government Charities, Parliamentary Papers, London, 1838 – XXIX – 141, 55.

[548] Cf R. Grima, Malta and the Crimean War (1854-1856),  p. 120.

[549] Cf H. Frendo, Party Politics in a Fortress Colony: The Maltese Experience, p. 9.

[550] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, p. 48.

[551] Archives of the Archbishop of Malta (A.A.M.), Peter Pace, vol.VI (Pastoral Letters. February 1909) nos. 5, 6.

[552] Ibid, vol. III no. 22, 31, 1, January 1910.

[553] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 73.

[554] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, p. 48.

[555] Cf ibid.

[556] This information was acquired from the 1937 “Blue Book” and from the Archives of the respective institutes. At the time of De Piro, St Joseph, Malta, contained 134 boys, St Joseph, Gozo, 23, and the House for the infants at Sta Venera, 25 (cf J. De Piro, Introduction, in The Greatness of the Most Glorious Patriarch St Joseph, Malta 1928, p. 3). After the death of Monsignor, the Archbishop of Malta nominated Mgr Enrico Bonnici as Superior Delegate of the Society of St Paul and as director of the Institutes run by De Piro. Bonnici remained director until 1 February 1934. On 23 October 1933 Bonnici published a pamphlet about the life of the Servant of God. Amongst other things he said that at the death of De Piro there were these orphans in these Institutes: Jesus of Nazareth – 100 girls; St Francis de Paul – 22 girls (Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn Fuq Mons. De Piro, Malta 1933).

Reference can also be made to the Annuario della Diocesi di Malta, 1933. This gives information related to the various aspects of the Church in Malta, as in 1932, a year before the death of De Piro. It gives this information related to the charitable institutes: Fra Diegu – 132 girls; Jesus of Nazareth – 84 girls; St Joseph’s, Malta – 137 boys; the House for the infants at Sta Venera – 60.

[557] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, p. 49.

[558] Ibid.

[559] Daily Malta Chronicle, 7 January 1902, p. 3; “Il-Protesta”, in Is-Salib, 10 January 1902, p. 1.

[560] Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 28.

[561] In the case of the Institutes of Fra Diegu, Jesus of Nazareth, St Joseph’s, Malta, and St Joseph’s, Gozo, it was possible for me, the Vice Postulator of the Cause of Canonisation of Joseph De Piro, to meet some persons who could give very relevant information about the Servant of God and his ministry in these Orphanages. This information has been so clear in itself that there was no need to elaborate on it. In fact at times I thought it was enough to classify the testimonies under headings and present them as they were given. Notes are added in order to have clearer declarations. With the testimonies there are also several documents, many a times written by De Piro himself.

[562] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-Iskola, mid-direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13.

[563] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Tetimonies, p. 975.

[564] Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[565] Ibid, p. 13.

[566] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1003.   

[567] Cf ibid, pp. 1025, 1044.

[568] Cf ibid.

[569] Cf ibid, pp. 1005, 1023, 1058.

[570] Cf ibid, pp. 1005, 1059.

[571] Ibid, p. 1055.

[572] Ibid, pp. 1057-1058.

[573] Ibid, pp. 1055-1056.

[574] Ibid, p. 1003.

[575] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7.

[576] Cf ibid.

[577] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1046.

[578] Ibid, p. 1056.

[579] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[580] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1056.

[581] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[582] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[583] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[584] Cf ibid.

[585] Cf ibid. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026.

[586] Cf Dp, The 1887 Testimonies, p. 5. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026.

[587] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1003, 1023, 1025, 1044, 1056.

[588] Cf ibid, p. 1060.

[589] Cf Dp, The 1887 Testimonies, p. 6.

[590] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[591] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 9.

[592] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[593] Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 34.

[594] Ibid, pp. 78-79. Cf also pp. 80-81.

[595] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 7-8.

[596] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1031-1032.

[597] Cf p. 52 of this thesis.

[598] Cf Maltese Biographies of the Twentieth Century, edited by M. Schiavone - L. Scerri, , Malta 1997, pp. 285-286.

[599] Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 29-30.

[600] Ibid, pp. 36-37.

[601] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja fil-Qosor tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ l-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, Malta 1963, p. 9. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 200.

[602] Cf Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ l-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, pp. 9-15. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 199-200.

[603] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ l-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, pp. 21 f. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 200, 913.

[604] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ l-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, pp. 23f.

[605] Cf ibid, p. 38.

[606] Cf ibid, p. 40.

[607] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27.

[608] Cf ibid, p. 37.

[609] Cf ibid, p. 27.

[610] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 201.

[611] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27.

[612] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 201.

[613] Cf AAM, Suppliche, 1925, n. 47.

[614] Cf ibid.

[615] Dpa, Isititut Gesu Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 67-68.

[616] Ibid, pp. 65-66.

[617] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, art. 9.

[618] Ibid.

[619] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 207.

[620] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 202.

[621] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 32. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 913, 919.

[622] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 27, 28, 29, 30.

[623] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 914-915, 919, 920, 925, 927, 928, 929.

[624] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 27.

[625] Ibid, p. 29. Cf also p. 30.

[626] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 914-915. Cf also p. 925.

[627] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 30.

[628] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 920.

[629] Cf ibid, p. 209.

[630] Ibid.

[631] Ibid, p. 207.

[632] Ibid, p. 224.

[633] Ibid, p. 224.

[634] Ibid, p. 922.

[635] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[636] Ibid.

[637] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 926.

[638] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[639] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[640] Cf ibid.

[641] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[642] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[643] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[644] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 921.

[645] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[646] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 210.

[647] Ibid, p. 927.

[648] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[649] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 926.

[650] Ibid, p. 202.

[651] Ibid, p. 1078.

[652] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 22.

[653] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 210.

[654] Ibid, p. 211.

[655] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 29.

[656] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 931.

[657] Cf Reflections after table 5 (p.87) which presents the list of institutes. Cf also Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp [Malta]. Prize day speech for years 1928-1929, p. 46e).

Mgr F. Bonnici had set up what was known in Malta as “The small mission”. This was made up of priests who went around the Maltese parishes in order to gather the children and teach them the christian doctrine. Bonnici was also chosen as the secretary to Bishop Anton Buhagiar. Since he was busy with “The Small Mission” he could notice the poverty in which many children lived in Malta. Also, he knew that at that time there was no institution which catered for these boys. But he himself was a poor priest and his family was not rich, either. Being near to the Bishop, His Excellency knew well Bonnici’s wishes and he helped him achieve them. Once he gave him a sum of money and told him, “Have this. Go and open that house for the boys.” (Cf Mons. Frangisk Bonnici, in Almanakk ta’ San Guzepp, Malta 1996, pp. 38-39)

[658] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, Malta 1988, p. 201.

[659] Cf ibid, p. 202.

[660] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[661] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[662] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-Iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[663] Cf ibid.

[664] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 202-203.

[665] Ibid, pp. 92-94.

[666] Ibid, p. 94.

[667] Cf p. 20 of this thesis

[668] Cf ibid.

[669] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[670] Cf Al. Bonnici, Dun George Bugeja, in Almanakk tal-Istitut ta’ San Guzepp, Malta 1997, p. 14.

[671] Ibid, pp. 14f.

[672] Cf pp. 51- 52 of this thesis.

[673] Cf pp. 22- 24 of this thesis.

[674] Cf p. 110 of this thesis.

[675] Cf ibid.

[676] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 6.

[677] Cf Al. Bonnici, Dun George Bugeja, in Almanakk tal-Istitut ta’ San Guzepp, Malta 1997, p. 17.

[678] DPA, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 69.

[679] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 9a.

[680] Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 14.

[681] Cf p. 110 of this thesis.

[682] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 69. Cf also previous page.

[683] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nalson, Malta 1988, pp. 210-212.

[684] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 794.

[685] Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 19.

[686] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 780.

[687] Ibid, p. 805.

[688] Ibid, p. 780.

[689] Ibid, p. 474.

[690] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 283.

[691] Cf J. De Piro, Akrau dakxein, in Il Cobor tal Gloriosissimu Patriarca S. Guzepp, Malta 1928, p.3.

[692] Ibid, p. 12.

[693] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 444.

[694] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 31, 274. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 482, 745,751, 778, 780,795.

[695] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 799.

[696] This can be proved also from De Piro’s mass registers. The Servant of God divided each page in five columns: the date, the number of the particular intention, the name of the intention, the place where he celebrated the mass and the number of the mass. In the case of the place where he celebrated the mass one can meet the initials C. S. G. meaning Casa San Giuseppe.

[697]Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 114.

[698] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 457.

[699] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 114.

[700] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 455.

[701] Ibid, p. 781.

[702] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 120.

[703] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 449.

[704] Ibid, p. 456.

[705] Ibid, p. 462.

[706]Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[707] Ibid, p. 283.

[708] Ibid, p. 120.

[709] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 449.

[710] Ibid, p. 462.

[711] Ibid, p. 481.

[712] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[713] Ibid, p. 283.

[714] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 782.

[715] Ibid, p. 993.

[716] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[717] Ibid, p. 283.

[718] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

[719] Ibid, p. 479.

[720] P. 3.

[721] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 784.

[722] According to Nazzareno Attard this was said for those benefactors who were dying at the moment (cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466).

[723] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[724] Cf ibid.

[725] Ibid, p. 115.

[726] Mgr Preca was the Founder of the Maltese lay Catechetical Society, MUSEUM. He was beatified on 9 May 2001 by Pope John Paul II, here in Malta.

[727] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[728] Ibid, p. 466.

[729] The question made to Attard by the Ecclesiastical Tribunal.

[730] Because Attard was physically handicapped.

[731] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

 

[732] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118-119.

[733] Ibid, p. 119.

[734] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 462.

[735] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276.

[736] Ibid, pp. 282-283.

[737] Ibid, p. 14.

[738] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 807.

[739] Ibid, p. 460.

[740] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 119.

[741] Ibid, p. 275.

[742] Ibid.

[743] Ibid, p. 276.

[744] Ibid, p. 115.

[745] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[746] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[747] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 464.

[748] Cf ibid, p. 778.

[749] Ibid, p. 795.

[750] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[751] Ibid, p. 283.

[752] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451.

[753] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 12.

[754] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[755] Ibid, pp. 450-451a.

[756] Cf ibid, p. 781.

[757] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[758] Ibid, p. 118.

[759] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 454.

[760] Ibid, p. 451a.

[761] Ibid, p. 454.

[762] Ibid, p. 451a.

[763] Ibid.

[764] Ibid, pp. 116-118.

[765] Ibid, p. 469.

[766] Ibid, pp. 471-472.

[767] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[768] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 746.

[769] Ibid, p. 780.

[770] Ibid, p. 479.

[771] Ibid, pp. 792-793.

[772] Ibid, p. 443.

[773] Cf ibid, pp. 451, 457, 745.

[774] Cf ibid.

[775] Cf ibid, p. 807.

[776] Ibid, p. 454.

[777] Cf ibid, p. 444.

[778] Cf ibid.

[779] Cf Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1.

[780] Ibid.

[781] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 782.

[782] Ibid, p. 446.

[783] Ibid, p. 474.

[784] Ibid, p. 781.

[785] Ibid, p. 745.

[786] Ibid, p. 474.

[787] Ibid, p. 746.

[788] Ibid, p. 811.

[789] Ibid, p. 745.

[790] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 10-13.

[791] Cf ibid.

[792] Cf ibid.

[793] Cf ibid, p. 14.

[794] Cf Al. bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro, p. 210.

[795] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[796] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 475.

[797] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 48.

[798] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[799] Ibid, pp. 745-746.

[800] Ibid, p. 805.

[801] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[802] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 805.

[803] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13.

[804] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[805] Ibid, p. 443.

[806] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 276-277.

[807] Ibid, p. 284.

[808] Cf Cosm. 1957 Census Silhouette, p. 1.

J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 48.

[809] F. M. Lacroix, Malte et le Goze, Paris 1848, p. 46.

[810] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, pp. 59-71, 88-90. The % s are my own, and are only approximate.

[811] Royal Commissioners, Report. Poor. Parliamentary Pepers, London, 1839 – XVII – 140, 11f.

[812] The Editor, A Century Ago – Daily Malta Chronicle, in The Times (20 September 2003), p. 23.

[813] Cf J. Bezzina, Saint Joseph Home: A Boys’ Haven in Gozo, Gozo 1987, p. 13.

[814] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 242.

[815] Cf ibid, p. 243.

[816] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 58. It has already been said that the Ecclesiastical Tribunal set up in Malta to hear the witnesses in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro, held its official sessions during the years 1988-1992. At this same time in Gozo there was set up another Tribunal, which heard the Gozitan witnesses in between 10 September 1990 and 9 January 1991.

[817] Ibid, p. 23.

[818] Cf J. Bezzina, Saint Joseph Home: A Boys’ Haven in Gozo, pp. 13-15.

[819] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[820] Cf ibid, p. 10-11.

[821] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[822] Cf ibid, pp. 11-13.

[823] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[824] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 2.

[825] Cf ibid, pp. 5-7.

[826] Cf J. Bezzina, Saint Joseph Home: A Boys’ Haven in Gozo, p. 8.

[827] Cf Dpa, Isititut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 8-9.

[828] Cf ibid, p. 9a.

[829] Cf ibid, p. 9b.

[830] Cf ibid, pp. 10-11.

[831] Ibid, p. 9c.

[832] Cf ibid.

[833] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[834] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[835] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[836] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[837] Ibid, pp. 3-4.

[838] Cf ibid, p. 14.

[839] Ibid, pp. 15-16.

[840] Cf ibid, p. 17.

[841] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 226.

[842] Cf the above Statutes.

[843] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 226.

[844] Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 19-20.

[845] Cf just below.

[846] P. 3.

[847] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 284.

[848] Cf ibid, p. 250.

[849] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 24.

[850] Cf below: the address to the Bishop of Gozo at the inauguration ceremony.

[851] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 284-285. Cf also ibid, pp. 248, 250, 256. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28, 29, 30, 75.

[852] Cf eg., Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 54-55.

[853] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 258. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28-29, 54-55.

[854] Cf ibid.

[855] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , pp. 27a-28a.

[856] Ibid , pp. 24-27a. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 32, 68, 75, 91.

[857] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 255, 285.

[858] Cf ibid, pp. 242, 246, 252, 255. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 2, 23, 33, 52.

[859] Cf The inaugural speeches.

[860] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 25-28.

[861] Cf ibid, p. 28.

[862] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[863] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 239, 252. Cf also Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 31.

[864] AL. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 235.

[865] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , pp. 16, 16a.

[866] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 246.

[867] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 23.

[868] Ibid.

[869] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[870] Ibid, p. 53. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 255.

[871] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 10, 23, 74, 76, 85.

[872] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[873] Ibid.

[874] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[875] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 247, 253. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 53, 61.

[876] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 247, 253. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 53.

[877] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256.

[878] Cf The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[879] Ibid. Cf also J. Bezzina, The Gozo-Malta Ferry Service, Gozo 1991, pp. 37-39.

[880] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[881] Ibid, p. 257.

[882] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 54.

[883] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[884] Cf ibid, pp. 243, 247. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 18, 55.

[885] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 69.

[886] Ibid, p. 70.

[887] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[888] Cf ibid, pp. 243, 247.

[889] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 55.

[890] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[891] Ibid, p. 247. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 54, 55.

[892] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 253, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 24.

[893] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 21.

[894] Cf ibid, p. 18.

[895] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 250.

[896] Ibid, p. 243. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 7-8.

[897] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 43.

[898] Ibid, p. 57.

[899] Ibid, p. 58.

[900] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[901] Ibid, p. 240.

[902] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[903] Ibid, p. 34.

[904] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 247.

[905] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[906] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 253.

[907] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 62.

[908] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 38.

[909] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 7.

[910] Ibid, p. 34.

[911] Ibid.

[912] Ibid, p. 38.

[913] Ibid, p. 40.

[914] Ibid, p. 62.

[915] Ibid, p. 40.

[916] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 253, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 34, 39, 56.

[917] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 12.

[918] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243.

[919] Cf ibid, p. 253.

[920] Dp, The Gozo Testmonies, p. 12.

[921] Cf ibid, pp. 36, 58.

[922] Ibid, p. 39.

[923] Ibid, p. 58.

[924] Ibid, p. 12.

[925] *This includes 132 males and 130 females, British and other foreigners.

Cf Census of the Maltese Islands, Malta Govt. Printing Office, 1903, Table XLV.

[926] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 40.

[927] Ibid, p. 60.

[928] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[929] Cf ibid, p. 252.

[930] Ibid, p. 253.

[931] Cf ibid, p. 242.

[932] Cf ibid, p. 243.

[933] Cf ibid, p. 247.

[934] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and the Maltese, p. 15.

[935] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 42.

[936] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 240, 243, 247, 253, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 8, 9, 11, 41, 42, 59, 60.

[937] Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 38.

[938] Cf p. 162 of this thesis.

[939] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[940] Ibid, p. 243.

[941] Cf ibid, p. 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 10, 42, 61.

[942] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 42.

[943] Cf J. F. Grima, Il-Baned ta’ Malta u Ghawdex: Introduzzjoni, in L-Istorja tal-Kazini tal-Baned f’Malta u Ghawdex, vol. I, Malta 1997, p. x.

[944] Ibid. p. ix-x.

[945] Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghajnsielem, Ghawdex, L-ewwel Zminijiet tal-Banda Taghna, in Ghajnsielem, 1993 (n 9), Gozo, p. 9. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 244, 247, 253, 258.

[946] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 244, 247, 253. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 46, 63.

[947] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 14, 32, 46.

[948] Cf Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghajnsielem, Ghawdex, Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp (1928 – 2003), p. 36. cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 247, 258; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 46, 63.

[949] Cf Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghajnsielem, Ghawdex, Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp (1928 – 2003), p. 36.

[950] Cf ibid, p. 52.

[951] Cf ibid.

[952] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 8.

[953] Cf ibid, p. 43.

[954] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[955] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 59.

[956] Ibid, pp. 41-42.

[957] Ibid, p. 42.

[958] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 39-40, 45, 53.

[959] Cf ibid, pp. 50, 51.

[960] Cf ibid, p. 54.

[961] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 244, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 14, 15.

[962] Cf Dp, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 55. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 240, 244, 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 15, 44.

[963] Cf Dp, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) ,  p. 59.

[964] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 23.

[965] Cf ibid, p. 29.

[966] Cf ibid, p. 29.

[967] Cf ibid, p. 35.

[968] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256.

[969] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 26.

[970] Ibid, p. 4.

[971] Ibid, p. 15.

[972] Ibid, p. 30.

[973] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 240.

[974] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 54.

[975] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[976] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 9.

[977] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 240.

[978] Ibid.

[979] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 76.

[980] Ibid, p. 15.

[981] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 13, 39, 53, 59, 76.

[982] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 38.

[983] Ibid, p. 59.

[984] Ibid, p. 31.

[985] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 249.

[986] Ibid, p. 250.

[987]Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 29.

[988] Ibid, p. 24.

[989] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 240.

[990] Cf ibid, pp. 244, 248, 253. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 19, 64.

[991] George Pisani was one of the best poets in Gozo.

[992] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 85.

[993] G. Pisani, Il-Ghid taz-Zoghzija, Malta 1949, p. 73. My own translation.

[994] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1. Cf also pp. 136- 137 of this thesis.

[995] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 27.

[996] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 17.

[997] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 17.

[998] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243.

[999] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 17.

[1000] While in the case of the previous four institutes it was possible to meet several witnesses who could testify to De Piro’s ministry in these orphanages, it was not the same with regards the House for babies and St Francis de Paul; the testimonies were next to none.

[1001] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 7-8. Unfortunately I was not able to find persons who had contact with this Home at the time of the Servant of God, and who could give testimony to De Piro’s behaviour in relation to it. For this reason in order to present this section I had to rely only on the very few documents connected to it.

[1002] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, pp. 1, 33.

[1003] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 8-9. What had been said about the lact of testimonies regarding The Home for Little Boys can be repeated even for the witnesses realted to De Piro as Direcotor of St Francis de Paul, Birkirkara; they were non existant.

[1004] Cf ibid.

[1005] Cf Al. Bonnici, Mons. Guzeppi De Piro, vol. II, Malta 1985, pp. .320-321.

[1006] AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, 7 July 1933, p. 45.

[1007] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983

[1008] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1012.

[1009] Cf eg., Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 999.

[1010] Cf Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 1, art. 2.

[1011] Ibid, p. 3, arts. 8-9.

[1012] Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 1. Unfortunately it was again impossible to meet people who could give information about De Piro and his direction of the Sacred Heart Laboratory. I had to rely on the very few documents related to it.

[1013] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[1014] Cf Al. Bonnici, Mons. Guzeppi De Piro, vol. II, p. 207.

[1015] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 4, 6.

[1016] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[1017] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 264.

[1018] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 6.

[1019] The notice was formulated by De Piro himself in order to advertise a concert which was going to be organised as fundraising for the Laboratory.

[1020] Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 4.

[1021] Priest, orator, preacher, senator, and cabinet minister (Cf M. Schiavone and L. J. Scerri, Maltese Biographies of the Twentieth Century, p. 203).

[1022] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 264.

[1023] Cf ibid, pp. 211-213.

[1024] Cf ibid, pp. 213-214.

[1025] Cf ibid, p. 214.

[1026] Cf ibid, pp. 214-215.

[1027] Cf ibid, pp. 215-217.

[1028] Archives of the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth (AMSJN), Costituzioni delle Suore Missionarie di Gesù Nazzareno, art. 2.

[1029] Cf Kostituzzjoni tal-Gvern Responsabbli f’Malta, 1921. Cf also A. V. Laferla, British Malta, vol. II, Malta 1947, p. 233.

[1030] Cf Kostituzzjoni tal-Gvern Responsabbli f’Malta, 1921.

[1031] Cf ibid. Cf also The Request in 1932 that Malta be granted Dominion Status. Memorandum on the Dominion Status of Malta in Internal Affairs, as quoted by Henry Frendo, in Maltese Political Development 1798-1964, A Documentary History, Malta 1993, p. 458.

[1032] Cf Kostituzzjoni tal-Gvern Responsabbli f’Malta, 1921.

[1033] Cf A. V. Laferla, British Malta, vol. II, p. 233.

[1034] Kostituzzjoni tal-Gvern Responsabbli f’Malta, 1921, art. 41.

[1035] Cf J.J. Cremona, An Outline of the Constitutional Development of Malta Under British Rule, Malta 1963, p. 26.

[1036] Cf M. J. Schiavone, L-Elezzjonijiet f’Malta 1849-1922, Storja, Fatti, Cifri, Malta 1992, pp. 133-134.

[1037] Cf ibid, pp. 143-145.

[1038] Cf Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3 Parliament, 18 November 1932, p. 170.

For a study about the Mortmain Law cf., Ch. J. Scicluna, The Mortmain Act 1967: Its Genesis and Interpretation  (LLD unpublished thesis), University of Malta, 1983.

[1039] Ibid, 21 February 1933, p. 495.

[1040] Cf ibid.

[1041] Ibid, pp. 495-496.

[1042] Cf ibid, p. 496.

[1043] Ibid.

[1044] Cf ibid.

[1045] Ibid.

[1046] Ibid.

[1047] Ibid.

[1048] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 4.

[1049] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 10.

[1050] Ibid, p. 10.

[1051] Ibid.

[1052] Ibid, p. 11.

[1053] Cf E. B. Vella, Storja ta’ B’Kara, p. 494.

[1054] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 5-6, 7-9.

[1055] Cf ibid, pp. 8, 20 (5), 23 (par. 1), 24 (1), 26 (1, 7).

[1056] Cf ibid, p. 36.

[1057] Cf ibid, p. 26 (2, 4).

[1058] Ibid, p. 26 (5).

[1059] Ibid, pp. 26-27.

[1060] Ibid, p. 28.

[1061] Ibid, p. 28.

[1062] Ibid, p. 30.

[1063] Ibid, p. 36.

[1064] Ibid, pp. 12-13.

[1065] Ibid, p. 34.

[1066] Ibid, p. 28.

[1067] Ibid, p. 88.

[1068] Ibid, p. 41.

[1069] Ibid, p. 48.

[1070] Ibid, p. 50.

[1071] Ibid, p. 26.

[1072] Ibid, pp. 86-87.

[1073] Ibid, p. 81.

[1074] Ibid, pp. 87-88.

[1075] Cf p. 110 of this thesis.

[1076] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, p. 5.

[1077] Ibid, p. 6.

[1078] Ibid, p. 8.

[1079] Ibid, p. 9.

[1080] Ibid, p. 10.

[1081] Ibid, p. 11.

[1082] Ibid, p. 12.

[1083] Ibid, p. 13.

[1084] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 2-3.

[1085] Ibid, p. 4.

[1086] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 12.

[1087] Ibid, p. 323.

[1088] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1010.

[1089] Cf Dpa, Personal files, n. 8.

[1090] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1040.

[1091] Ibid, p. 1055.

[1092] Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, p. 63.

[1093] Ibid, p. 116.

[1094] Ibid, p. 118.

[1095] Ibid, p. 16.

[1096] Ibid, p. 25.

[1097] Ibid, p. 43.

[1098] Ibid, p. 45

[1099] Ibid, pp. 50, 55, 61.

[1100] Ibid, p. 56.

[1101] Ibid, pp. 56, 60.

[1102] Ibid, p. 99.

[1103] Ibid, p. 105.

[1104] Ibid, p. 107.

[1105] Ibid, p. 17.

[1106] Ibid, p. 19.

[1107] Ibid, p. 34.

[1108] Ibid, p. 37.

[1109] Ibid, p. 47.

[1110] Ibid, p. 49.

[1111] Ibid, p. 55.

[1112] Ibid, pp. 100, 101.

[1113] Ibid, pp. 112, 114.

[1114] Ibid, p. 121.

[1115] Ibid, p. 52.

[1116] Ibid, p. 94.

[1117] Ibid, pp. 1, 3, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22, 25, 26, 28, 31, 33, 34, 40, 44, 48, 50, 53, 55, 58, 64, 66, 68, 69 (bis), 72, 74,77, 80, 83, 88, 97, 99, 103, 109, 117, 122.

[1118] Ibid, p. 1055.

[1119] Ibid, pp. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 - 12, 14 - 46, 48 - 57, 59 - 62, 64, 65, 67 - 75, 78 - 90, 92 -122.

[1120] Ibid, p. 1.

[1121] Ibid, p. 26.

[1122] Ibid, pp. 31, 35, 57, 104.

[1123] Ibid, p. 47.

[1124] Ibid, p. 52.

[1125] Ibid, p. 77.

[1126] Ibid, p. 101.

[1127] Ibid, p. 112.

[1128] Ibid p. 117.

[1129] Ibid, p. 13.

[1130] Ibid, p. 16.

[1131] Ibid, p. 20.

[1132] Ibid, p. 31.

[1133] Ibid, pp. 33, 62.

[1134] Ibid, pp. 33, 61.

[1135] Ibid, pp. 33, 62.

[1136] Ibid, pp. 38, 71, 73.

[1137] Ibid, p. 42.

[1138] Ibid, p. 43.

[1139] Ibid, p. 43.

[1140] Ibid, p. 45.

[1141] Ibid, p. 50.

[1142] Ibid, pp. 56, 59, 62, 64 (bis), 65 (bis), 67 (3 times), 70 (bis), 71(bis), 72, 73 (3 times), 74, 75, 76, 77, 78 (bis), 79, 80 (3times), 82, 84, 86, 88, 90, 92, 93, 95, 103, 104, 120, 121.

Looking at these references I could not understand how it was possible for Mrs Tomlin to go to De Piro and ask him the same thing, that frequently. At the same time I knew that the surname Tomlin was not common in Malta. It happened that one of the members of our Society is Fr Stanley Tomlin. Therefore I asked him about this. He told me that his father died on 15 December 1929 – this Mrs Tomlin went to De Piro for the first time on 15 May 1929. Also, it would have been impossible that within a very few days his mother went to Monsignor three times to ask for the same thing. Fr Tomlin said that his mother was in contact with many poor mothers. Therefore it could have happened that she went to the Director of St Joseph’s, Malta, and asked his help for others and not for her own family. This would mean that through Mrs Tomlin the Servant of God helped many other individuals

[1143] Ibid, pp. 60, 65, 82.

[1144] Ibid, pp. 65, 92.

[1145] Ibid, pp. 69, 112.

[1146] Ibid, p. 71.

[1147] Ibid, p. 75.

[1148] Ibid, p. 79.

[1149] Ibid, p. 84.

[1150] Ibid, p. 83.

[1151] Ibid, p. 84.

[1152] Ibid, p. 96.

[1153] Ibid, p. 102.

[1154] Ibid, pp. 111, 112.

[1155] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13.

[1156] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[1157] Ibid, p. 238

[1158] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 173.

[1159] Cf J. Bezzina, The Gozo-Malta Ferry Service, pp. 37-39.

[1160] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983.

[1161] Ibid.

[1162] Ibid, p. 968.

[1163] Ibid, p. 987.

[1164] Ibid, pp. 1058-1059.

[1165] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, pp. 2 - 6, 8, 9, 13 - 15, 30, 34, 35, 36, 39, 43, 52, 54 - 56, 61, 63, 96, 99, 110, 118.

[1166] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 14.

[1167] Cf ibid.

[1168] Ibid, p. 17.

[1169] Cf Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1.

[1170] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[1171] Cf PAR, Council of Government, 6 November 1920, p. 1463.

[1172] Malta, 16 April 1921, p. 2.

[1173] Cf Il-Hmar, 18. 5. 1921. p. 2.

[1174] Cf G. Bonnici, Storja tal-Partit tal-Haddiema, Malta 1931, p. 27.

[1175] Cf Malta Legislative Assembly, Debates, vol. 14: 16. 5. 1927, pp. 7594-98; 23. 5. 1927, pp. 7624-28; 31. 5. 1927, pp. 7815-32. Cf also K. Ellul Galea, It-Trejdunjonizmu f’Malta, vol. III, Malta 1999, pp. 318-319.

[1176] Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, p. 109.

[1177] Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1.

[1178] Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 81, 83, 85, 89, 92, 93, 95, 97, 98, 103, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 114, 119, 121, 122.

[1179] Cf pp. 75 - REF malta7 \h 85 REF malta5 \h  REF malta5 \h  REF malta6 \h  REF malta6 \h

[1180] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta, 1891-1921, p. 106.

[1181] Cf B. Blouet, The Story of Malta, 2London 1972, p. 189. E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta, 1891-1921, p. 106.

[1182] Cf pp. 77- 79 of this thesis.

[1183] The prices are only approximate because I have worked out the exchange from the old currency to the new one.

[1184] Cf The Testimony to the Inquest Commission, of William C.F. Robertson, Leit., Governor and Principal Secretary of the Government, as quoted by P. Bartolo, in X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 40.

[1185] Cf H. Frendo, Ir-Rivoluzzjoni Maltija tal-1919, Malta 1970, pp. 19f.

[1186] Ibid.

[1187] Cf ibid, pp. 19-24.  P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 40-47, 48-63.

[1188] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta: 25 febbraio- 27 maggio 1921, p. 9.

[1189] Cf ibid, pp. 19-27.

[1190] Where not indicated otherwise much of the material in this section has been taken from the book of Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 270-282. Cf also Malta Government, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 28-37; H. Frendo, Birthpangs of a Nation; Manuel Dimech’s Malta (1860-1921); Idem, Party Politics In A Fortress Colony: The Maltese Experience, pp. 171-173, 184; P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno; E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta, 1891-1921, pp. 105ff; J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics In a Crown Colony, p. 330.

[1191] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta: 25 febbraio- 27 maggio 1921, pp. 28-37.

[1192] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 72-80.

[1193] Cf ibid, pp. 81-110.

[1194] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta: 25 febbraio- 27 maggio 1921, pp. 28-37.

[1195] Cf ibid.

[1196] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115.

[1197] Cf ibid, p. 32.

[1198] PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n 41, Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H.30,

p. 1.

[1199] Ibid, Sitting 2 (198/1919), W.H.S, p. 1.

[1200] P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 112.

[1201]PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n 4, Report of Evidence, W.H.30, p. 1-2.

P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 113.

[1202] PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n 4, Report of Evidence, W.H.5, p. 1.

[1203] Ibid, W.H.30, p. 2.

[1204] Ibid, Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[1205] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  into English by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 275. Cf also PAR, Reports, Sitting 4, W. H, 30, p. 4. Bartolo’s book does not include anything about the 9 June 1919 because the Inquest Commission did not ask any information about this day.

[1206] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  into English by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 275.

[1207] Cf PAR, Reports, Sitting 4, W. H, 30, p. 2.

[1208] P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 114.

[1209] Ibid.

[1210] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W. H, 11.

[1211] Ibid.

[1212] P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 116.

[1213] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W. H, 11.

[1214] Cf ibid, Sitting 4, W. H.. 30, pp. 2-3.

 [1215] Report into the events and circumstances, p. 11.

[1216] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W. H, 30, p. 3.

[1217] Ibid, Sitting 2, W. H. 11

[1218] The following motive had prompted the assault on Francia's home: Colonel Francia was President of the Chamber of Commerce and was also a well known importer of grain. He was a friend of the English, and manifested what was interpreted as neglect for the poverty of the Maltese (Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 47, 141). His house suffered great damage; it was ransacked and looted. The following is an excerpt from Colonel John Louis Francia's evidence: “We stayed in the cellar for a couple of hours, and during this time, we did not see anything, but the noise and shouting made us realise that everything in the house was being smashed and the crowd was all over the house. . . Much of the furniture was thrown out of the windows into the courtyard ... clothing, linen disappeared. Jewellery, diamonds, silver and gold - all of it just went. There were three safes which were not touched, except for one, which still bears the marks to show that, when they tried to open it, it was damaged” (Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 144-145).

[1219] P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 118.

[1220] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W. H, 30, p. 3.

[1221] PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W. H, 11.

[1222] Ibid.

[1223] Ibid, W. H. 30, pp. 3-4.

[1224] Ibid, p. 4.

[1225] Ibid, Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[1226] Ibid, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, p. 4.

[1227] Ibid, Sitting 2, W. H. 11.

[1228] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 280.

[1229] Cf p. 45 of this thesis. Cf also P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 189-191.

[1230] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 990.

[1231] Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof li Habbu Kulhadd, Malta 1982, pp. 199-200.

[1232] Cf ibid.

[1233] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 990-991.

[1234] Cf ibid.

[1235] Cf ibid, p. 991.

[1236] Ibid.

[1237] Ibid.

[1238] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 11, W., 163.

[1239] Cf Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof li Habbu Kulhadd, p. 201.

[1240] Ibid, p. 203.

[1241] Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 282.

[1242] Anon, Giubileo Sacerdotale, in Malta, 19 April 1927, p. 2.

[1243] Cf The Archives of Centre Spirituel de la Sinte Face, 8 Rue Bernard Palessy, 37000. Tours, France.

[1244] Cf I. Formosa, Il Volto Santo, in L’Eco di Nazareth, 3 August 1889. Year XVI, n. 15, pp. 113-115.

[1245] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[1246] Cf pp. 13- 14of this thesis.

[1247] Cf pp. 17 -19 of this thesis.

[1248] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 3, n. 8.

[1249] Cf pp. 10- 11 of this thesis.

[1250] Cf image on opposite page.

[1251] Cf Mt 27, 29; Mk 15, 17; Jn 19, 2.

[1252] Cf Jn 10, 30.

[1253] Cf Mt 26, 36-46.

[1254] Cf Is 53, 7.

[1255] Mt 6, 4.

[1256] Cf ibid, 27, 29.

[1257] Cf pp. 42-43 of this thesis.

[1258] cf ibid.

[1259] Cf Appendix 1 (pp. 521 - 525).

[1260] Cf ibid.

[1261] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, 3 vols.

[1262] Cf ibid.

[1263] Ibid, vol. I, pp. 2-3.

[1264] Ibid, vol. I, p. 3.

[1265] Ibid, vol. III, p. 389.

[1266] Ibid, vol. II, p. 251.

[1267] Ibid, vol. III, p. 394.

[1268] Ibid.

[1269] Ibid, vol. I, p. 77.

[1270] Ibid, pp. 92-96.

[1271] Ibid, pp. 114-116.

[1272] Ibid, p. 160.

[1273] Ibid, pp. 160-161.

[1274] Ibid, p. 132.

[1275] Ibid, p. 140.

[1276] Ibid, vol. III, p. 342.

[1277] Ibid, p. 369.

[1278] Ibid, p. 343.

[1279] Ibid, p. 370.

[1280] Ibid, p. 371.

[1281] Ibid.

[1282] Ibid, vol I, p. 14.

[1283] Ibid, p. 11.

[1284] Ibid, p. 18

[1285] Ibid, p. 16.

[1286] Ibid, vol. II, pp. 174-175.

[1287] Ibid, pp. 181-182.

[1288] Ibid, p. 210.

[1289] Idem, pp. 191-192.

[1290] Ibid, pp. 193-194.

[1291] Ibid, p. 185.

[1292] Ibid, pp. 189-190.

[1293] Ibid, p. 210.

[1294] Ibid, pp. 189-190.

[1295] Ibid, pp. 195-196.

[1296] Ibid, pp. 198-199.

[1297] Ibid, vol. I, pp. 12, 44, 66, 148, 152, 155; Vol. II, 221, 224, 276, 278; Vol. III, 291, 327, 329, 343, 366, 404.

[1298] Ibid, pp. 8, 10, 11, 13, 83, 105; Vol. 224, 241, 257, 274, , 284, 295, 299, 342, 345, 348, 359.

[1299] Ibid, p. 10; Vol. II, 224; Vol. III, p. 366.

[1300] Ibid, pp. 77, 94; Vol. II, pp. 223, 224, 232, 236, 264, 268; Vol. III, pp. 303, 344.

[1301] Ibid, p. 122; Vol. III, pp. 303, 305, 307, 405.

[1302] Ibid, pp. 2, 87, 110, 112; Vol. III, pp. 280, 344, 346, 404, 428.

[1303] Ibid, vol. III, p. 409.

[1304] Ibid, vol. I, p. 40.

[1305] Ibid, vol. II, p. 190; Vol. III, pp. 280, 367, 372, 414.

[1306] Ibid, vol. I, p. 46; Vol. III, p. 345.

[1307] Cf ibid, vol. II, pp. 220-225.

[1308] Cf ibid, p. 226.

[1309] Cf ibid, pp. 227-229

[1310] Cf ibid, p. 230-231.

[1311] Cf ibid, pp. 232-244.

[1312] Cf ibid, pp. 245-255.

[1313] Cf ibid, p. 256.

[1314] Cf ibid, pp. 257-260.

[1315] Cf ibid, pp. 261-263.

[1316] Cf ibid, pp. 264-268.

[1317] Cf ibid, pp. 269-270.

[1318] Cf ibid, pp. 271-273.

[1319] Cf ibid, pp. 274-275.

[1320] Cf ibid, pp. 278-279.

[1321] Ibid, p. 165.

[1322] Ibid, p. 260.

[1323] Ibid, pp. 261-263.

[1324] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 1-53.

[1325] Cf ibid, vol. III, pp. 308-421.

[1326] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 60-76.

[1327] Cf ibid, vol. I,  pp. 122-126.

[1328] Cf ibid, vol. III, pp. 280-293.

[1329] Cf ibid, pp. 294-295.

[1330] Cf ibid, pp. 296-298.

[1331] Cf ibid, pp. 299-304.

[1332] Cf ibid, p. 305.

[1333] Here references are made to the English version of the Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, translated from Maltese into English by Fr Frans Ferriggi mssp.

[1334] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Tesatimonies, p. 1068.

[1335] Cf J De Piro, Saint Paul, Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1924, pp. 81-82.

[1336] Cf ibid, pp. 90-91.

[1337] Cf ibid, pp. 90-91; 1932, p. 395.

[1338] Cf ibid, 1922, pp. 24, 26;1924, pp. 90-91; 1925, p. 114-115.

[1339] Cf ibid, 1933, p. 440.

[1340] Cf ibid, 1932, pp. 356f; 1933, p. 423.

[1341] Cf ibid, 1924, pp. 88, 90-91.

[1342] Cf ibid, 1926, pp. 147-148.

[1343] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 90.

[1344] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 26.

[1345] Cf ibid, 1925, p. 108.

[1346] Cf ibid, p. 118.

[1347] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 90; 1927, pp. 164-166.

[1348] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 28; 1931, pp. 312, 320.

[1349] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 58.

[1350] Cf ibid, p. 65.

[1351] Cf ibid, 1931, pp. 314, 335; 1932, pp. 364, 368; 1933, pp. 423, 429-430.

[1352] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 15; 1923, pp. 47, 62; 1924, pp. 81, 95; 1931, pp. 311f; 1932, pp. 356f, 363; 1933, pp. 423-425.

[1353] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 14; 1932, p. 361; 1933, p. 423-425.

[1354] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 18; 1927, p. 16.

[1355] Cf ibid, 1923, pp. 58, 62; 1924, p. 90-91; 1929, p. 232.

[1356] Cf ibid, 1932, p. 387.

[1357] Cf ibid, 1929, pp. 249-250.

[1358] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 170; 1928, pp. 213-214; 1929, p. 218; 1930, p. 265; 1931, p. 330; 1932, p. 365.

[1359] Cf ibid, 1932, p. 383; 1933, p. 434.

[1360] Cf ibid, 1929, p. 248.

[1361] Cf ibid, pp. 240, 249-250; 1931, pp. 318, 332-333; 1932, pp. 356, 374, 375, 392; 1933, p. 423.

[1362] Cf ibid, 1932, p. 375.

[1363] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 178.

[1364] Cf ibid, 1925, pp. 123-125.

[1365] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 9; 1925, p. 114.

[1366] Cf ibid, 1933, p. 423.

[1367] cf Mortification.

[1368] Cf J De Piro, Saint Paul, Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 26.

[1369] Cf ibid, p. 20; 1924, p. 91;1925, p. 111; 1926, p. 149; 1927, p. 184;1931, pp. 323, 344; 1932, pp. 389-390; 1933, pp. 427, 440-441.

[1370] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 58; 1924, pp. 77, 88, 90.

[1371] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 51.

[1372] Cf ibid, pp. 51-52.

[1373] Ibid, 1923 p. 50. Cf also ibid, pp. 2-3.

[1374] Cf ibid, 1929, p. 229. Cf also Ibid, 1923, pp. 2-3.

[1375] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 56; 1927, pp. 168-170; 1929, p. 229.

[1376] Cf ibid, 1931, pp. 304-312. Cf also Ibid, 1923, pp. 2-3.

[1377] Ibid, 1923, p. 230.

[1378] Ibid, 1930, pp. 266-267.

[1379] Ibid, 1923, p. 33.

[1380] Ibid, 1933, pp. 409-410.

[1381] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 183.

[1382] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 195.

[1383] Ibid, 1922, p. 14.

[1384] Ibid, 1924, p. 95.

[1385] Cf ibid, 1932, p. 361; 1933, pp. 423-425.

[1386] Ibid, 1933, p. 430.

[1387] Ibid, 1923, p. 45.

[1388] Ibid, 1922, p. 20.

[1389] Ibid, 1925, p. 111.

[1390] Cf ibid, 1926, pp. 143-144.

[1391] Cf ibid, 1923, pp. 54, 68; 1925, back cover; 1926, back cover.

[1392] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 36; 1925, pp. 128-129; 1926, p. 143;1927, pp. 164-166; 1927, pp. 172, 183-184; 1929, p. 242; 1930, p. 256.

[1393] Cf ibid, 1927, pp. 168-170; 1929, pp. 233, 244, 246.

[1394] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 203; 1933, p. 441.

[1395] Cf ibid, 1931, pp. 332, 338.

[1396] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 180.

[1397] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 22; 1925, pp. 123-125; 1927, pp. 172, 174; 1928, pp. 190-191, 197, 203-204, 207, 209, 211, 214; 1929, pp. 240-242, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 260-264, 269-270, 272-274, 276, 283-284, 286; 1931, pp. 304-312, 320, 321, 324-325, 332-333, 339-340; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372, 379-380, 384-385, 387; 1933, pp. 434, 438.

[1398] Cf ibid, 1922, pp. 12, 14; 1923, p. 51; 1925, p. 124; 1926, p. 136; 1927, p. 170; 1928, pp. 190-191, 213; 1929, p. 232; 1930, front cover, pp. 256-258, 277, 280-281, 286, 288-289; 1931, front cover, pp. 312, 314, 318, 323, 332-333, 335-336, 338, 344; 1932, pp. 361, 364-365, 368, 371, 374-375, 376, 378, 385, 387, 395; 1933, pp. 407-420, 421, 423, 427, 429-430, 434, 442.

[1399] Cf ibid, 1928, pp. 190, 213; 1929, pp. 221-227, 246; 1930, pp. 267, 269-270, 273 (photo), 276, 288-290; 1931, pp. 332-333; 1932, pp. 371, 380, 394.

[1400] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 20; 1924, p. 91; 1925, p. 111; 1926, p. 156; 1927, p. 184; 1930, pp. 267 (note), 281; 1931, pp. 312, 323, 330 (note), 344; 1932, pp. 367-368, 375-376, 389-390, 392; 1933, pp. 427, 440-441.

[1401] Cf ibid, 1923, pp. 44-45; 1924, pp. 79, 82; 1926, p. 136; 1928, pp. 193, 203-204, 209, 213-214; 1930, pp. 260-264; 1931, p. 300.

[1402] I did not say “catechism classes” because in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes there were probably no formal classes. Then I did not say “catechism classes for boys” because eg., at Fra Diegu there were no boys, but only girls, and there De Piro procured the teaching of catechism.

[1403] Cf A. J. Borg, The Reform of the Council of Trent in Malta and Gozo, Malta 1975, p. 55.

[1404] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of The Church in Malta, vol. II, Malta 1968, p. 49.

[1405] Last Session.

[1406] A. J. Borg, The Reform of the Council of Trent in Malta and Gozo, p. 54.

[1407] Cf RML, Status spiritualis Ecclesiae Diocesis Melivetanae (1681). Misc. ms 252, p. 46.

[1408] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of The Church in Malta, vol. III, pp. 54-56. Al. Bonnici, L-Isla, vol. III, pp. 156-7, 182, 203-4. Idem, Dun Gorg Preca, Malta 1980, vol. I, pp. 142-147.

[1409] A certain Mgr Lawrence Cachia passed on to me some private notes about catechism books in Maltese. According to Cachia Wizzino was asked by Bishop Paul Alpheran de Bussan (+ 1728-1757) to translate the catechism of Cardinal Bellarmino. Its text was in fact both in Italian and Maltese. For some hundred years this catechism remained the only existent catechism in Malta.

[1410] Originally in Italian. Ordered by Pius X for the Diocese of Rome.

[1411] Originally by Mgr J. J. Guame.

[1412] Taken from Scaramelli.

[1413] Ibid.

[1414] Taken from Scaramelli and other authors.

[1415] Cf ibid.

[1416] AAM, Civil Acts, 1912 n. 72, 1v.

[1417] Al. Bonnici, Dun George Preca: Hajtu – Xhieda – Dokumenti, p. 139.

[1418] Cf AAM, Civil Acts, 1908.

[1419] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1112-1113.

[1420] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1421] Ibid, pp. 309-310.

[1422] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[1423] Cf Table 5 (p. 87).

[1424] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[1425] Cf Dpa, St Joseph’s Home, Malta: Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione.

[1426] Cf ibid.

[1427] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1112.

[1428] Ibid, p. 1082.

[1429]Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1430] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[1431] Ibid, p. 1082.

[1432] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 204-205.

[1433] Ibid, p. 310.

[1434] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[1435] Ibid, p. 1082.

[1436] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1437] Ibid, p. 310.

[1438] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[1439] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1440] Ibid, p. 310.

[1441] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[1442] Dp, The1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[1443] Ibid, p. 310.

[1444] Dp, The 1988-19992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[1445] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1446] Ibid, p. 310.

[1447] Cf ibid.

[1448] Cf ibid.

[1449] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies,  p. 205.

[1450] Ibid, p. 204.

[1451] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[1452] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1453] Ibid, p. 204.

[1454] Ibid, p. 204.

[1455] Ibid, p. 310.

[1456] Ibid.

[1457] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[1458] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[1459] Ibid, p. 310.

[1460] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[1461] Cf CIC (1917) 1329-1334.

[1462] Cf pp. 238-239 of this thesis.

[1463] Cf CIC (1917) 1334.

[1464] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[1465] Ibid.

[1466] Ibid.

[1467] Ibid.

[1468] Ibid.

[1469] Ibid.

[1470] Ibid.

[1471] Ibid.

[1472] Ibid.

[1473] Cf AAS 16 [1918], p. 133.

[1474] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 12.

[1475] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 14.

[1476] Ibid, p. 22.

[1477] Ibid, p. 22a.

[1478] Ibid.

[1479] Ibid, p. 25.

[1480] Ibid, p. 42.

[1481] Ibid, p. 83.

[1482] Ibid, p. 84.

[1483] Ibid, p. 103.

[1484] Ibid, p. 145.

[1485] Ibid, p. 129. The third part was presented to Archbishop Caruana on 9 December 1925 (Cf ibid, p. 167).

[1486] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text, Fascicolo I, p. 3.

[1487] Ibid, pp. 13-15.

[1488] Ibid, p. 13.

[1489] Ibid.

[1490] Ibid.

[1491] Ibid.

[1492] Ibid, pp. 13-14.

[1493] Cf p. 241 of this thesis.

[1494] Cf pp. 244 - 244, 250 -254 of this thesis.

[1495] Cf DPA, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 59-101.

[1496] Cf RML, Ms 747 (Libro in cui si scrivono i Confratelli e Consorelle della Ven. Conf. Della Dottrina Cristiana… Birchircara).

[1497] Cf E. B. Vella, Storja ta’ B’Kara. Malta, 1934. p. 271.

[1498] Cf pp. 235-239 of this thesis.

[1499] Cf Ph. Xuereb, L-Oratorju u Lilhinn Minnu. Unpublished Manuscript, I, p. 7.

[1500] The information of this table was mainly acquired from the unpublished research of Philip Xuereb, L-Oratorju u Lilhinn Minnu. Unpublished Manuscript, I, p. 8 – III, p. 12.

[1501] Ibid, II, pp. 3-7.

[1502] Cf pp. 186 - 187 of this thesis.

[1503] Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 81, 87-88. Cf also pp. 186 - 187 of this thesis.

[1504] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 227

[1505] Cf DPA, Oratory Photo Album, n. 23.

[1506] Cf ibid, n. 25.

[1507] Cf ibid, n. 26.

[1508] Cf  Apendix 4 (p.535).

[1509] Cf Diocesi di Malta, Annuario della Diocesi di Malta, 1933, p. 130.

[1510] Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 87-88.

[1511]Ibid, p. 47. Cf also pp. 48-49, 50-51.

[1512] Cf p. 79 of this thesis.

[1513] The list of places is only in an alphabetical order.

Cf L. Attard, Early Maltese Emigration, The Great Exodus, Malta 1989. Idem, The Safety Valve, Malta 1997. Cf also idem, L-Emigrazzjoni Maltija fis-Sekli Dsatax u Ghoxrin, Malta 1999.

[1514] Cf pp. 188 -194 of this thesis.

[1515] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1931, pp. 304-312.

[1516] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 33.

[1517] Cf ibid, 1929, p. 229; 1930, p. 293.

[1518] Cf ibid, p. 246.

[1519] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 33, 51-52; 1929, pp. 229-230.

[1520] Cf ibid, p. 33, 56; 1924, p. 79; 1929, p. 230; 1931, p. 321.

[1521] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 24a.

[1522] Ibid, p. 26.

[1523][1523] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 161-163.

[1524] Cf L. Attard, L-Emigrazzjoni Maltija fis-Seklu Dsatax u Ghoxrin, p. 67.

[1525] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 39.

[1526] Cf ibid, p. 44.

[1527] Ibid, pp. 44-45.

[1528] Ibid, p. 46.

[1529] Cf ibid, pp. 61-66.

[1530] Cf Acts 27, 1 – 28, 11.

[1531] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, pp. 51-52.

[1532] Ibid.

[1533] Ibid, 1931, p. 304.

[1534] Ibid, pp. 306-308.

[1535] Ibid, p. 308.

[1536] Cf p. 22 of this thesis.

[1537] Cf p. 61 of this thesis.

[1538] Cf pp.  PAGEREF spiritualdirector \h 61, 342 of this thesis.

[1539] Cf p. 61 of this thesis.

[1540] Cf p. 62 of this thesis.

[1541] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 6.

[1542] Cf p. 63 of this thesis.

[1543] Cf pp. 64, 65, of this thesis

[1544] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[1545] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[1546] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 12.

[1547] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[1548] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[1549] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 5.

[1550] Ibid, p. 7.

[1551] Ibid.

[1552] Ibid, p. 9.

[1553] Ibid, p. 13.

[1554] Ibid, p. 15.

[1555] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[1556] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 22.

[1557] Ibid, p. 25.

[1558] Ibid, p. 48.

[1559] Dpa, Djarju, pp. 4, 5, 7, 8.

[1560] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 29.

[1561] Ibid, p. 30.

[1562] Ibid, p. 29.

[1563] Ibid, p. 31.

[1564] Ibid, p. 31.

[1565] Ibid, p. 33.

[1566] Ibid, p. 37.

[1567] Ibid, p. 38.

[1568] Cf pp. 261- 262 of this thesis.

[1569] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 46-49.

[1570] Ibid, p. 46.

[1571] Cf ibid, pp. 61-66.

[1572] Ibid, p. 84.

[1573] Ibid, pp. 95-96.

[1574] Cf ibid, pp. 110, 111.

[1575] Ibid, p. 103.

[1576] Ibid, p. 105.

[1577] Ibid, p. 110.

[1578] Ibid, p. 111.

[1579] Ibid, p. 112.

[1580] Ibid, p. 116.

[1581] Ibid, p. 118.

[1582] Ibid, p. 120.

[1583] Ibid, p. 122.

[1584] Ibid, p. 121.

[1585] Cf ibid, p. 123.

[1586] Ibid, p. 124.

[1587] Ibid, p. 125.

[1588] Ibid, p. 126.

[1589] Ibid, p. 129.

[1590] Ibid.

[1591] Dpa, Scritti di Mons. G. De Piro, vol. I, p. 1.

[1592] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, p. 51.

[1593] Ibid, p. 56.

[1594] Cf L. Attard, The Great Exodus (1918-1939), p. 112.

[1595] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1930, pp. 266-267.

[1596] Three tables show the missionary initiatives (1) in various parts of the world (2) in Italy in particular and (3) at the Vatican.  Attempts were also made to find out whether there was any missionary initiative both at the Capranica College and at the Gregorian University.  As regards the former, the answer was always negative. In relation to the Gregorian University I myself met Fr Jesus Lopez Gay sj, lecturer and also ex dean of the Faculty of Missiology at the University, and the impression I got from him was that there was not any such movement during De Piro’s stay. Only that in 1929 Fr Monnens Sj had two missiology lectures a week.  It was only after this that there came into existence the Faculty of Missiology (Cf also Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, Unione Missionaria del Clero, Rome 1934).

[1597] Cf A., Mulders, Missionsgeschichte, Regensburg 1960, p. 361.

Cf also E. Louvet, Le Missions Catholiques au XIX siecle, Lille 1898, p. 412; L. Ballarin, L’Anima Missionaria di Guido Maria Conforti, Parma 1962, p. 18.

[1598] Cf F., Schwager, Die Katholische Heidenmission der Gegenwart in Zusammenhang mit ihrer grossen Vergangenheit, vol. 1: Das heimatliche Missionswesen, Steyl 1908, p. 25. J. Schmidlin, Manuale di Storia delle Missioni Cattoliche, translated by G.B.Tragella, vol. II, Milan 1928, p. 162. Lino Ballarin, L’Anima Missionaria di Guido Maria Conforti, Parma 1962, p. 17

[1599] Cf E., Schmid, Alle origini della missione dell’Africa Centrale, Rome 1971, p. 37.

[1600] Cf C., Bona, Eredi di una tradizione missionaria (A talk delivered to the Commissione Regionale per la cooperazione fra le Chiese di Liguria – Piemonte – Valle d’Aosta – Sardegna (18 June 1987).

[1601] Since De Piro lived between 1877 and 1933, this table makes reference only to those institutes which had been founded during the 19 or the first years of the 20 centuries.

[1602] In this table reference is only made to male institutes.  Most of these institutes had the missionary work as their first apostolate.  When not primarily missionary, they at least had work in territories dependent on Propaganda Fide (cf The Vatican Annuario Pontificio 1934 and the Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, 1934). 

[1603] These were the sources for the information contained in this Table: the Annuario Pontificio, Vatican City 1933; the Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, Unione Missionaria del Clero, Rome 1934; New Catholic Encyclopedia, 15 vols, New York 1967; Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, ed., by Guerrino Pelliccia and Giancarlo Rocca, 10 vols, Rome 1974-2003; Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide: Memoria rerum, 350 anni al servizio delle missioni (1815-1972), III/1, III/2, ed., by J., Metzler, Rom-Freiburg-Wein 1973-1976; Ballarin Lino, L’Anima Missionaria di Guido Maria Conforti, Parma 1962; Tragella Giovanni B., Le Missioni estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, 3 vols, Milan 1950; Schmidlin J., Manuale di storia delle missioni cattoliche, Milan 1927; Garcia Villoslada R., Los historiadores de las misiones.  Origen y desarrollo de la historiografia misional, Bilbao 1956; Dalle Missioni alle Chiese locali (1846-1965), ed., by J. metzler, in Storia della Chiesa (fondata da A. Fliche –V. Martin), Milan, 1990; Dalacroix S., Histoire universelle des missions catholiques.  III, Les Missions contemporaines (1800-1957), Paris 1958; Montalban F.X., Manual de Historia de las Misiones, Pamplona 1952; Bona C., La rinascita missionaria in italia.  Dalle “Amicizie” cristiane all’Opera della Propagazione della Fede, Turin 1964; Latourette K.S., A History of the Expansion of Christianity, 7 vols., New York 1937-1945; Saldanha J., Patterns of Evangelisation in Mission History, Bombay 1988; Comby J., Duemila anni di evangelizzazzion.  Storia dell’espansione cristiana, Turin 1994; Masson J., Les missions au premier Concile du Vatican, in Eglise Vivante IV/1 (1962) 38-47; P. Mondreganes, Las misiones en las actas dl Concilio Vaticano, in Eunte Docete 1(1948).

[1604] It has been important to have  a look at the missionary movement in Italy because of the influence this country has always had on Malta and the Maltese in whatever aspect.  Also, De Piro has spent four years studying in Rome (1898-1902).

[1605]G.B. Tragella, Le Missioni Estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, vol 1, Milan 1950, pp. 10-11.  Cf also Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, ed., by Guerrino Pelliccia and Giancarlo Rocca, vol VII, Rome 1983, pp. 2034-2035.

[1606] G.B. Tragella, Le Missioni Estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, vol 1, Milan 1950, p. 11. 

[1607] Ibid, p. 12. 

 

[1608] These were the sources for the information contained in this Table: the Annuario Pontificio, Vatican City 1933; the Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, Unione Missionaria del Clero, Rome 1934; the Annuario Missionario Italiano, Unione missionaria del clero in Italia, Rome 1932; Beltrami S., L’Opera della Propagazione della fede in Italia, Rome 1961; New Catholic Encyclopedia, 15 vols, New York 1967; Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, ed., by Guerrino Pelliccia and Giancarlo Rocca, 10 vols, Rome 1974-2003; Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide: Memoria Rerum, vol III/1 (1815-1972), Vatican City 1972; Ballarin Lino, L’Anima Missionaria di Guido Maria Conforti, Parma 1962; Tragella Giovanni B., Le Missioni estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, 3 vols, Milan 1950.

 

[1609] Information contained in this Table has been acquired from: the Annuario Pontificio, Vatican City 1933; the Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, Unione Missionaria del Clero, Rome 1934; New Catholic Encyclopedia, 15 vols, New York 1967; Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide: Memoria rerum, 350 anni al servizio delle missioni (1815-1972), III/1, III/2, ed., by J., Metzler, Rom-Freiburg-Wein 1973-1976; Tragella Giovanni B., Le Missioni estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, 3 vols, Milan 1950.

[1610] Cf B. Arens, Handbuch der Catholischen Missionen, Freiburg im B. IX. 1925, pp. 327-328.

[1611] Cf Annuario Missionario Italiano, 1932, pp. 177-178.

[1612] Cf UMCI, Annuario Missionario Italiano, 1932, pp. 173-176. G.B. Tragella, Le Missioni Estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, vol. 1, Milan 1950, p. 8.

Henrion, Storia Universale delle Missioni Cattoliche dal sec. XIII ai tempi nostri, translated in Italian, 2 vols, Turin 1846. P. Wittman, La gloria della Chiesa nelle sue Missioni dall’epoca dello scisma nella fede, translated in Italian, 2 vols, Milan 1842-1843. T.W. Marshall, Le missioni Cattoliche, translated into Italian by L. de Vaziers, 3 vols, Naples 1868. Cf also Lettere Edificanti, 18 vols, 1825-1829. Rho, La fecondità della Chiesa romana proposta all’eterodosso nelle missioni indiane, Brescia 1818.

[1613] Cf UMCI, Annuario Missionario Italiano, 1932, pp. 173-176.

cf also C. Bona, Il Servo di Dio, Giuseppe Allamano e un secolo di movimento missionario in Piemonte, Turin 1960, p. 6. M; lodovici, Il movimento missionario in Italia nel sec. XIX, unpublished doctoral thesis, Sacred Heart University, Milan 1952, pp. 46-49.

[1614] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 171.

[1615] Cf ibid.

[1616] Cf A. Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, vol. II, Malta 1938, p. 201.

[1617] Cf ibid.

[1618] Cf A. Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, vol. II, pp. 201-205; L. A. Grasso, Alphonse Maria Galea, pp. 140-143; Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, pp. 171-173; J. Bezzina, L-Istorja tal-Knisja f’Malta, Malta 2002, pp. 225-227.

[1619] Cf La Diocesi di Malta, Annuario della Diocesi di Malta. Year 1 – 1933, pp. 82-89.

[1620] Cf ibid.

[1621] Cf ibid.

[1622] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 172.

[1623] Cf A. Mifsud, Bishop Annetto Casolani, in Heritage, Part 26, August 1979, p. 506.

[1624] Cf E. Schmid, Alle origini Della Missione Dell’Africa Centrale, pp. 48-49.

[1625] Ibid.

[1626] Cf Archives of Propaganda Fide (APF), Scritture originali riferite nelle Congregazioni Generali, vol. 968, pp. 27-78.

[1627] Cf E. Schmid, Alle origini Della Missione Dell’Africa Centrale, pp. 53-54.

[1628] Ibid.

[1629] Cf A. Mifsud, Bishop Annetto Casolani, in Heritage, Part 26, August 1979, p. 507.

[1630] Cf E. Schmid, Alle origini Della Missione Dell’Africa Centrale, pp. 53-58.

[1631] Cf Sacra Congregatio pro Causis Sanctorum (SCCS), Danielis Comboni, Positio Super VirtutibusInformatio, p. 104.

[1632] Cf ibid.

[1633] APF, Decree of erection of the Vicariate, , Lettere, Decreti, Biglietti, v. 333, ff. 286-287. Brief in Jus Pont. V, p. 361, n. CCLXVIII.

Cf E. Schmid, L’Erezione del vicariato apostolico dell’Africa Centrale (1846), in Euntes Docete XXII (1969) pp. 99-127, XXIII (1970) pp. 87-110; M. Storme, Origine du vicariat apostolique de l’Afrique Centrale, in NeueZeitshrift für Missionswissenschaft, Schoneck (1952), pp. 105-118; E. Toniolo, La Missione Cattolica dell’Africa Centrale e i missionari italiani, Roma 1956 (Extract from Italia in Africa, vol. 1).

[1634] Cf A. Mifsud, Bishop Annetto Casolani, in Heritage, Part 26, August 1979, p. 507. 

In fact Ryllo is considered as the founder of the mission of Central Africa. Born in Podozosco, Poland, in 31 December 1802, he joined the Jesuits in 1820 and became priest in 1833. He was in various countries of the Middle East (1836-1843).  In 1844 he was chosen as rector of the Propaganda College, Rome, and in 1847 Provicar of the Mission of Central Africa. He died there on 17 June 1848.

[1635] Cf A. Mifsud, Bishop Annetto Casolani, in Heritage, Part 26, August 1979, p. 507.

[1636] Cf ibid, pp. 506-508. Cf also Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, pp. 230-231.

[1637] Cf A. Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, vol. II, pp. 206-207.

[1638] This information was mainly acquired from A. Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, vol. II, pp. 60-224. Here are included those missionaries who had been in the missions for some time and then returned to Malta. Also, here are included those countries known during those years as missionary by Propaganda Fide. It would have been useful to split each class of missionaries and put down the individual names of the missionaries, with the place where they served. It was only the lack of time that kept me back from doing this.

[1639] Pp. 65-66.

[1640] J. DE Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1926, p. 152.

[1641] Cf ibid, pp. 143-144; 1927, pp. 183-184; 1929, pp. 240-242; 1930, pp. 256-258.

[1642] Cf ibid, 1925, pp. 128-129; 1926, pp. 136, 151-152, 153; 1927, pp. 164-166, 183-184; 1928, pp. 191, 203-209, 441; 1929, p. 250; 1930, pp. 256-258; 1931, p. 303.

[1643] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 22; 1927, p. 180; 1928, pp. 209, 213-214, 221; 1929, pp. 221-227; 229-230, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 269-270, 272-274, 286, 293; 1931, pp. 320, 321, 324-325, 332-333, 342; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372; 1933, p. 438.

[1644] Ibid, 1927, p. 183.

[1645] Cf ibid, 1930, p. 288.

[1646] Ibid.

[1647] Ibid, 1925, p. 128.

[1648] Ibid, 1928, p. 199.

[1649] Ibid, p. 199.

[1650] Cf  Ibid, p. 213.

[1651] Ibid, p. 197.

[1652] Ibid, p. 213.

[1653] Ibid, 1925, pp. 128-129.

[1654] Ibid, 1928, p. 199.

[1655] Ibid.

[1656] Ibid.

[1657] Ibid, 1925, p. 129.

[1658] Ibid, 1926, p. 151.

[1659] Ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1928, p. 207; 1931, p. 332; 1933, p. 436.

[1660] Ibid, 1926, p. 152.

[1661] Ibid, 1924, p. 28; 1926, pp. 151,152; 1929, p. 249; 1930, p. 288; 1933, p. 436.

[1662] Ibid, 1928, p. 207.

[1663] Ibid, 1925, p. 129; 1933, p. 436.

[1664] Ibid, 1933, pp. 435-436.

[1665] Ibid, 1927, p. 184.

[1666] Ibid, 1929, pp. 240-242.

[1667] Ibid, 1931, pp. 332-333.

[1668] Ibid, p. 332.

[1669] Ibid, 1929, pp. 240-242.

[1670] Ibid, p. 242.

[1671] Ibid, 1932, p. 376.

[1672] Ibid, p. 392.

[1673] A Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, pp. 65-66.

[1674] Cf p. 267 of this thesis.

[1675] Cf p. 267 of this thesis.

[1676] Cf p. 272- 272 of this thesis.

[1677] Cf pp. 231, 275, of this thesis.

[1678] Cf p. 266 of this thesis.

[1679] Cf  ibid

[1680] Cf p. 268 of this thesis.

[1681] Cf p. 269 of this thesis.

[1682] Cf p. 271 of this thesis.

[1683] Cf p. 272 of this thesis.

[1684] Cf p. 273 of this thesis.

[1685] Cf p.  PAGEREF migrants20 \h 262 of this thesis.

[1686] Cf p. 272 of this thesis.

[1687] Cf ibid.

[1688] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 116.

[1689] Cf ibid, pp. 29, 37, 43, 57, 121.

[1690] Ibid, p. 31.

[1691] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo 1, p. 3.

[1692] Ibid, p. 4.

[1693] Ibid, p. 16.

[1694] J. De Piro, St Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions,1928, p. 188.

[1695] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Monsinjur G. De Piro, p. 1.

[1696] Ibid.

[1697] Ibid.

[1698] Ibid.

[1699] Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[1700] Ibid.

[1701] Cf The cover pages of St Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, from 1926 onwards.

[1702] Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[1703] Ibid.

[1704] Cf ibid, vol. III, Mixxellanea, pp. 2-3.

[1705] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[1706] Ibid, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 3-4.

[1707] Ibid, p. 3.

[1708] Ibid, p. 4.

[1709] Cf ibid.

[1710] Cf ibid, vol. III. Mixxellanea, pp. 4-5.

[1711] Cf ibid, pp. 5-6.

[1712] Cf ibid, vol. IV. Mixxellanea, p. 4.

[1713] Ibid, vol. III. Mixxellanea, p. 7.

[1714] Cf ibid, vol. I. Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 8ff.

[1715] Ibid, p. 62.

[1716] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 195.

[1717] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. I. Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 8.

[1718] Cf ibid, vol. III. Ohrajn lil Monsinjur De Piro. p. 11.

[1719] Ibid.

[1720] Cf J. DE Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 195; 1929 pp. 236-237; 1930 p. 274; 1931 pp. 323, 338; 1932 pp. 371-372; 1933 p. 438.

[1721] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 195. Cf also Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. III. Ohrajn lill-Fundatur, p. 17.

[1722] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1828, p. 195; 1929, pp. 236-237; 1930 p. 274; 1931 pp. 323, 338; 1932 pp. 371-372; 1933, p. 438.

[1723] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. IV. Mixxellanea, p. 5.

[1724] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Monsinjur G De Piro, pp. 8-9.

[1725] Cf ibid, pp. 90-91.

[1726] Ibid, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 6-7.

[1727] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G De Piro, pp. 20-21.

[1728] Cf ibid, pp. 21-43.

[1729] Cf ibid, pp. 40-41.

[1730] Ibid, p. 41.

[1731] Cf ibid, pp. 44-53.

[1732] Ibid, p. 51.

[1733] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 27-33.  Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1930, pp. 260-264.

[1734] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 53-55.

[1735] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 62-64.

[1736] Cf ibid, p. 63.

[1737] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 57.

[1738] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 108. Cf also ibid, vol, I. Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 63.

[1739] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 70-74.

[1740] Cf ibid.

[1741] Cf ibid, pp. 74-76.

[1742] Cf ibid, p. 110.

[1743] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 69.

[1744] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 83-84.

[1745] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 69, 70.

[1746] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 114-115. Cf also ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 71-72.

[1747] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 116.

[1748] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 73-74.

[1749] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 65a.

[1750] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[1751] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[1752] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro,   pp. 117-118.

[1753] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 75.

[1754] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1934, p. 455.

[1755] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 15-23.

[1756] Ibid, p. 15.

[1757] Ibid, p. 3.

[1758] Ibid, p. 15.

[1759] Ibid, p. 15.

[1760] Ibid, p. 15.

[1761] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[1762] Cf ibid, pp. 21-22.

[1763] Ibid, p. 15.

[1764] Ibid, p. 16.

[1765] Cf 1922, p. 22; 1927, p. 180; 1928, pp. 209, 213-214, 221; 1929, pp. 221-227; 229-230, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 269-270, 272-274, 286, 293; 1931, pp. 321, 324-325, 332-333, 342; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372; 1933, p. 438.

[1766] Ps 127: 1.

Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text, Facsicolo I, p. 3; Fascicolo II, p. 3; Fascicolo III, p. 5.

[1767] Ibid, Facsicolo I, p. 16.

[1768] Ibid, pp. 15-16.

[1769] Ibid, p. 16.

[1770] Ibid, p. 16.

[1771] Cf ibid.

[1772] Ibid.

[1773] Ibid.

[1774] Ibid.

[1775] Ibid.

[1776] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 22.

[1777] Cf Dpa, Guzeppi Zaghzugh. Dpa, Università ta’ Malta. Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxelanea, pp. 1, 2-3. the collection of drawings that is still well preserved in the De Piro Archives, at St Agatha’s , Rabat, Malta (Cf Dpa, Sketches). cf also pp.  PAGEREF drawing \h 10-  PAGEREF drawing2 \h 11 of this thesis.

[1778] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, pp. 3h-3l. Cf also p.  PAGEREF militia \h 9 of this thesis.

[1779] Cf footnote 13 of chapter 1 of this thesis.

[1780] Cf Dpa, Family tree of the De Piro family, still found in the De Piro Archives.

[1781] Once I myself had an informal meeting with Jerome De Piro – D’Amico – Inguanez, the eight baron of Budaq, and he tried to explain to me in what consisted the property of the De Piro family. I concluded that it involved a lot of immobile property and thousands of thousands of Maltese liri. Cf also The Gozo Testimonies, p. 21.

[1782] At the time of Joseph De Piro the nobility had an important role in the civil administration of Malta. Cf Frendo, Henry, Storja ta’ Malta, Zmien l-Inglizi – Is-Seklu Dsatax, Malta 2004, pp. 242-246.

[1783] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2, n12. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF priest \h 11-  PAGEREF priest1 \h 11 of this thesis.

[1784] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, pp. 5-6.

[1785] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.  Cf also pp.  PAGEREF accademia9 \h 17-  PAGEREF accademia10 \h 20 of this thesis.

[1786] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1. Cf also p.  PAGEREF bonnici \h 17 of this thesis.

[1787] Cf ibid.

[1788] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1. Cf also p.  PAGEREF bugeja \h 63 of this thesis.

[1789] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2. Cf also p.  PAGEREF vassallo \h 18 of this thesis.

[1790] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[1791] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1; Dpa Korrispondenza, Vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[1792] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF accademia11 \h 17-  PAGEREF accademia12 \h 20 of this thesis.

[1793] Cf ibid.

[1794] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 2, 3.  Cf also Dpa, Vokazzjoni. pp. 2-4. Cf also p.  PAGEREF accademia16 \h 20 of this thesis.

[1795] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p.  PAGEREF accademia17 \h 20 of this thesis.

[1796] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p.  PAGEREF davos \h 21-  PAGEREF davos2 \h 22 of this thesis.

[1797] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p.  PAGEREF davos3 \h 22 of this thesis.

[1798] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p.  PAGEREF qrendi5 \h 22-  PAGEREF qrendi6 \h 24 of this thesis.

[1799] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[1800] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[1801] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF nazareth5 \h 53-  PAGEREF nazareth6 \h 53 of this thesis.

[1802] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a. Cf also p.  PAGEREF joseph \h 54 of this thesis.

[1803] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 8-11. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF gozo \h 54-  PAGEREF gozo1 \h 56 of this thesis.

[1804] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, pp. 1, 33. Cf also p.  PAGEREF babies \h 56 of this thesis.

[1805] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, p. 45, n. 20. Cf also p.  PAGEREF kara \h 56 of this thesis.

[1806] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 47-57.

[1807] Cf ibid, pp. 47-57.

[1808] Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[1809] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF nazareth5 \h 53-  PAGEREF nazareth8 \h 53 of this thesis.

[1810] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[1811] Cf ibid, p. 5.

[1812] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[1813] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 25.

[1814] Cf ibid, p. 141.

[1815] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 3.

[1816] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara,  p. 10.

[1817]Cf ibid,  p. 11.

[1818] Ibid,  pp. 12-13.

[1819] Cf ibid,   p. 34.

[1820] Cf ibid, p. 28. Cf also p.  PAGEREF casolani \h 58 of this thesis.

[1821] Ibid, p. 28.

[1822] Cf ibid, pp. 35-38.

[1823] Cf ibid.

[1824] Ibid, p. 88.

[1825] Ibid, p. 41.

[1826] Ibid, p. 48.

[1827] ibid, p. 50.

[1828] Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 30.

[1829] Ibid, p. 36.

[1830] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1058.

[1831] Cf ibid, p. 1005.

[1832] Cf ibid, p. 1023.

[1833] Cf ibid, p. 207.

[1834] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[1835] Cf ibid, pp. 1-2.

[1836] Ibid, p. 3.

[1837] Ibid, p. 6.

[1838] Ibid.

[1839] Cf pp.  PAGEREF ap \h 537 -  PAGEREF ap1 \h 543 of this thesis.

[1840] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 31.

[1841] Cf Appendix 5, pp.  PAGEREF ap2 \h 537 -  PAGEREF ap3 \h 543

[1842] Cf ibid.

[1843] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. I, pp. 20, 49, 77, 92, 131, 133, 134, 140, 145, 146 (four times), 149, 150, 151, 153, 160 (three times); vol. 1I, pp. 167, 174, 195, 206, 207 (bis), 222, 227 (four times), 251, 254; vol. III, pp. 294, 380, 386, 389, 390, 398 (bis), 419.

[1844] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 1, 4. Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. I, pp. 132, 134-135, 141, 149, 150 (bis), 153 (bis), 154, vol. III, p. 394.

[1845] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. I,  pp. 77, 92-96, 114-116. Vol. II, p. 251.

[1846] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 127, 131, 132 (bis), 133, 134-135,

140, 141, 149, 150 (bis), 153 (bis), 154, 160-161.

[1847] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1924, p. 88; 1928, p. 207

[1848] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 207.

[1849] Cf ibid, 1926, p. 152.

[1850] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1925, p. 129; 1929, p. 249; 1926, pp. 151, 152; 1930, p. 288; 1933, p. 436 (bis).

[1851] Cf . p. 33 of this thesis.

[1852] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, pp. 64-72.

[1853] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 65-66

[1854] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11.  P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

[1855] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 247, 253, 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1087, 1090, 1112. Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 34, 54.

[1856] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 256; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 26.

[1857] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 294. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1011, 1093, 1111, 1112, 1125.

[1858] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 74.

[1859] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo . 27 November 1929. p. 27b.

[1860] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 248, 250, 256, 284-285. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28-30, 75.

[1861] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 27b. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 250.

[1862] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24b-28a. Cf also The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256

[1863] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24b-28a.

[1864] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 9, 11.

[1865] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[1866] Cf ibid, pp. 7, 8, 9, 11, 12.

[1867] Cf ibid, p. 12. Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 7, 16-17, 31-32, 33-34, 67-68, 100, 101. 

[1868] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols.

[1869] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5-6, 32, 227, 232, 235, 243, 247, 253, 256. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1003, 1024-1026, 1087, 1090, 1112. Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 34, 54.

[1870] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 190; Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 17, 19, 34, 37, 47, 49, 55, 100, 101, 112, 114, 121.

[1871] Cf p.  PAGEREF laboratory \h 57 of this thesis.

[1872] Cf pp.  PAGEREF parliament \h 178-  PAGEREF parliament1 \h 179 of this thesis.

[1873] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 34, 35, 78-79, 80-81. Cf aslo pp.  PAGEREF oldgirls1 \h 95 - PAGEREF oldgirls2 \h 97 of this thesis.

[1874] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[1875] Cf ibid, p. 991. Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof Li Habbu Kulhadd, Malta 1982, p. 203. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF sette \h 44 -  PAGEREF sette1 \h 45,  PAGEREF sette2 \h 199-  PAGEREF sette3 \h 208 of this thesis.

[1876] Cf pp.  PAGEREF sette4 \h 208- PAGEREF sette5 \h 210 of this thesis.

[1877] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 189. Cf also p.  PAGEREF morti3 \h 45 of this thesis.

[1878] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols.

[1879] Cf Dp, The 1988-992 Testimonies, p. 1068.

[1880] Cf ibid, p. 1082.

[1881] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024; Dpa, St Joseph’s Home, Malta: Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione, pp. 1ff.

[1882] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[1883] Cf ibid, p. 227. Cf also the photoes attached to p.  PAGEREF ph \h 257 .

[1884] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, pp. 51-52.

[1885] Cf ibid, 1931, p. 304.

[1886] Cf ibid, 1923, pp. 51, 56; 1930, pp. 266-267.

[1887] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 24a, 26, 44-45, 46, 61-66.

[1888] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1068.

[1889] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a20 \h 537- PAGEREF a21 \h 543 of this thesis).

[1890] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 110; vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 69; vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[1891] Cf ibid, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[1892]Cf p. 216 of this thesis.

[1893] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. 1I, pp. 174, 207, 222, 227. Vol. III, p. 419.

[1894] Cf ibid, vol. II, p. 227.

[1895] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 20, 92. Vol. II, pp. 206, 207. Vol. III, p. 398.

[1896] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 146.

[1897] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 398.

[1898] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 160.

[1899] Cf ibid, p. 160.

[1900] Cf ibid, p. 146.

[1901] Cf ibid.

[1902] Cf ibid, p. 145.

[1903] Cf ibid, vol. II, p. 227.

[1904] Cf ibid, p. 227.

[1905] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 77.

[1906] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 389.

[1907] Cf ibid, vol. 1, p. 77.

[1908] Cf ibid.

[1909] Cf ibid.

[1910] Cf ibid.

[1911]Cf ibid, p. 78.

[1912] Cf ibid.

[1913] Cf ibid, p. 79.

[1914] Cf ibid, p. 94.

[1915] Cf ibid, p. 108.

[1916] Cf ibid, p. 109.

[1917] Cf ibid.

[1918] Cf ibid, p. 111.

[1919] Cf ibid, p. 112.

[1920] Cf ibid, p. 114.

[1921] Cf ibid, p. 92.

[1922] Cf ibid, p. 93.

[1923] Cf ibid, p. 94.

[1924] Cf ibid, p. 95.

[1925] Cf ibid, p. 115.

[1926] Cf ibid, p. 116.

[1927] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF accademia18 \h 17-  PAGEREF accademia20 \h 18 of this thesis.

[1928] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF accademia21 \h 18- PAGEREF accademia24 \h 19 of this thesis.

[1929] The first one he did in order to decide about his vocation.

[1930] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF accademia25 \h 18 -  PAGEREF accademia26 \h 19 of this thesis.

[1931] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4.

[1932] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[1933] Ibid, p. 3.

[1934] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4.

[1935] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[1936] Cf ibid, pp. 3-9.

[1937] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF fradiegu5 \h 51 -  PAGEREF fradiegu6 \h 52 of this thesis.

[1938] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12. Cf also p.  PAGEREF diegu \h 51 -  PAGEREF diegu1 \h 52 of this thesis.

[1939] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesu Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[1940] Cf ibid.

[1941] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[1942] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 12ff.

[1943] Cf ibid, pp. 13-20.

[1944] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24b-28a.

[1945] Ibid, p. 24b.

[1946] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1078.

[1947] Ibid, p. 919.

[1948] Cf Dpa Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[1949] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 7-9.

[1950] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p.975.

[1951] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 36, 69, 75.

[1952] Cf Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesù - Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, pp. 2-8.

[1953] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27. Cf also ibid, 1924-1925, n. 71, M. Guzeppina Curmi – Caruana, 28 December 1924. Dpa, Institut Gesù Nazzarenu –Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68, iii. Ibid, p. 68, viii-68 xxviii. Ibid, p. 68, xi-68xiii.

[1954] Cf E. Bonnici Mons. Kan. Prof. F. Bonnici, Malta 1955, p. 21. Cf also Idem, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, Malta 1933, pp. 7-8.

[1955] Cf S. Muscat, Xi Haga mill-Kronaka tal-Kumpanija, p. 57. Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 56-101. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 114-121.  Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 449, 453-454, 1062. Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 19. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 242-244, 246-248, 252-254, 255-259. Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3-5, 14, 27, 32, 52, 54, 57, 59.

[1956] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, Malta 1923, p. 9.

[1957] Cf ibid, pp. 19-27.

[1958] Cf ibid, pp. 28-37.

[1959] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 72-80. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF sette6 \h 44 - PAGEREF sette7 \h 45 of this thesis.

[1960] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also p.  PAGEREF sette8 \h 43 of this thesis.

[1961] Cf Malta Government, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 9-14.

[1962] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also p.  PAGEREF sette9 \h 44 of this thesis.

[1963] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also p.  PAGEREF sette10 \h 44 of this thesis.

[1964] Cf pp.  PAGEREF sette12 \h 44,  PAGEREF sette13 \h 45,  PAGEREF sette14 \h 201-  PAGEREF sette15 \h 208 of this thesis.

[1965] Cf pp.  PAGEREF catechism8 \h 243- PAGEREF catechism9 \h 244,  PAGEREF catechism10 \h 250-  PAGEREF catechism11 \h 252,  PAGEREF catechism12 \h 256-  PAGEREF catechism13 \h 258 of this thesis.

[1966] Cf pp.  PAGEREF catechism14 \h 253-  PAGEREF catechism15 \h 254 of this thesis.

[1967] Cf Dpa, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[1968] Cf Ph. Xuereb, L-Oratorju u Lilhinn Minnu (Unpublished Manuscript), VIII, pp. 4-10.

[1969] Cf pp.  PAGEREF catechism16 \h 258-  PAGEREF catechism17 \h 259 of this thesis.

[1970] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a22 \h 537- PAGEREF a23 \h 543 of this thesis).

[1971] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 24a, 26, 44-45, 46, 61-66. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF catechism24 \h 260-  PAGEREF migrants20 \h 262 of this thesis.

[1972] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a24 \h 537- PAGEREF a25 \h 543 of this thesis).

[1973] Cf pp.  PAGEREF missions1 \h 232-  PAGEREF missions2 \h 235 of this thesis.

[1974] Cf pp.  PAGEREF missions3 \h 300-  PAGEREF missions4 \h 300,  PAGEREF missions5 \h 302-  PAGEREF missions6 \h 303 of this thesis.

[1975] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 3b. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF guzepp \h 303-  PAGEREF guzepp1 \h 306 of this thesis.

[1976] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 221-227.

[1977] Unfortunately the many letters written by De Piro to Br Joseph Caruana did not reach us. We can conclude that the Founder did write many letters to Cauana from the many others the latter wrote to the Servant of God (cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 1ff.

[1978] Cf pp.  PAGEREF guzepp2 \h 308-  PAGEREF guzepp3 \h 309 of this thesis.

[1979] Cf p.  PAGEREF guzepp4 \h 235 of this thesis.

[1980] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p.  PAGEREF davos6 \h 22 of this thesis.

[1981] Cf p.  PAGEREF r1 \h 329 of this thesis.

[1982] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 3-4.

De Piro wished to talk to Vssallo even about the foundation of the Society, but this same foundation was to happen at St Joseph’s, Malta, where the Servant of God wished to live with Vassallo (cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2).

[1983] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 3-4.

[1984] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 4.

[1985] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[1986]Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[1987] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 8.

[1988] Cf ibid, pp. 8-9, 11.

[1989] Ibid, p. 11.

[1990] Cf Personal files, nos. 1, 2. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 6.

[1991] Dpa, Djarju, p. 6.

[1992] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 10.

[1993] Cf CIC (1917) 580, 582, 594. Cf also S. Woywood, A Practical Commenatary on the Code of Canon Law. vol. I, p. 246, n. 504. 

[1994] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 54.

[1995] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 13-15.

[1996] Ibid, p. 14.

[1997] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 11.

[1998] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, pp. 9-10, art. 10.

[1999] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 116.

[2000] Cf ibid, p. 118.

[2001] Cf Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof li Habbu Kulhadd, p. 201.

[2002] Cf ibid, p. 454.

[2003] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 252.

[2004] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 18, n. 19.

[2005] Cf ibid, p. 15, n. 6.

[2006] Cf pp.  PAGEREF sette17 \h 44 of this thesis.

[2007] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15, n. 6.

[2008] Ibid, p. 15, n. 6.

[2009] Cf Ibid, p. 18, n. 18

[2010] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 2-3.

[2011] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12. Cf pp.  PAGEREF diegu2 \h 51-  PAGEREF diegu3 \h 52 of this thesis.

[2012] Cf Appendix 4 (cf pp.  PAGEREF c2 \h 535- PAGEREF c3 \h 536 of this thesis

[2013] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 16.

[2014] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 9b, 10-11.

[2015] Cf ibid, p. 4, nos. 1, 4, 5, 6.

[2016] Cf ibid, pp. 9c, 15-16, 19-20.

[2017] Cf ibid, pp. 9c, 15-16, 19-20.

[2018] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 2.

[2019] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2020] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2021] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 1, 4.

[2022] Cf ibid, pp. 1, 4.

[2023] Cf ibid, pp. 1, 4, 13.

[2024] Cf ibid, pp. 10-12.

[2025] Cf ibid, pp. 13-14.

[2026] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, Malta 1975, p. 276.

[2027] On 18 November 1932 and 21 February 1933.

[2028] Cf Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3 Parliament (PDS3), 21 February 1932, p. 495.

[2029] Cf ibid, pp. 495-496.

[2030] Cf ibid, p. 496.

[2031] Cf ibid, p. 496.

[2032] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a26 \h 537- PAGEREF a27 \h 543 of this thesis).

[2033] Cf Appendix 5 (cf pp.  PAGEREF a28 \h 537- PAGEREF a29 \h 543 of this thesis).

[2034] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[2035] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 9.

[2036] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 240.

[2037] Ibid.

[2038] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 11.  Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 12-15d, 23. Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 25, 28-31, 33-38, 39-40, 41-54.

[2039] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[2040] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’Paula, p. 38a; E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn Fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 7-8, 8-9.

[2041] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 6; S. Muscat, Xi Haga mill-Kronaka tal-Kumpanija, p. 57. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 451, 457, 745.

[2042] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 14, 115, 275, 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 450-451a, 451, 457, 463-464, 745, 922; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 257.

[2043] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 807.

[2044] Cf ibid, p. 1012.

[2045] Cf ibid, p. 1098.

[2046] Cf ibid, pp. 983, 1003.

[2047] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13.

[2048] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 6.

[2049] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 41- 42, 53, 68, 88.

[2050] Cf ibid, pp. 35-38. The 1987 Testimonies, p. 235.

[2051] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[2052] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[2053] Cf ibid, pp. 5-6.

[2054] Cf ibid, pp. 2, 4, 5, 7, 8.

[2055] Cf ibid, pp. 7, 8, 9, 12.

[2056] Cf ibid, pp. 9, 11, 12

[2057] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[2058] Cf ibid, pp. 3, 9-11.

[2059] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 47-49, 52-53, 54-55, 56, 71, 73.

[2060] Cf ibid, pp. 7, 8, 14, 15, 16-17, 22, 23, 24, 31-32, 33-34, 67-68, 100, 101 

[2061] Cf ibid, pp. 78, 81, 82, 83-86, 91, 97, 98, 108, 

[2062] Cf ibid, pp. 9, 13, 25 ,

[2063] Cf ibid, pp. 37-38, 74, 76, 99, 103-104, 121, 124-125, 126, 129, 134, 141, 142, 145, 167-168,

[2064] Cf ibid, pp. 29, 30, 40-43, 58, 59, 60, 95-96, 105, 107, 110, 111, 112, 122, 123, 127, 130, 131, 132, 137-138, 143, 146, 147, 148-149, 150, 154, 155, 156, 157, 160, 161, 162-163, 164, 166, 169, 170-171

[2065] Cf ibid, p. 119

[2066] Cf ibid, pp. 17, 92; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 171, 174, 180, 236. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 147, 152, 244, 245, 968, 1013.

[2067] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 70, 71, 72; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 294, 296. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 9, 17, 19.

[2068] Cf Archivum Provinciale S. Augustini, Vallettae, Acta Provincialia, 2 November 1923, p324. Cf also Archivum Provinciale S. Augustini, Vallettae, Registro per le Circolari, Ubidienze, Testimoniali, Dimissoriali, Brevi Celebratorie, 1901-1940, pp. 346-347.

[2069] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 69; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testrimonies, p. 1013. J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 22

[2070] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 46; Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[2071] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 80.

[2072] Cf ibid, p. 151; J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 24; 1923, pp. 58, 69; 1924, p. 82; 1926, pp. 149, 153, 156; 1928, pp. 190, 193, 197, 199-200, 204, 207, 214; 1929, p. 230, 237, 242, 244; 1930, pp. 252, 258, 260-264, 274; 1930, pp. 284, 286, 289; 1931, pp. 312, 319, 323, 333, 334, 336,

339-340; 1932, pp. 385, 394, 441, 442.

[2073] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1000.

[2074] Cf ibid, p. 1133.

[2075] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[2076] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[2077] Cf ibid, pp. 2-3.

[2078] Cf ibid.

[2079] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[2080] Cf ibid.

[2081] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 3

[2082] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[2083] Cf ibid.

[2084] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 8.

[2085] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[2086] Cf ibid, pp. 12, 13.

[2087] Cf ibid , pp. 15-16.

[2088] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2089] Cf ibid , pp. 9-18.

[2090] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20.

[2091] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[2092] Cf ibid, pp. 3-9, 11-12.

[2093] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[2094] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[2095] Cf ibid.

[2096] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[2097] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[2098] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis). Cf also Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 2a-b, 11a.

[2099] Cf for example The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 968.

[2100] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[2101] Cf ibid, pp. 10-13.

[2102] Cf ibid, pp. 12-13.

[2103] Cf ibid, p. 14.

[2104] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1012.

[2105] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 2a.

[2106] Ibid, p. 25a.

[2107] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1031.

[2108] Ibid, p. 1004.

[2109] Cf Dpa, Apprezzamenti u Ringrazzjamenti lilu, pp. 15-18, 21-23.

[2110] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20. Cf also The 1987 Tesimonies. p. 236.

[2111] Cf Dpa, Apprezzamenti u Ringrazzjamenti lilu, pp. 4-14.  cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 919-920.

[2112] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 28, 236.

[2113] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 26a.

[2114] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 13.

[2115] Cf Dpa, Testment sigriet, p. 9.

[2116] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 67, 68.

[2117] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 25b.

[2118] Cf Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 9.

[2119] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[2120] Cf ibid.

[2121] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67.

[2122] Cf ibid, p. 65.

[2123] The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1046.

[2124] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula. pp. 67-68.

[2125] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 31.

[2126] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 250.

[2127] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 25b-26a.

[2128] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922. Front cover. 1923. Front cover. 1924. Front cover. 1925. Front cover. 1926. Front cover. 1927. Front cover. 1929. Back cover. 1931. Front and back cover. 1932. Front and back cover. 1933. Front and back cover.

[2129] Cf ibid, 1929, pp. 20, 23; 1930. pp. 4, 6, 22; 1932, p. 43; 1933, p. 24.

[2130] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1056.

[2131] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68.

[2132] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 25b.

[2133] Cf ibid, p. 25b.

[2134] Ibid, p. 25b.

[2135] Cf ibid, pp. 27a-28a.

[2136] Cf ibid, p. 28a.

[2137] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 15d, 23. Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 29, 34, 35.

[2138] Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68.

[2139] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 1.

[2140] Cf ibid, p. 1, n. 2.

[2141] Cf ibid, pp. 1-2.

[2142] Ibid, p. 1, n. 5.

[2143] Cf pp.  PAGEREF incarnation1 \h 216,  PAGEREF incarnation2 \h 335 of this thesis.

[2144] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 77-121. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF euchar \h 217-  PAGEREF euchar1 \h 219,  PAGEREF euchar2 \h 336-  PAGEREF euchar3 \h 337 of this thesis.

[2145] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 127-164.

[2146] Cf ibid, pp. 127-164.

[2147] Cf ibid, vol. II, pp. 174-175; vol. III, pp. 342, 343, 369, 370, 371.

[2148] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1924, pp. 90-91.

[2149] Ibid, p. 90.

[2150] Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[2151] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42.

[2152] Ibid, pp. 52, 84.

[2153] Ibid, pp. 16, 85.

[2154] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1036.

[2155] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 3, Fascicolo II, p3, Fascicolo III, p. 5.

[2156] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[2157] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 67-68. Cf also Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi, Fundatrici tal-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, Malta 1963, pp. 35-40.

[2158] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p, 4, n. 2.

[2159] Ibid, p. 16.

[2160] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20.

[2161] Cf ibid, pp. 39-40.

[2162] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 240, 244, 257-258.

[2163] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 780.

[2164] Ibid, p. 805.

[2165] Ibid, pp. 745-746.

[2166] Cf ibid, pp. 443, 805.

[2167] Dp, The GozoTestimonies, p. 42.

[2168] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1043.

[2169] Ibid, p. 1044.

[2170] Ibid, p. 1053.

[2171] Cf ibid, p. 1055.

[2172] Ibid, p. 1057.

[2173] Ibid, p. 1078.

[2174] Cf Al. Bonnici, Mons. Guzeppi De Piro, vol. II, p. 47.

[2175] Cf ibid, vol. II, p. 47.

[2176] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[2177] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024

[2178] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026.

[2179] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2180] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2181] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 173-174.

[2182] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7.

[2183] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1024, 1060, 1099.

[2184] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi, Fundatrici tal-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, p. 23.

[2185] Cf AAM, 1933, n. 20. De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27.

[2186] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu. Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 68i – 68xxxiii

[2187] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 22-23, 24-26, 27-33. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 199-235, 911-947, 1078-1081.

[2188] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 10-13. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF usa3 \h 133,  PAGEREF usa2 \h 352 of this thesis.

[2189] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p, 14. Cf also p.  PAGEREF usa4 \h 133 of this thesis.

[2190] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 48. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF babies3 \h 56,  PAGEREF babies1 \h 134, of this thesis.

[2191] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[2192] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 105

[2193] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 63, 116, 118.

[2194] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2195] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7

[2196] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 16, 25, 43, 45, 50, 55, 56, 60, 61, 99, 105, 107.  Cf also p.  PAGEREF old \h 179 of this thesis.

[2197] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 34, 35, 78-79, 80-81.

[2198] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1031-1032.

[2199] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 1.

[2200] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[2201] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[2202] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[2203] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2204] Cf Al. Bonnici, Mgr Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, Malta 1988, pp. 264-266.

[2205] Cf Parliamentary Debates. 3 Parliament. 21 February 1933. pp. 495-498.

[2206] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993. Cf also p.  PAGEREF extra \h 135 of this thesis.

[2207] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, p. 109. Cf also p.  PAGEREF attard \h 198 of this thesis.

[2208] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 5.

[2209] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 20.

[2210] Cf ibid, p. 20. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF mons \h 27-  PAGEREF mons1 \h 29 of this thesis.

[2211] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 25.  Cf also pp.  PAGEREF dean \h 35-  PAGEREF dean2 \h 36 of this thesis.

[2212] Cf Appendix or chart

[2213] MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9. Cf also p.  PAGEREF national \h 43 of this thesis.

[2214] Cf Reports of the Commission appointed to inquire into the Events of the 7 and 8 June 1919,a nd into the circumstances which led up to these events, 18 and 19 September 1919, Malta, Government Printing Office, 1919, p. 6. PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11.  P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

[2215] Ibid.

[2216] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF sette18 \h 44-  PAGEREF sette22 \h 45 of this thesis.

[2217] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF sette23 \h 201-  PAGEREF sette24 \h 208 of this thesis.

[2218] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 189.

[2219] Cf R. Farrugia Randon, Sir Filippo Sceberras: His Life and Times, p. 114. Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated  by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 297.

[2220] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[2221] Cf Table 5 (Cf p.  PAGEREF t1 \h 87 of this thesis).

[2222] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024. Cf also DpaEsami Conferme e Prima Comunione. pp. 1ff

[2223] Cf pp.  PAGEREF cat \h 258-  PAGEREF cat1 \h 259,  PAGEREF cat2 \h 247-  PAGEREF cat3 \h 254, of this thesis.

[2224] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 309-310.

[2225] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[2226] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 310.

[2227] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 51-101.

[2228] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[2229] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 51-101.

[2230] Ibid, p. 204.

[2231] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 310.

[2232] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 51-101.

[2233] Cf ibid, pp. 75, 78, 79, 84, 88, 89, 94, 98, 99, 100.

[2234] Cf ibid, pp. 76, 79, 84, 89, 95. 

[2235] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[2236] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[2237] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1068.

[2238] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[2239] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14, 83.

[2240] Cf ibid, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256.

[2241] Cf Dpa, Monsinjur u Dekan, p. 8.

[2242] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2243] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 5-6.

[2244] Cf ibid, pp. 80-89.

[2245] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1068.

[2246] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[2247] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[2248] Cf Dpa, Istitu ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 2, 3-7.

[2249] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 7-8

[2250] Cf ibid, pp. 8-9.

[2251] Cf Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp1ff; vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 1-6, 7-89, 96-107, 108-119.

[2252] Cf Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp3-4. Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 221-227. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF miss \h 232-  PAGEREF miss1 \h 235 of this thesis.

[2253] Cf Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 8; vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. De Piro, pp11, 17; vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 5. Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 195; 1929 pp. 236-237; 1930 p. 274; 1931 pp. 323, 338; 1932 pp. 371-372; 1933 p. 438.

[2254] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 1. cf also pp.  PAGEREF l \h 57,  PAGEREF l1 \h 173- PAGEREF l2 \h 176 of this thesis.

[2255] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 13a.

[2256] Cf ibid, pp. 11a, 12b.

[2257] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 276.

[2258] Cf Appendix 4 (cf pp.  PAGEREF a32 \h 535- PAGEREF a33 \h 536 of this thesis).

[2259] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256.

[2260] Cf p.  PAGEREF alm \h 229 of this thesis.

[2261] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922. p. 3; 1923. pp. 2-3, 50, 51-52, 56; 1927, pp. 168-170; 1929, pp. 229-230; 1931, pp. 304-312. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF alm1 \h 230-  PAGEREF alm2 \h 232 of this thesis.

[2262] Cf pp.  PAGEREF alm3 \h 232-  PAGEREF alm4 \h 234 of this thesis.

[2263] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922. p. 3; 1923. pp. 2-3, 50, 51-52, 56; 1927, pp. 168-170; 1929, pp. 229-230; 1931, pp. 304-312.

[2264] Cf ibid, 1930, pp. 266-267.

[2265] Cf ibid, 1923. p. 33.

[2266] Cf ibid, 1922, pp. 12, 14, 20, 22; 1923, pp. 36, 44-45, 51, 54, 68; 1924, pp. 79, 82, 91; 1925, pp. 111, 123-125, 128-129, back cover; 1926, pp. 136, 143-144, 156, back cover; 1927, pp. 164-166, 168-170, 172, 174; 180, 183-184; 1928, pp. 190-191, 193, 197, 203-204, 207, 209, 211, 213-214; 1929, pp. 221-227, 232, 233, 230-242, 244, 246, 249-250; 1930, front cover, pp. 256-258, 260-264, 267, 267 (note), 269-270, 272-274, 273 (photo), 276, 277, 280-281, 283-284, 286, 288-290; 1931, front cover, pp. 300, 304-312, 314, 318, 320, 321, 323, 324-325, 330 (note), 332, 333, 335-336, 338, 339-340, 344; 1932, pp. 361, 364-365, 367-368, 370-372, 374-375, 376, 378, 379-380, 384-385, 387, 389-390, 392, 394, 395; 1933, pp. 407-420, 421, 423, 427, 429-430, 434, 438, 440- 441, 442.

[2267] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 799

[2268] Dpa, Fra Diegu. p12. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF diegu4 \h 51-  PAGEREF diegu5 \h 52 of this thesis.

[2269] Dpa, Fra Diegu. p12. Cf also p.  PAGEREF diegu6 \h 90 of this thesis.

[2270] Dpa, Fra Diegu. p12. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF diegu7 \h 90 of this thesis.

[2271] Cf Malta. 19 April 1927. p. 2.

[2272] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 14-20.

[2273] Cf The Gozo Testimonies, p. 29.

[2274] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a34 \h 537- PAGEREF a35 \h 543 of this thesis).

[2275] Cf ibid.

[2276] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 98–100, 110-111.

[2277] Cf ibid, pp. 110-111.

[2278] Cf ibid, pp. 105, 111-112, 116-117, 118, 120, 123.

[2279] Cf ibidr, p. 126. For De Piro’s perseverance in relation to the Society’s foundation and first years, cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 43.

[2280] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 43.

[2281] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 9-14.

[2282] Cf Reports of the Commission appointed to inquire into the Events of the 7 and 8 June 1919, and into the circumstances which led up to these events, 18 and 19 September 1919, Malta, Government Printing Office, 1919, p. 6. PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11.  P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

[2283] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF sette25 \h 44,  PAGEREF sette26 \h 201- PAGEREF sette27 \h 208 of this thesis.

[2284] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF sette29 \h 200 - PAGEREF sette28 \h 208 of this thesis.

[2285] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 991; Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof Li Habbu Kulhadd, p. 203. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF sette30 \h 208-  PAGEREF sette31 \h 209 of this thesis.

[2286] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 43, 87.

[2287] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a38 \h 537- PAGEREF a37 \h 543of this thesis).

[2288] The first three Houses were in Mdina. The first House was in St Roque Street. Then they went to part of Xara Palace, in St Paul’s Street. Lastly they found a House in Celsi Street, today’s Mesquita Street. The celebration of St Agatha’s foundation stone was on 3 October 1932. The first part of this House was opened and blessed on 30 June 1933.

[2289] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 968, 987, 1057, 1062.

[2290] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1020-1021.

[2291] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 29-30.

[2292] Cf ibid, p. 29.

[2293] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 984.

[2294] Cf ibid, p. 1098.

[2295] Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67.

[2296] Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 8.

[2297] Cf ibid, p. 22.

[2298] Cf ibid , p. 22.

[2299] Ibid , p. 4, n. 2.

[2300] Ibid , p. 16.

[2301] ibid, p. 43.

[2302] Dpa, Laboratorio Sacro Cuore di Gesù: Cassa, p. 1.

[2303] Ibid, pp. 1, 3, 4.

[2304] Cf Dpa, Registro della Dispensa, p. 1. In this petty cash book there were recorded the cooking income and expenditure of the first members for the years 1921 up to 1925.

[2305] Cf Dpa, Spesa Giornaliera della Piccola Casa di San Paolo, p. 1. This cash book includes the petty income and expenditure of the first nine years of the Society’s community.

[2306] Cf Dpa, Libro Cassa, p. 1. Here one finds the petty income and expenditure of the first members for the years 1923 up to 1941.

[2307] Cf Dpa, Educandato Santa Maria, Oratorio, B’Cara – Registro Primo, pp. 1, 3.

[2308] Cf Dpa, Borsa di studio affidata alla Vergine Maria Assunta, pp. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.

[2309] Cf Dpa, Procura, Missione d’Abissinia - Libro Cassa presso l’Economo Generale, pp. 1, 4, 5. Here one finds the income and expenditure related to the Society’s mission in Abyssinia, for the years 1927 up to 1951. It is interesting to say that after 1933, and therefore after the death of the Founder, the members did not write these expressions any more.

[2310] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 13.

[2311] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2312] Cf ibid, p. 17.

[2313] Cf ibid, p. 23.

[2314] Cf ibid, p. 42.

[2315] Cf ibid, p. 46.

[2316] Cf ibid, p. 83.

[2317] Cf ibid, p. 84.

[2318] Cf ibid.

[2319] Cf ibid.

[2320] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascilo I, p. 1; Fascicolo II, p. 3; Fascicolo III, p. 5.

[2321] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1933, pp. 409-420.

[2322] Cf ibid, pp. 409-410.

[2323] Cf ibid, p. 412.

[2324] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1040.

[2325] Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[2326] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1059.

[2327] Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 3-4.

[2328] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1133.

[2329] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-Familjari, p. 14.

[2330] Cf Dpa, Istitut San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 19.

[2331] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp284-285. Cf also ibid, pp248, 250, 256. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28, 29, 30, 75.

[2332] Dpa, Istitut San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 23.

[2333] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , 27 November 1929. p. 26b.

[2334] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 258.

[2335] Cf ibid.

[2336] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , 27 November 1929. p. 26b.

[2337] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 29.

[2338] Cf ibid, p. 85.

[2339] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 26b.

[2340] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzrenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67.

[2341] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 3-4.

[2342] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[2343] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[2344] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.   PAGEREF a39 \h 537- PAGEREF a40 \h 543 of this thesis).

[2345] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 31, 110, 116.

[2346] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p6. Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 25; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 3.

[2347] Cf Dpa, Istitut San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 8-9, 9a.

[2348] Cf ibid, pp. 9b, 10-11.

[2349] Cf ibid, pp. 9c, 10-11.

[2350] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 1-2.

[2351] At least since the foundation of the Society in 1910.

[2352] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 1-6.

[2353] Cf ibid, pp. 7-89.

[2354] Cf ibid, pp. 96-107.

[2355] Cf ibid, pp. 108-119.

[2356] Cf ibid, pp. 90-95.

[2357] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 1ff.

[2358] Cf Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 110. Cf also vol. I. Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 69; vol. IV. Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[2359] DpaFra Diegu. p. 29.

[2360] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1026.

[2361] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzrenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 1ff

[2362] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 995.

[2363] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 29.

[2364] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1088.

[2365] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67.

[2366] Cf ibid.

[2367] Cf Dpa, Djarju. p. 2.

[2368] Dpa, Vokazzjoni. p. 4

[2369] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[2370] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1098.

[2371] Cf ibid, p. 1096.

[2372] Cf ibid, pp. 1082, 1090.

[2373] Cf ibid, p. 1089.

[2374] Cf ibid, p. 1089.

[2375] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[2376] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[2377] Cf ibid, p. 207.

[2378] Cf ibid, p. 1042

[2379] Dp ibid, p. 1082

[2380] Cf ibid, pp. 1089, 1090.

[2381] Cf pp.  PAGEREF sette32 \h 201-  PAGEREF sette33 \h 208 of this thesis.

[2382] The Editor, Giubileo Sacerdotale, in Il Malta, 19 April 1927, p. 2.

[2383] Cf p. 335 of this thesis.

[2384] Cf pp. 336-337 of this thesis.

[2385] PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[2386] PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[2387] Cf pp.  PAGEREF sw \h 203,  PAGEREF sw1 \h 207 of this thesis.

[2388] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 85.

[2389] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu. p. 12.

[2390] Cf The Editor, Giubileo Sacerdotale, in Il Malta. 19 April 1927, p. 2

[2391] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[2392] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[2393] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975.

[2394] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 69, 75.

[2395] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975. Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 69, 75.

[2396] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a42 \h 537- PAGEREF a41 \h 543 of this thesis).

[2397] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 105.

[2398] Cf ibid, pp. 95-96.

[2399] Cf ibid, pp. 110, 111

[2400] Cf ibid.  p. 110.

[2401] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 43, 87.

[2402] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp73, 86; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 297

[2403] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 298.

[2404] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 8, 9, 11, 12.

[2405] Cf pp.  PAGEREF sj \h 111-  PAGEREF sj1 \h 111 of this thesis.

[2406] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1008.

[2407] Cf ibid, p. 1008.

[2408] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 968, 987, 1057 1062.

[2409] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992Testimonies, p. 968.

[2410] Ibid, p. 968.

[2411] Cf ibid, pp. 1058-1059

[2412] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 10-12.

[2413] Cf Dpa, pp. 13-14.

[2414] PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[2415] Ibid.

[2416] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 990-991.

[2417] Cf ibid, p. 991.

[2418] Cf pp.  PAGEREF s5 \h 203,  PAGEREF s6 \h 207  of this thesis.

[2419] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[2420] Cf Dpa, Djarju. p. 2. Cf also Dpa, Vokazzjoni. pp. 2-4. Cf also pp. PAGEREF ac2 \h 17 - PAGEREF ac3 \h 20 of this thesis.

[2421] Cf Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2, n. 2.

[2422] Cf ibid, p. 3, n. 3.

[2423] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 8.

[2424] Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. III, p. 343.

[2425] Ibid p. 371.

[2426] Ibid p. 183.

[2427] Ibidp. 174.

[2428] Cf Appendix 2 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF p2 \h 526- PAGEREF p3 \h 529 of this thesis).

[2429] Cf ibid.

[2430] Cf ibid.

[2431] Cf ibid.

[2432] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5; p. 2, n. 2; p. 3, n. 3; p. 4, nos. 3, 4.

[2433] As regards the House for Babies at Santa Venera, Malta, and the St Francis de Paul Home, B’Kara, Malta, there are hardly any documents. Also, it was not possible for me to meet and interview persons who had been in any way in contact with the two Houses. Because of this the material about De Piro and these institutions is rare. This is the reason why in this section about Monsignor’s holistic attitude there are no references to these same Homes.

[2434] Dpa, Apprezzamenti u Ringrazzjamenti, p. 14.

[2435] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 794-795.

[2436] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 14-20. Cf also p.  PAGEREF rep1 \h 35 of this thesis.

[2437] Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 15-16, n. 7.

[2438] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[2439] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[2440] Cf ibid., p. 310.

[2441] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928. p. 195.

[2442] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[2443] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118-119. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 462.

[2444] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118-119. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 462.

[2445] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276.

[2446] Cf ibid, pp. 275-276.

[2447] Cf ibid, pp. 14, 282-283.

[2448] Cf ibid, pp. 253, 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 34, 39, 56

[2449] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276.

[2450] Cf ibid.

[2451] Cf ibid.

[2452] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara,  p. 34. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF orat \h 184-  PAGEREF orat1 \h 184 of this thesis.

[2453] Cf pp.  PAGEREF orat2 \h 75-  PAGEREF orat3 \h 85 of this thesis.

[2454] The situation seemed to be bad even some two years before the writing of the report by De Piro. In fact on 5 November 1918, the Archbishop of Malta published an appeal to all the parishpriests and religious of Malta asking them to collect money for the Seminary of the Archdiocese (Cf La Diocesi di Malta, La Diocesi: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiastico di Malta, n. 4 (5 November 1918), p. 108.

[2455] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 18, n. 19.

[2456] Cf ibid, p. 15, n. 6.

[2457] Cf pp.  PAGEREF sette34 \h 199-  PAGEREF sette35 \h 208 of this thesis.

[2458] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15, n. 6.

[2459] ibid, p. 15, n. 6.

[2460] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 18

[2461] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 69.

[2462] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256.

[2463] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 238

[2464] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 180, 236, 295

[2465] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 56

[2466] Ibid.

[2467] Ibid.

[2468] Ibid.

[2469] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, p. 236.

[2470] Ibid.

[2471] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[2472] Cf ibid .

[2473] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118-119, 275.

[2474] Cf ibid, pp. 119, 275.

[2475] Cf ibid, p. 119.

[2476] Cf ibid. 

[2477] Cf ibid, pp. 243, 253; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 58.

[2478] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 39.

[2479] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 36, 58.

[2480] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 58.

[2481] Cf ibid, pp. 12, 58.

[2482] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1027.

[2483] Cf pp.  PAGEREF orat4 \h 325,  PAGEREF orat5 \h 390 of this thesis.

[2484] Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara,  p. 34

[2485] Ibid.

[2486] Cf pp.  PAGEREF money1 \h 188- PAGEREF money2 \h 190 of this thesis.

[2487] Cf DP, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 985-986, 1098, 1119, 1113, 1114.

[2488] Cf ibid, p. 238

[2489] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 180, 236, 295

[2490] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, p. 52

[2491] Cf ibid, pp. 52-53.

[2492] Ibid, p. 53

[2493] Ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 25-26.

[2494] Ibid, p. 25

[2495] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, p. 42

[2496] Cf p.  PAGEREF lab1 \h 392 of this thesis.

[2497] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institue of the Missions, 1929, p. 236

[2498] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[2499] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 794.

[2500] Ibid, pp. 794-795.

[2501] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 12.

[2502] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 56.

[2503] Ibid, p. 57.

[2504] Ibid, p. 58.

[2505] Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, p. 39

[2506] Ibid, pp. 39-40.

[2507] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 224.

[2508] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276, 282-283.

[2509] Cf ibid, p. 276.

[2510] Cf ibid, p. 276.

[2511] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 40.

[2512] Cf ibid, p. 40.

[2513] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 224.

[2514] Cf ibid, p. 1108.

[2515] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256.

[2516] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 57.

[2517] Ibid.

[2518] Ibid, p. 58.

[2519] Ibid, pp. 53-54.

[2520] Ibid, p. 53.

[2521] Ibid.

[2522] Ibid, Fascicolo II, pp. 27-28.

[2523] Ibid, p. 27.

[2524] Ibid.

[2525] Ibid, p. 28.

[2526] Ibid.

[2527] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, pp. 33-34.

[2528] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, p. 236.

[2529] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 193.

[2530] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[2531] Cf AAM, Suppliche, 1925, p. 47. Cf also Anon, Hajja ta’ Guzeppina Curmi, Fundatrici tal-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, p. 37. Cf also Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF build \h 99 of this thesis.

[2532] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 39-40, 45, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 59. Cf also p.  PAGEREF build1 \h 165 of this thesis.

[2533] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 13, 14, 42, 54, 84, 103. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 73, 180, 297, 298-299. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 23, 25, 246.

[2534] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the time of the Founder, p. 84.

[2535] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 247

[2536] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 180, 236, 295

[2537] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1933, pp. 407-420.

[2538] Cf ibid, 1934, pp. 462-464.

[2539] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 16, 25, 43, 45, 50, 55, 56, 60, 61, 99, 105, 107. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF don1 \h 191-  PAGEREF don2 \h 191 of ths thesis.

[2540] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu. pp. 34, 35, 78-79, 80-81.

[2541] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[2542] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1055

[2543] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 63, 116, 118.

[2544] Cf A. Scicluan Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno 1919. Cf also p.  PAGEREF cash \h 45 of this thesis.

[2545] Cf A. Scicluan Sorge, I Moti Maltesei del 7-9 Giugno 1919. Cf also P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno. p. 189. Cf also p.  PAGEREF morti4 \h 45 of this thesis.

[2546] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993. Cf also p.  PAGEREF extra \h 135,  PAGEREF extra1 \h 198,  PAGEREF extra2 \h 363 of this thesis.

[2547] Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 12.

[2548] Cf ibid.

[2549] Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1.

[2550] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 81, 83, 85, 89, 92, 93, 95, 97, 98, 103, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 114, 119, 121, 122.

[2551] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p.323. Cf also p.  PAGEREF xuereb \h 189 of this thesis.

[2552] Cf pp.  PAGEREF gudia \h 36-  PAGEREF gudia1 \h 37 of this thesis.

[2553] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1010. Cf also p.  PAGEREF gudia4 \h 190 of this thesis.

[2554] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 12, 13; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[2555] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1040, 1055, 1063.

[2556] Cf pp. PAGEREF char \h 188-  PAGEREF char1 \h 194 of this thesis.

[2557] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 57

[2558] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 48-64.

[2559] Cf ibid, pp. 40-48.

[2560] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11.  P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

Cf pp.  PAGEREF sette37 \h 201-  PAGEREF sette38 \h 208 of this thesis.

[2561] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11.  P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

Cf pp.  PAGEREF sette39 \h 201-  PAGEREF sette41 \h 208 of this thesis

[2562] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6-7; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 210.

[2563] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[2564] Cf ibid, pp. 116-118.

[2565] Cf ibid.

[2566] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 8. 

[2567] Cf ibid, p. 43.

[2568] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6-7.

[2569] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[2570] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[2571] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[2572] Cf ibid, p. 28; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 921.

[2573] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 116-118.

[2574] Cf ibid.

[2575] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 116-118; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 469.

[2576] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[2577] Cf ibid, pp. 116-118, 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 471-472, 746.

[2578] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 116-118.

[2579] Cf ibid, p. 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[2580] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 780.

[2581] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara,  p. 87.

[2582] Cf ibid.

[2583] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 58b.

[2584] Cf ibid.

[2585] Which was infact started in October 1932.

[2586] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 19, n. 25.

[2587] Cf ibid.

[2588] Cf ibid.

[2589] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 180, 236, 294. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies,

p. 163.

[2590] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 236. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 245.

[2591] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71.

[2592] Cf ibid, pp. 287, 294, 295.

[2593] Cf ibid, p. 296.

[2594] Cf ibid, p. 287. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 149

[2595] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 179-180, 288, 296. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 245

Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, 3 July 1930, p. 46a.

[2596] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, 3 July 1930, p. 46a.

[2597] Cf. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies,  pp. 176, 296. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 253

[2598] Today, 11 October 2005, I asked Fr Mario Scerri mssp whether he had ever heard any of the first members of the Society saying anything about the Society’s House in Ghajnsielem Gozo. He immediately told me that Frs Joseph Spiteri, Augustine Grech, Augustine Azzopardi and the others used to say that it was the Founder who hired this House for the summer holidays of the members. Scerri also told me that these members used to say that whenever they were in that House and the Servant of God visited St Joseph’s Institute, he would stay in the House together with the members. Scerri himself remembers seeing the Founder’s umbrellas in the Ghajnsielem House.

[2599] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 26-27.

[2600] Cf ibid, p. 26

[2601] Cf ibid.

[2602] Cf ibid.

[2603] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 32-33.

[2604] Ibid, 1929-1930, p. 32.

[2605] Ibid, p. 33.

[2606] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 13.

[2607] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[2608] Cf ibid, p. 8. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1031-1032.

[2609] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 1, 2, 4, 10, 11, 12, 13. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF lab2 \h 173-  PAGEREF lab3 \h 176 of this thesis.

[2610] Cf Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3 Parliament, 21 February 1932, pp. 495-496.

Cf also pp.  PAGEREF par \h 191-  PAGEREF par1 \h 191 of this thesis.

[2611] Cf Dpa, Testment sigriet, p. 4. Cf also p.  PAGEREF will \h 179 of this thesis.

[2612] Cf pp.  PAGEREF alm5 \h 229-  PAGEREF alm6 \h 235 of this thesis.

[2613] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9.

[2614] Cf ibid. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF ass6 \h 43-  PAGEREF ass7 \h 44 of this chapter.

[2615] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 28-37.

[2616] Cf ibid, pp. 109-227.

[2617] Cf ibid.

[2618] Cf The Government of Malta, The Constitution of A Responsible Government for Malta, 1921. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF ass8 \h 43-  PAGEREF ass9 \h 44of this thesis.

[2619] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2620] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[2621] Cf ibid.

[2622] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 794-795.

[2623] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 115.

[2624] Cf ibid.

[2625] Cf ibid.

[2626] Cf ibid.

[2627] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 115, 276, 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2628] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposito della Compagnia di San Paolo, 27 November 1929, p. 28a; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 32, 68, 75, 91.

[2629] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p115; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 467-464.

[2630] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[2631] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 464.

[2632] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[2633] Cf ibid, pp. 14, 115, 275, 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2634] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 257.

[2635] Cf ibid.

[2636] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 464.

[2637] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2638] Cf ibid.

[2639] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[2640] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) . p. 57

[2641] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[2642] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451.

[2643] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2644] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2645] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2646] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2647] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 16, n. 9.

[2648] Cf ibid, p. 15, n. 4.

[2649] Cf ibid, pp. 16-17, n. 10.

[2650] Cf ibid, p. 19, n. 26.

[2651] Cf ibid.

[2652] Cf ibid, p. 20, n. 27.

[2653] Cf ibid, p. 20, n. 28.

[2654] Cf ibid, pp. 16-17, n. 10.

[2655] Cf ibid, p. 17, n. 11.

[2656] Cf ibid.

[2657] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 298 . Cf aslo Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 18, 19, 163

[2658] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 160, 238

[2659] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 180, 236, 294

[2660] Cf Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, p. 17; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 171, 174, 180, 236. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 147, 152, 244, 245, 1013.

[2661] Cf Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, pp. 70, 71, 72. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 294, 296. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 9, 17, 19

[2662] Cf Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, pp. 70, 71, 72. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 71, 296; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 17

[2663] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 71.

[2664] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 968

[2665] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2666] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[2667] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 12; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 443, 450-451a

[2668] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 12; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 443, 450-451a

[2669] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 450-451a

[2670] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 29..

[2671] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 42.

[2672] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 240,243, 247, 253, 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 8, 9, 11, 41, 42, 59, 60; Dpa, Istitut San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 38.

[2673] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 10, 42, 61.

[2674] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2675] Cf ibid.

[2676] Cf ibid, p. 28.

[2677] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2678] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2679] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[2680] Cf ibid, pp. 450-451a.

[2681] Cf ibid, pp. 450-451a.

[2682] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, 27 Novembre 1929, pp. 24-28a. 

[2683] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 42.

[2684] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 235, 237. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1990 Testimonies, pp. 1013, 1015.

[2685] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1013, 1015

[2686] Cf ibid, pp. 17, 1015.

[2687] Cf ibid, p. 451a.

[2688] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 118. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2689] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 244, 247, 253, 258.

[2690] Cf ibid, p. 118.

[2691] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2692] Cf ibid.

[2693] Cf ibid.

[2694] Cf ibid.

[2695] Cf ibid.

[2696] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 247, 258; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 14, 32, 46.

[2697] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2698] Cf ibid.

[2699] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 118. 

[2700] Cf ibid. 

[2701] Cf ibid.

[2702] Cf ibid.

[2703] Cf DP, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2704] Cf ibid, p. 454.

[2705] Cf ibid.

[2706] Cf ibid.

[2707] Cf ibid, p. 118.   

[2708] Cf ibid.

[2709] Cf Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp (1928-2003), p. 36.

[2710] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1026.

[2711] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 29-30, 36-37.

[2712] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 794-795.

[2713] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 59-101.

[2714] Cf ibid , p. 91.

[2715] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15 n. 7.

[2716] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, Cf also Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) ; Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara.

[2717] Cf especially Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, the Personal Files of the members, and the various financial records of the Society.

[2718] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 795.

[2719] Cf ibid, p. 1055.

[2720] Cf ibid, p. 795.

[2721] Cf ibid.

[2722] Cf ibid.

[2723] Cf ibid, p. 1044.

[2724] Cf ibid.

[2725] Cf ibid, pp. 1053, 1057.

[2726] Cf ibid, p. 1078.

[2727] Cf ibid, p. 1057.

[2728] Cf ibid, p. 1055.

[2729] Cf ibid, pp. 1053, 1057.

[2730] Cf ibid, p. 283.

[2731] Cf ibid, pp. 1055, 1078.

[2732] Cf ibid, p. 1055.

[2733] Cf ibid, pp. 1053, 1057.

[2734] Cf ibid, p. 1044.

[2735] Cf ibid, pp. 1044, 1057.

[2736] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 15-16, n. 7.

[2737] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 19.

[2738] Cf ibid.

[2739] Cf ibid.

[2740] Cf ibid, p. 19, n. 25.

[2741] Cf ibid.

[2742] Cf ibid.

[2743] Cf ibid, p. 19, n. 23.

[2744] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 20; p. 19, n. 23.

[2745] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 16.

[2746] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2747] Cf ibid, pp. 1007, 1008, 1011.

[2748] Cf ibid, pp. 18, 19, 162.

[2749] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 68. Cf also Dp, The1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 261.

[2750] Cf Dp, The1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 252.

[2751] Cf ibid, pp. 145, 149, 165, 238.

[2752] Cf ibid, p. 244.

[2753] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 176. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 244.

[2754] Cf Dp, The1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 241.

[2755] Cf ibid, p. 1011.

[2756] Cf ibid, p. 252.

[2757] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 171. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 19.

[2758] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 69, 70, 236, 286, 287, 294. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies,  pp. 14, 164, 244.

[2759] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 286. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 145, 148, 151.

[2760] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 145.

[2761] Cf ibid, p. 250.

[2762] Cf ibid, p. 19.

[2763] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 15-16.

[2764] Cf ibid,  pp. 16-18.

[2765] Cf ibid, p. 18.

[2766] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20.

[2767] Cf ibid, pp. 20-21.

[2768] Cf ibid,  pp. 22-24.

[2769] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 1, 2

[2770] Cf ibid, pp. 5, 6.

[2771] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2772] Cf ibid, pp. 12 - 17.

[2773] Cf ibid, pp. 18 - 20.

[2774] Cf ibid, pp. 30, 31.

[2775] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 479.

[2776] Cf ibid.

[2777] Cf p.  PAGEREF par1 \h 191 of this chapter.

[2778] Cf p.  PAGEREF morti5 \h 45- PAGEREF mor2 \h 46 of this thesis.

[2779] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 68.

[2780] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 249.

[2781] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 175. Cf also Dp, The1988-1992 Testimonies,  p. 244.

[2782] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 18, n. 19.

[2783] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[2784] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 28a; cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 68, 75, 91.

[2785] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 41-42.

[2786] Cf ibid, p. 42.

[2787] Dpa, Djarju. p. 1.

[2788] Ibid. p. 2.

[2789] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 276-277.

[2790] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 27.

[2791] Cf ibid, p.17.

[2792] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 276-277.

[2793] Cf ibid, p. 284.

[2794] Cf ibid.

[2795] Cf ibid.

[2796] Cf ibid.

[2797] Cf ibid.

[2798] Cf ibid.

[2799] Cf ibid, pp. 276-277; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[2800] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243.

[2801] Cf ibid, p. 243; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 17.

[2802] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF prie4 \h 214-  PAGEREF prie5 \h 229 of this thesis.

[2803] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[2804] Cf pp.  PAGEREF preach2 \h 214-  PAGEREF preach3 \h 229 of this thesis.

[2805] Cf pp.  PAGEREF preach5 \h 229 of this thesis.

[2806] Cf pp.  PAGEREF alm7 \h 229 of this thesis.

[2807] Cf pp.  PAGEREF mig \h 230-  PAGEREF mig2 \h 232 of this topic.

[2808] Cf pp.  PAGEREF miss \h 232-  PAGEREF miss1 \h 235 of this topic.

[2809] Cf pp.  PAGEREF first \h 94,  PAGEREF cat5 \h 240,  PAGEREF cat6 \h 253 of this thesis.

[2810] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024. Cf also Dpa, Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione.

[2811] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 56-101. Cf p.  PAGEREF cat8 \h 253 of this thesis.

[2812] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 28a; cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 68, 75, 91.

[2813] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[2814] Cf p.  PAGEREF games \h 246 of this thesis.

[2815] Cf p.  PAGEREF sala \h 248 of this thesis.

[2816] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara,  pp. 87-88.

[2817] Cf ibid.

[2818] Cf Diocesi di Malta, Annuario della Diocesi di Malta, 1933, p. 130. Cf also p.  PAGEREF orat6 \h 257 of this thesis.

[2819] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 87.

[2820] Cf pp.  PAGEREF cat10 \h 238- PAGEREF cat11 \h 239,  of this thesis.

[2821] Cf Diocesi di Malta, Annuario della Diocesi di Malta, 1933, p. 130. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF cat \h 258- PAGEREF cat1 \h 259  of this thesis.

[2822] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1930, pp. 266-267.

[2823] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 22; 1927, p. 180; 1928, pp. 209, 213-214, 221; 1929, pp. 221-227; 229-230, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 269-270, 272-274, 286, 293; 1931, pp. 320, 321, 324-325, 332-333, 342; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372; 1933, p. 438.

[2824] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 197.

[2825] Cf ibid, p. 197.

[2826] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 16.

[2827] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 199.

[2828] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 183.

[2829] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88.

[2830] Cf ibid, p. 88; 1926, p. 152; 1930, p.    288.

[2831] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1929, p. 249.

[2832] Cf ibid, 1925, p. 129; 1933, p. 436,.

[2833] Cf ibid, 1926, p. 151.

[2834] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 207.

[2835] Cf ibid.

[2836] Cf ibid, 1931, p. 332.

[2837] Cf ibid, 1933, p. 436.

[2838] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14, 22, 22a, 25, 42, 83, 84, 103, 145; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 3, 13-15; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 204, 310; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF bro \h 244-  PAGEREF bro1 \h 244 of this thesis.

[2839] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975, vol. III, pp. 1, 2, 11.

[2840] Cf e. g. J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions 1928. p. 193. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1013.

[2841] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 784.

[2842] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju. p. 16, n. 10.

[2843] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5

[2844] Cf ibid, p. 115.

[2845] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[2846] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1056.

[2847] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 87-88

[2848] Cf ibid, p. 87.

[2849] Cf ibid, p. 87.

[2850] Cf Dpa, p. 87.

[2851] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 11.

[2852] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 21.

[2853] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 75. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 20.

[2854] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 296.

[2855] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I. p. 22.

[2856] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 20.

[2857] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[2858] Cf ibid.

[2859] Cf ibid, p. 247. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[2860] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 247.

[2861] Cf ibid, p. 5

[2862] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[2863] Cf ibid.

[2864] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[2865] Cf ibid, pp. 285, 298.

[2866] Cf ibid, pp. 180, 235, 277, 294.

[2867] Cf ibid, p. 180.

[2868] Cf ibid, pp. 180, 235, 277, 294, 295.

[2869] Cf ibid, p. 274.

[2870] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 7.

[2871] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6

[2872] Cf ibid, p. 115. 

[2873] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[2874] Cf ibid, p. 34.

[2875] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 115.

[2876] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[2877] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 115. Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[2878] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[2879] Cf ibid.

[2880] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 115.

[2881] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[2882] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara,  p. 87.

[2883] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15, n. 5.

[2884] Cf  ibid.

[2885] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 8.

[2886] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II, p. 18.

[2887] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5-6.

[2888] Cf ibid.

[2889] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 784.

[2890] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 114, 274.

[2891] Cf ibid, p. 274; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

[2892] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

[2893] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[2894] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 38.

[2895] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

[2896] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara,  p. 87.

[2897] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15, n. 5.

[2898] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 20.

[2899] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[2900] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[2901] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[2902] Cf ibid.

[2903] Cf ibid.

[2904] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 72.

[2905] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 163.

[2906] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 235, 277.

[2907] Cf ibid, p. 286.

[2908] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 287, 294, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 148.

[2909] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 245.

[2910] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 235.

[2911] Cf ibid, pp. 277, 295.

[2912] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 70, 74, 181, 288. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 148, 245, 266.

[2913] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 172.

[2914] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 258.

[2915] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 235, 295.

[2916] Cf ibid, pp. 180, 294.

[2917] Cf ibid, p. 277, 295.

[2918] Cf ibid, pp. 180, 235, 236, 277, 286, 287, 295.

[2919] Cf ibid, p. 172.

[2920] Ibid, p. 172.

[2921] Cf ibid, p. 76, 279.

[2922] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 18-19.

[2923] Ibid, p. 18.

[2924] Ibid, p. 19.

[2925] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-Novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 6-12.

[2926] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2927] Cf ibid.

[2928] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[2929] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[2930] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[2931] Cf ibid.

[2932] Cf ibid, pp. 9-10.

[2933] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[2934] Cf ibid.

[2935] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[2936] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[2937] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[2938] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1003, 1023, 1025, 1044, 1056.

[2939] Cf ibid, p. 1060.

[2940] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026.

[2941] Cf ibid.

[2942] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, p. 22.

[2943] Cf ibid.

[2944] Cf ibid. Fascicolo I, pp. 10-11.

[2945] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 279.

[2946] Cf ibid, pp. 277, 294, 295.

[2947] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 279; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 3.

[2948] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 15.

[2949] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-Novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 8-9.

[2950] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[2951] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[2952] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 75, 279.

[2953] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 6.

[2954] Ibid, p. 13.

[2955] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 10b. According to the Council Acts of 27 August 1928 (p. 11a), Archbishop Mauro Caruana accepted De Piro’s petition.

[2956] Cf ibid, p.12b.

[2957] Cf ibid.

[2958] Cf ibid.

[2959] Cf ibid.

[2960] Cf ibid, p. 13a.

[2961] Cf ibid.

[2962] Cf ibid, p. 18a.

[2963] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 14.

[2964] Ibid, 1932, p. 361.

[2965] Ibid, 1933, p. 423.

[2966] Ibid, p. 423.

[2967] Cf J. Bezzina, L-Istorja tal-Knisja f’Malta, Malta 2002, p. 246.

[2968] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 77.

[2969] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 974.

[2970] Cf AAM, VP 1579-1608, pp. 40a-b.

[2971] Cf V. Borg, Marian Devotions in the Islands of Saint Paul (1600-1800), pp. 34-36.

[2972] Cf ibid, pp. 38-48.

[2973] Cf AAM, VP 1570, ff. 30r-31v.

[2974] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. II, pp. 193-194.

[2975] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, p. 47.

[2976] Cf ibid.

[2977] Cf ibid.

[2978] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, pp. 183-187, 191-192.

[2979] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 978.

[2980] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 29. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 271.

[2981] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2.  Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 268, 271; the 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026

[2982] Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1143.

[2983] Cf ibid, pp. 1023, 1026. 1143.

[2984] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1143.

[2985] Cf Pio XII, Constit. Ap. Munificentissimus Deus (1.11.1950), in AAS, 42 (1950), p. 770.

[2986] On 30 October 1950, Pope Pius XII held a Semipublic Concistory to announce to the College of Bishops his intention to proclaim on 1 November, the dogma of the Assumption of Our Lady into Heaven (Cf Osservatore Romano, 30-31 October 1950, n. 255). In this speech, Pius XII was quite explicit about the long and persistent tradition of belief about Our Lady’s Assumption into heaven, body and soul. The day after this Concistory there was the proclamation of the Dogma. In the Constit. Ap. Munificentissimus Deus, Pius XII again referred, this time in more detail, to this long tradition of belief in Our Lady’s assumption into heaven, body and soul (Cf Pio XII, Constit. Ap. Munificentissimus Deus [1.11.1950], in AAS, 42 [1950]).

Cf also L. Ciappi, I dogmi mariani, in Theotocos, Enciclopedia Mariana, Milan, 1959, pp. 289-290. H. Graef, Mary, A History of Doctrine and Devotion, London 1965, pp. 133-138. G. Frendo, Noti ta’ Marjologija. Unpublished manuscript, Malta, 1977, pp. 88-89.

[2987] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 76.

[2988] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. v.

[2989] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[2990] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 76.

[2991] Cf ibid, p. 279.

[2992] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, p. 22.

[2993] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 76, 279.

[2994] Cf ibid, p. 279.

[2995] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 12.

[2996] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, p. 3.

[2997] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[2998] Cf ibid. Fascicolo III, p. 69.

[2999] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 279

[3000] Cf ibid, p. 76.

[3001] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 240, 249-250; 1931, pp. 318, 332-333; 1932, pp. 356, 374, 375, 392; 1933, p. 423.

[3002] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[3003] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 34, 38, 40, 62.

[3004] Cf ibid, pp. 38, 257.

[3005] Cf ibid, pp. 38, 257.

[3006] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 999.

[3007] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 236.

[3008] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[3009] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 14.

[3010] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[3011] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1000.

[3012] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 236.

[3013] Cf ibid, pp. 71-72.

[3014] Cf ibid, pp. 278, 286, 287.

[3015] Cf ibid, p. 288.

[3016] Cf  DPA Prospetto della Cronaca dell’Educandato S. Maria, Oratorio di Birkirkara, in Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 41-47; MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 50, 50a.

[3017] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 278.

[3018] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I. pp. 15-23.

[3019] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[3020] Cf ibid, p. 17.

[3021] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 11-12.

[3022] Cf ibid, pp. 11-12.

[3023] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[3024] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 70, 71, 72, 278, 294, 296. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 9, 13, 25, 256.

[3025] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 277, 286, 287.

[3026] Cf Archivum Provinciale S. Augustini, Vallettae, Acta Provincialia,  2 Nov. 1923,  p. 324. L.C. Registro per le circolari, ubbidienze, testimoniali, dimissoriali, brevi celebratorie, 1901-1940, pp. 346-347.

[3027] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 287

[3028] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 53.

[3029] Ibid, pp. 57-58.

[3030] Cf ibid. Fascicolo I, p. 3.

 The vow of missions is the fourth vow professed by the members of the Society.

[3031] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[3032] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 3-11.

[3033] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 10-11, 12.

[3034] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 13.

[3035] Cf ibid, p. 240.

[3036] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 10-11.

[3037] Cf ibid.

[3038] Cf ibid, pp. 16-18.

[3039] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[3040] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 61-62.

[3041] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 13.

[3042] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 5-10.

[3043] Cf ibid, p. 5.

[3044] Cf ibid.

[3045] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[3046] Cf ibid, pp. 7, 9.

[3047] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[3048] Cf ibid.

[3049] Cf ibid. Fascicolo III, p. 56.

[3050] Cf ibid.

[3051] Cf ibid, pp. 56-57.

[3052] Cf ibid, p. 57.

[3053] Cf ibid, p. 58.

[3054] Cf ibid, pp. 20-23.

[3055] Cf ibid, pp. 32-34.

[3056] Cf ibid.

[3057] Cf ibid, pp. 51-52.

[3058] Cf ibid, p. 51.

[3059] Cf Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 54-61.

[3060]Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 54, 55-61.

[3061] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 13.

[3062] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 3-5.

[3063] Cf ibid. Fascicolo I, pp. 7-8.

[3064] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 3-5.

[3065] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[3066] Cf ibid, p. 4. This after so much trouble to get the titulo missionis, the decretum laudis, the affiliation with Propaganda Fide!!! And he did not get them!!! At least the last two.

I have long been trying to find out why the Founder put down the words: “…speciale e segnalata soggezione”, when in CIC [1917] 499:1 there was already written down that: “All religious are subject to the Roman Pontiff as their highest superior, whom they are bound to obey also in virtue of the vow of obedience”.  In the Conferences to the 1929-1930 Brother novices, the Founder said that “Characteristic means that obedience must be conspicuous in us.” (Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, p. 48). Also, I cannot understand why, although in the section about the missionary work of the Society, the Founder mentioned the obedience to the local ordinaries (Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I. p15), De Piro did not mention the obedience to the bishops when referring to the obedience to the Holy See. It was the time when the Society was still diocesan and therefore dependent on the dioceses bishops.

[3067] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, p. 4. Cf also the section “Verso i Superiori”, Fascicolo II, pp. 21-22.

[3068] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II. pp. 3-5.

[3069] Cf ibid. pp 21-22; Fasciclol III, pp. 1ff.

[3070] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 48 –54, 64.

[3071] Cf ibid, p. 52.

[3072] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 13.

[3073] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II. p. 5.

[3074] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, p. 54.

[3075] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I. pp. 15-16.

[3076] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, p. 54.

[3077] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 146,147, 148, 155.

[3078] Cf ibid, pp. 146, 150.

[3079] Here the witnesses were referring to the conferences to all the members and not to those to the 1929-1930 brother novices.

[3080] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 71, 277, 295. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 9, 13, 256.

[3081] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 295.

[3082] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922. p. 22.

[3083] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1031.

[3084] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 277.

[3085] Cf ibid, p. 75.

[3086] Cf ibid, p. 71.

[3087] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 69, 75; vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[3088] Cf pp. 431- 434 of this thesis.

[3089] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 68-69.

[3090] Cf ibid, pp. 66-67.

[3091] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, p. 68. Cf also ibid. pp. 73, 160-161.

[3092] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 999.

[3093] Ibid, p. 1082.

[3094] Cf ibid, p. 1087.

[3095] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7.

[3096] Cf Dpa Korrispondenza, vol. III. pp. 5-15. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF rom1 \h 110-  PAGEREF rom2 \h 111 of this thesis.

[3097] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 745.

[3098]  Ibid, p. 1113.

[3099] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 12-13.

[3100] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[3101] Ibid, p. 1000.

[3102] Ibid, p. 1002.

[3103] Ibid, p. 1024.

[3104] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 13, 14, 42, 54, 84, 103. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 73, 180, 297, 298-299; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 23, 25, 246

[3105] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 975, 1112.

[3106] Cf CIC (1917) n. 1334.

[3107] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[3108] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 985-986.

[3109] Cf ibid, p. 1098.

[3110] Ibid, p. 1114.

[3111] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[3112] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 114; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 457.

[3113] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 994.

[3114] Ibid, pp. 1072-1073.

[3115] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975.

[3116] Ibid, p. 1003.  

[3117] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1025, 1044.

[3118] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256.

[3119] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9.

[3120] Cf ibid, pp. 109-227.

[3121] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11.  P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 991; Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof li Habbu Kulhadd, p. 203.

[3122] Cf p.  PAGEREF mor \h 45 of this thesis.

[3123] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[3124] Cf Table 5 (Cf p.  PAGEREF i2 \h 87 of this thesis).

[3125] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[3126] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[3127] Cf ibid.

[3128] Cf Dpa, Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione, pp. 1ff.

[3129] Cf ibid.

[3130] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 227.

[3131] Cf Apendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a43 \h 537- PAGEREF a44 \h 543 of this thesis). 

[3132] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, pp. 51-52.

[3133] Cf ibid, 1931, p. 304.

[3134] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a45 \h 537- PAGEREF a46 \h 543 of this thesis).

[3135] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 69, 75, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[3136] 17 September 1933.

[3137] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983.

[3138] Cf  Appendix 4 (Cf pp. PAGEREF a47 \h 535- PAGEREF a48 \h 536 of this thesis).

[3139] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983

[3140] Ibid, p. 1012.

[3141] Ibid, p. 1003.

[3142] Ibid, p. 1086.

[3143] Cf ibid, p. 1090.

[3144] Cf ibid, p. 1002.

[3145] Ibid, p. 1098.

[3146] Cf eg., Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13.

[3147] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256. 

[3148] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1000.

[3149] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11.  P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

[3150] Cf PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[3151] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[3152] Cf pp.  PAGEREF nob \h 13,  PAGEREF nob1 \h 169,  PAGEREF nob2 \h 240,  PAGEREF nob3 \h 365,  PAGEREF nob4 \h 454 of this thesis

[3153] Once I myself had an informal meeting with Jerome De Piro D’Amico Inguanez, the eight baron of Budaq, and he tried to explain to me in what consisted the property of the De Piro family. I concluded that it involved a lot of immobile property and a lot of money. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 21.

[3154] Cf Dpa, Guzeppi Zaghzugh. Dpa, Università ta’ Malta. Dpa, Korrispondenza, pp. 1, 2-3. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF dra2 \h 10-  PAGEREF dra3 \h 11 of this thesis.

[3155] Cf footnote 13 of chapter 1 of this thesis.

[3156] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, pp. 3h-31. Cf also p.  PAGEREF mi13 \h 9 of this thesis.

[3157] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2.

[3158] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, pp. 182-183, 269-277.

[3159] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 2-3.

[3160] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 2-4.

[3161] Cf Appendix 4 (Cf pp. PAGEREF a49 \h 535- PAGEREF a50 \h 536 of this thesis.

[3162] Fr V. Furci sj (rector of St Aloisius College, B’Kara) had been entrusted by Archbishop Mauro Caruana to study the Constitutions of the Society, written by De Piro. Furci studied the Constitutions and presented his reactions on 30 January 1923 (MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp132a). Furci revised again these Constitutions, this time together with De Piro himself (Cf ibid., p. 140). According to a short note sent by Furci to De Piro, His Excellency had also asked Furci to pay a visit to the Society and make an inspection of the same (Cf ibid, p. 140a). Furci did this inspection on 12 September 1923 (Cf ibid., p. 140b). Amongst other suggestions, Furci told the Archbishop that the Founder was not dedicating enough time for his Society and he had to be completely present among the members (Cf ibid., n. 3).

[3163] This was so much public knowledge that after De Piro’s death, The Malta Chronicle, a Maltese paper, referred to this fact in one of its appreciations (Cf The Editor, Mgr De Piro: A Tribute to his Memory, in The Malta Chronicle (19 September 1933), pp. 3-4.

[3164] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 11.

[3165] Cf ibid,  p. 25.

[3166] Cf ibid,  p. 31.

[3167] Cf ibid,  p. 32.

[3168] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[3169] Dpa, Capranica, p. 4d.

[3170] Ibid, p. 4f.

[3171] Ibid, p. 4j.

[3172] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3173] Cf ibid.

[3174] Ibid. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1037.

[3175] Cf Dpa, Djarju. p. 3.

[3176] Cf Dpa Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, p. 15. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1007, 1037.

[3177] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 74a, 74b, 74c. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1012.

[3178] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 2a.

[3179] Cf ibid. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1037.

[3180] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, pp. 25, 31.

[3181] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3182] Cf ibid.

[3183] Cf Dpa, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 986.

[3184] Cf ibid, p. 1112.

[3185] In 1929 he went to Lourdes (Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 51). In 1930 he went to the Veneto, Italy (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1085).

[3186] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 2a.

[3187] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1116-1117.

[3188] Cf Appendix 4 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a51 \h 535- PAGEREF a52 \h 536 of this thesis).

[3189] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 114; Dp, The 1988-192 Testimonies, p. 457. Cf also The 1988-1992 Tetimonies, p. 1111.

[3190] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1007, 1039.

[3191] Cf ibid, p. 1063.

[3192] Ibid, p. 1026.

[3193] Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 51.

[3194] This did not show in the final draft of his secret will. Most probably the notary, knowing quite well that De Piro was quite fit mentally suggested to the Servant of God to take of these words not to prejudice the validity of the will itself.

[3195] Cf Public Registry. Valletta. Acts of Death. 1933. n. 3955. Cf also Addolorata Cemetry. Registers of Burial. 1933. n. 145323.

[3196] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 3, 5, 6.

[3197] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a53 \h 537- PAGEREF a54 \h 543 of this thesis).

[3198] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12.

[3199] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1016, 1017.

[3200] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a56 \h 537- PAGEREF a55 \h 543 of this thesis).

[3201] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 87.

[3202] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 5-6.

[3203] Cf ibid, pp. 8, 9, 11, 12.

[3204] Bugeja to go to St Joseph’s, Malta, and Mamo to go to his Oratory in a parish called Tarxien. Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1006.

[3205] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 968, 987, 1057 1062.

[3206] John Vella, together with Joseph Caruana, joined the Society on the very first day of the Society, 30 June 1910.

[3207] He was ordained priest on 20 September 1919 (Cf Personal files, n. 2)

[3208] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1020-1021.

[3209] Cf amongst others Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a57 \h 537- PAGEREF a58 \h 543 of this thesis).

[3210] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 13, 14, 42, 54, 84, 103. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 73, 180, 297, 298-299; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 23, 25, 246. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF acc3 \h 195,  PAGEREF acc9 \h 240 of this thesis.

[3211] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256; pp.  PAGEREF acc4 \h 195,  PAGEREF acc10 \h 240of this thesis.

[3212] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256; pp.  PAGEREF acc5 \h 195,  PAGEREF acc11 \h 240of this thesis.

[3213] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 171, 174, 180, 236, 294, 296, 298; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 9, 17, 18, 19, 147, 152, 160, 163, 238, 244, 245, 1013; Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, pp. 17, 70, 71, 72. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF acc6 \h 195,  PAGEREF acc1 \h 240 of this thesis.

[3214] Cf pp.  PAGEREF acc7 \h 195,  PAGEREF acc \h 240 of this thesis.

[3215] Cf ibid.

[3216] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 428.

[3217] Cf ibid, p. 428.

[3218] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 74, 299, 300; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1091, 1093, 1097, 1101, 1125, 1119.

[3219] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 238.

[3220] Cf ibid, pp. 1093, 1125, 1111.

[3221] Especially most of the Institutes.

[3222] There was the tram or the cab.

[3223] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 207.

[3224] Cf personal files of members and the Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo.

[3225] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, pp. 14, 15

[3226] Cf Dpa, Dekan, pp. 3, 4. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 20.

[3227] Dpa,Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[3228] Cf pp.  PAGEREF rom3 \h 13-  PAGEREF rom4 \h 14 of this thesis.

[3229] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4, n. 2; Djarju, p. 1. Cf also p.  PAGEREF jos \h 19 of this thesis.

[3230] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 3, n. 8.

[3231] Cf pp.  PAGEREF face \h 211- PAGEREF wicc \h 212 of this thesis.

[3232] Cf p.  PAGEREF lip \h 213 of this thesis.

[3233] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1125.

[3234] Ibid.

[3235] Ibid, p. 1006.

[3236] Ibid, p. 1021.

[3237] PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[3238] Ibid.

[3239] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 990-991.

[3240] Cf pp.  PAGEREF set \h 203- PAGEREF set1 \h 208 of this thesis.

[3241] Cf p.  PAGEREF lip1 \h 213 of this thesis.

[3242] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5-6, 41, 49, 55-56, 164, 186, 201, 214, 219, 278-279, 404, 427-428; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 971, 973, 984, 1003, 1006, 1025, 1033, 1036, 1038, 1039, 1060, 1063, 1075-1076, 1076-1077, 1078, 1095, 1116, 1117.

[3243] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p.1.

[3244] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1133.

[3245] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1.

[3246] Cf ibid.

[3247] Cf Dpa, Guzeppi Zaghzugh; Dpa, Università ta’ Malta; Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 1, 2-3; the collection of drawings that is still well preserved in the De Piro Archives, at St Agatha’s , Rabat, Malta. Cf also pp.  PAGEREF dra \h 10-  PAGEREF dra1 \h 11 of this thesis.

[3248] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, pp. 3h-31. Cf also p.  PAGEREF mil \h 9 of this thesis.

[3249] Cf p.  PAGEREF law \h 8, footnote 13 of chapter 1 of this thesis.

[3250] Cf Family tree of the De Piro family, still found in the De Piro Archives.

[3251] Once I myself had an informal meeting with Jerome De Piro D’Amico Inguanez, the eight baron of Budaq, and he tried to explain to me in what consisted the property of the De Piro family. I concluded that it involved a lot of immobile property and a lot of money (Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 21).

[3252] At the time of Joseph De Piro the nobility had an important role in the civil administration of Malta (Cf H. Frendo, Storja ta’ Malta, Zmien l-Inglizi – Is-Seklu Dsatax, pp. 242-246).

[3253] Ibid.

[3254] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p2, n12.

[3255] Cf Dpa, p. 3.

[3256] Cf ibid, pp. 2, 3.

[3257] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4, n. 2.

[3258] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2; Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 2-4.

[3259] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[3260] Cf ibid.

[3261] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3262] Cf ibid.

[3263] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3264] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[3265] Cf ibid, p. 67.

[3266] Cf ibid.

[3267] Ibid.

[3268] Ibid.

[3269] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 19.

[3270] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 284-285. Cf also ibid, pp. 248, 250, 256; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28, 29, 30, 75.

[3271] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 24b.

[3272] Cf ibid.

[3273] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[3274] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3275] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3276] Cf ibid.

[3277] Ibid,

[3278] Cf ibid.

[3279] Cf ibid, pp. 3-9, 11-12.

[3280] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 43, 87.

[3281] Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[3282] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 14.

[3283] Ibid, p. 46.

[3284] Ibid.

[3285] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 14.

[3286] Cf Dpa, Personal files, n. 2.

[3287] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 84.

[3288] Cf Dpa, Personal files, n. 2.

[3289] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1021.

[3290] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975, vol. IV, p. 3.

[3291] Ibid.

[3292] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a60 \h 537- PAGEREF a59 \h 543 of this thesis).

[3293] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanc of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 7.

[3294] Cf pp. 15-16 of this thesis.

[3295] Cf ibid.

[3296] Cf  Appendix 4 (Cf pp.  PAGEREF a61 \h 535- PAGEREF a62 \h 536 of this thesis).

[3297] Cf J. P. Sartre, L’Essere e il Nulla, translated  by H. Marcuse, Milan 1968, pp. 459-461.

[3298] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3299]Cf ibid.

[3300] Cf ibid.

[3301] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[3302] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3303] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[3304] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3305] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 974-975.

[3306] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3307] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjponi, p. 4, n. 2.

[3308] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[3309] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14.

[3310] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975; Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 69, 75.

[3311] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[3312] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[3313] Cf Dpa, Isititut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 8-9.

[3314] Cf ibid, p. 9a.

[3315] Cf ibid, p. 9b.

[3316] Cf ibid, p. 10-11.

[3317] Cf ibid., p. 4, n. 1.

[3318] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 9c, 15-16, 19-20. Cf also Anon, Il Cobor tal Gloriosissimu Patriarca S. Giusepp, Patrun tal Cnisia Cattolica ikkonsidrat fix-xahar ta Marzu, p. 3; Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, 27 November 1929. pp. 24-28a.

[3319] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) . pp. 15-16, 19-20.

[3320] Cf ibid, pp. 9c, 19-20. Cf also Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24-28a; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 239, 252; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 31.

[3321] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 2

[3322] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 15-16; Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24-28a.

[3323] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 10.

[3324] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3325] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[3326] Cf ibid, pp. 10-12.

[3327] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[3328] Cf ibid, pp. 10-12.

[3329] Cf ibid, pp. 13-14.

[3330] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 19.

[3331] Cf ibid, p. 15.

[3332] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14, 22, 22a, 25, 42, 83, 84, 103, 145; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 3, 13-15; The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 204, 310; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[3333] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[3334] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 1-89.

[3335] Cf ibid, pp. 70-74.

[3336] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[3337] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111.

[3338] Ibid, p. 128.

[3339] Ibid, p. 407.

[3340] Ibid, p. 339.

[3341] Ibid, p. 372

[3342] Ibid, pp. 428, 429.

[3343] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 340. Cf also p. 342.

[3344] Cf J. Bezzina, Church and State in an Island Colony, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by Victor Mallia Milanes, p. 67. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 59.

[3345] Fr Daniel Glavina sj was the Superior General of De Piro’s Society between 1940-1948, but before this period Glavina was Robinson’s secretary when the latter was Apostolic Nuntio to Ireland (Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 59).

[3346] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 404.

[3347] Cf ibid, p. 1021.

[3348] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 214, 428. The Gozo Testimonies, p. 81.

[3349] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 214, 438. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 884.

[3350] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 788.

[3351] Cf ibid, p. 879 (Fr Arthur Vella did not know the Servant of God personally but he was the nephew of Fr John Vella, the first expriest member of De Piro’s Society, and he got the information about Monsignor from his uncle). Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 428; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1061; The GozoTestimonies, p. 81.

[3352] Cf pp. 211-214 of this thesis.

[3353] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[3354] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 5.

[3355] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 4.

[3356] Ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 3, 17, 20.

[3357] Ibid. Fascicolo I, p. 7.

[3358] Ibid. Fascicolo III, p. 46.

[3359] Ibid, p. 16.

[3360] Ibid. Fascicolo II, p. 27.

[3361] Ibid, p. 15.

[3362] Ibid. Fascicolo I, p. 17.

[3363] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. III, pp. 378-382. Cf also pp. 216, 335, 382of this thesis.

[3364] Cf p. 335 of this thesis.

[3365] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. III, p. 389.

[3366] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 20, 49, 77, 92, 131, 134, 140, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 160 (bis); vol. III, pp. 378, 380, 389, 390, 398, 419, 153.

[3367] Cf ibid, vol. II, pp. 167, 174, 195, 206-207.

[3368] Cf ibid, pp. 222, 227 bis, 251, 254.

[3369] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 294.

[3370] Cf p. 212 of this thesis.

[3371] Cf pp. 212-214 of this thesis.

[3372] Cf pp.213, 463 of this thesis.

[3373] Cf pp. 213, 461 of this thesis.

[3374] Cf p. 213 of this thesis.

[3375] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, nos. 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11.

[3376] Cf ibid, p. 1, n. 5.

[3377] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2, Accademia – Ragioni Pro, nos. 1-2; pp. 2-3, Accademia – Ragioni Contro, nos. 1-7; p. 4, Casa di San Giuseppe – Ragioni Pro, nos. 1-7.

[3378] Cf ibid, p. 3, n. 8.

[3379] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 8.

[3380] Cf pp. 22-229 of this thesis.

[3381] Cf p. 335 of this thesis. The sermons where one can find these expressions were not generally about the Eucharist.

[3382] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 84-89, 90-97.

[3383] Cf ibid, pp. 104, 106-107.

[3384] Cf ibid, p. 105.

[3385] Cf ibid, pp. 112-113.

[3386] Cf ibid, pp. 81-83, 104, 106-107, 108.

[3387] Cf ibid, pp. 98-99, 100-101

[3388] Cf ibid, pp. 102-103, 114-117

[3389] Cf ibid, pp. 109-110.

[3390] Cf ibid, p. 111.

[3391] Cf ibid, pp. 118-121.

[3392] Cf pp. 336-337 of this thesis.

[3393] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol I, pp. 18 (three times), 40, 56, 122 (bis); vol. II, pp. 169, 172, 184, 205, 207, 208, 221; vol. III, pp. 324, 369, 370, 372, 400.

[3394] Cf ibid, p. 18.

[3395] Cf ibid.

[3396] Cf ibid, vol. II, p. 183.

[3397] Cf ibid.

[3398] Cf ibid, p. 184.

[3399] Cf ibid, pp. 184-185.

[3400] Cf ibid, pp. 221, 222 (bis), 223, 233, 234, 236, 242, 257 (three times), 259, 260 (bis), 261, 262, 264, 265 (five times), 266.

[3401] Cf ibid, p. 221.

[3402] Cf ibid, p. 244.

[3403] Cf ibid, p. 249.

[3404] Cf ibid, p. 271.

[3405] Cf ibid, p. 274.

[3406] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 21.

[3407] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[3408] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3409] Cf ibid.

[3410] Cf ibid.

[3411] Cf ibid, p. 24.

[3412] Cf ibid.

[3413] Cf ibid, p. 25.

[3414] Cf ibid.

[3415] Cf Lk 19, 44.

[3416] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, p. 35.

[3417] Cf ibid, p. 286.

[3418] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3419] Cf Appendix 1 (Cf pp. 521-525 of this thesis).

[3420] These references have been taken from 10 of the 14 Pauline Letters (cf pp. 526 - 529 of this thesis.

[3421] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol I, p. 12.

[3422] Cf ibid, vol II p. 224.

[3423] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I pp. 44, 148 (bis), 149, 151, 152 (bis), 154 (bis), 155 (bis); vol. II, p. 276 (three times), 277, 278 (three times) .

[3424] Cf ibid, vol II, pp. 276, 278.

[3425] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 155.

[3426] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 348.

[3427] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 77, 94; vol. II, pp. 223, 232 (bis), 235, 236 (bis), 238, 264 (bis), 265, 266, 268; vol. III, p. 303.

[3428] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I,  p. 122 (bis).

[3429] Cf ibid, pp. 87, 110, 112; Vol. III, p. 404.

[3430] Cf Mt 8, 19; Lk 9, 57.

[3431] Dpa, Djarju, p. 6, n. 5.

[3432] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 1-2.

[3433] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3434] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 1.

[3435] Cf ibid, p. 1, n. 2.

[3436] Cf ibid, p. 1, n. 3.

[3437] Cf ibid, pp. 1- 2, nos. 4, 5, 12.

[3438] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 20.

[3439] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 3, n. 4.

[3440] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3441] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3442] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3443] Cf ibid.

[3444] Cf ibid.

[3445] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[3446] Cf ibid.

[3447] Cf ibid, pp. 4-9, 11-12.

[3448] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[3449] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[3450] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[3451] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp.  537-543 of this thesis).

[3452] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanc of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, p. 58.

[3453] Cf also what was said by Br Felix Muscat: “The means especially used to increase his faith was prayer …” (Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 404).

[3454] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 973.

[3455] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 49.

[3456] Cf ibid, p. 304.

[3457] Cf E. bonnici, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, Malta 1933, pp. 7-8.

[3458] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1078.

[3459] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111. Cf also ibid., p. 123.

[3460] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1117.

[3461] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 278.

[3462] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1003.

[3463] Cf ibid, p. 1025.

[3464] Cf ibid, p. 1039.

[3465] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 404.

[3466] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3467] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3468] Cf ibid.

[3469] Cf ibid.

[3470] Cf ibid, pp. 4-9, 11-12.

[3471] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14, 83. Cf also p. 17.

[3472] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1006.

[3473] Cf ibid, p. 1021.

[3474] Cf ibid, pp. 1063, 1076.

[3475] Cf ibid, p. 1095.

[3476] Cf ibid, p. 1007.

[3477] Cf ibid.

[3478] Cf ibid, p. 1033.

[3479] Ibid, p. 1038.

[3480] Cf ibid, p. 1040.

[3481] Cf ibid, p. 1060.

[3482] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[3483] Cf ibid, p. 111.

[3484] Cf ibid, p. 101.

[3485] Cf ibid, pp. 278, 404.

[3486] Cf ibid, p. 404.

[3487] Cf ibid, p. 41.

[3488] Cf ibid, pp. 164, 167, 185, 201, 221, 427-428.

[3489] Here it is important to say that in the pros and cons exercise De Piro did for his choice of vocation, there is mention of the meditation. Which means that the Servant of God practiced this form of prayer even before starting his studies for the priesthood (Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 4). In this same exercise one can also notice the mentioning of spiritual reading (Cf ibid., n. 7).

[3490] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111. Cf also ibid., p. 123.

[3491] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 4. Cf also n. 8.

[3492] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-Novizzi, 1929-1930, p. 6.

[3493] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111. Cf also p. 123.

[3494] Cf ibid, p. 111. Cf also p. 123.

[3495] Cf ibid, pp. 278-279, 287, 423.

[3496] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1003.

[3497] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[3498] Cf ibid, p. 172.

[3499] Cf ibid.

[3500] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 7.

[3501] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111.

[3502] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 1-2

[3503] Cf ibid, pp. 2-4.

[3504] Cf ibid, p. 1, n., 8.

[3505] Cf ibid, p. 1, n., 11.

[3506] Cf ibid, St Joseph’s, Malta – Ragioni Pro, p. 4, n. 2.

[3507] Cf ibid, Ragioni Contro, p. 2, nos. 1-2.

[3508] Cf ibid, St Joseph’s, Malta – Ragioni Pro, p. 4, n. 4.

[3509] Cf ibid, Accademia - Ragioni Contro, p. 3, nos. 5, 6.

[3510] Cf ibid, Accademia - Ragioni Contro, p. 3, n. 4.

[3511] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n., 5.

[3512] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, Accademia - Ragioni Contro, p. 2, n. 2.

[3513] Cf ibid, p. 3, n. 3.

[3514] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, St Joseph’s, Malta – Ragioni Pro, p. 4, n. 3.

[3515] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 3.

[3516] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 8.

[3517] Cf Mk 10, 45; 14, 24; Ph. 2, 7.

[3518] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 15, 42, 44, 129, 150, 155, 163, 168, 187, 211, 214, 219, 250, 299, 311, 315, 351, 386, 387 (bis), 387, 411, 414, 422, 428, 429.

[3519] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 42, 44 (bis), 59, 70, 83 (bis), 140, 165, 166, 197, 207, 233, 247 (four times), 293, 315, 323, 341, 355 (bis), 375, 507, 511, 581, 583, 584 (bis), 595, 612, 629, 630, 636, 638 (bis), 651 (three times), 659, 662, 744, 757, 764 (bis), 788, 801, 823, 828, 835 (bis), 848, 878, 883, 898, 899, 950, 954, 969, 983, 993, 1006, 1018, 1058, 1095, 1101 (bis), 1108, 1113.

[3520] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 18, 48, 82.

[3521] Cf, Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 898, 899, 950); Fr Peter Paul Borda (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 165, 166); Joseph Brincat (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 629, 630, 636, 638 [bis]; Sr Marie De Piro (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 315 [bis], 341); Sr Pauline Formosa (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 659, 662); Fr Ugolino Gatt OSA (Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 42, 44); Catherine Giordmaina (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 583, 584 [bis]; Anthony Scerri (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 651 [3 times]); Saviour Schembri (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 355 [bis], 375); Br Paul Spiteri OSA (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 59, 70, 83); Victor Tedesco (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 757, 764 [3 times], 788; Michael Vella Haber (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 247 [4 times]); Paul Xuereb (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 823, 828, 835).

[3522] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 155. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 165, 197, 511, 583, 595, 788, 848, 954, 1058.

[3523] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 954.

[3524] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 211.

[3525] Cf pp.530 - 534  of this thesis.

[3526] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 275.

[3527] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 312, 522, 572, 625, 801, 1098.

[3528] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 312, 522, 572, 801, 1098, 1107.

[3529] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 312, 445, 522, 625, 801, 1047, 1098, 1107.

[3530] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 522, 625, 801, 1047, 1098, 1107.

[3531] Cf ibid, p. 801.

[3532] Cf ibid, p. 625.

[3533] Cf ibid, p. 801.

[3534] Cf ibid, p. 1107.

[3535] Cf ibid, pp. 313, 574, 1085, 1098, 1099, 1100, 1107, 1123.

[3536] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 445, 590, 625, 801, 944.

[3537] Cf ibid, pp. 386-387, 489, 550-551, 662.

[3538] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 526.

[3539] Cf ibid, pp. 275.

[3540] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 158; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 59, 284, 299, 334, 337, 527 (bis), 662, 1041-1042, 1042-1043, 1085 (bis).

[3541] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 239, 243, 247 (bis), 253, 256 (bis), 284, 346; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 59, 214, 219, 249-250, 316.

[3542] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 287, 299 (bis), 433. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 59, 255, 358, 662, 756, 834, 857, 1041-1042, 1042-1043, 1074, 1093, 1137.

[3543] The rooms at Fra Diegu and St Joseph’s, Malta could have been perhaps adequate for living, but the one at St Joseph’s, Gozo, was undoubtedly not. Had it been good, the Servant of God would not have had such a tragedy in it.

[3544] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 916, 1007, 1065, 1091, 1125, 1130.

[3545] Cf ibd, p. 275.

[3546] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 25, 159, 194. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 276, 294, 318, 322, 325, 333, 445, 498, 526, 556, 575, 576, 581 (bis), 642, 659, 959, 998 (bis), 1043, 1061, 1106.

[3547] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 517, 581, 1098.

[3548] Cf ibid, pp. 273, 550, 662.

[3549] Cf ibid, p. 1119. Cf also ibid, pp. 961, 987.

[3550] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 283, 295. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 57, 536, 738 (bis), 812, 836. The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 39 (bis), 56.

[3551] Cf p. 112 of this thesis.

[3552] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 14, 28, 43, 69, 118 (3 times), 142, 148, 167, 275 (bis). The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 61, 607, 746, 922.

[3553] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 424. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1119. In the Society’s communities food could not be that rich and healthy. The cook was always some one of the members themselves and these were many a times inexperienced. They learnt to cook only in the community itself (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1124).

[3554] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 14, 15, 168 (three times), 237, 247, 206. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 286, 415, 993, 1005, 1023. The Gozo Testimonies, p. 56.

[3555] Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 425. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 58, 239, 249, 616, 836, 857.

[3556] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 194; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 20, 294, 386.

[3557] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 294. Cf also pp. 20, 294, 386.

[3558] Cf ibid, pp. 20, 109, 178 (bis), 207, 262, 294, 360, 449, 868.

[3559] Ibid, p. 315.

[3560] Ibid, p. 532.

[3561] Ibid, p. 651.

[3562] Ibid, p. 901.

[3563] Cf ibid, p. 799.

[3564] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 276, 317.

[3565] Cf ibid, p. 426.

[3566] Cf ibid, pp. 515, 1097.

[3567] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, pp. 1-81.

[3568] Cf ibid, pp. 1-81. Cf also Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1106.

[3569] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3570] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3571] This information was given to Fr Al. Bonnici OfmConv., the biographer of De Piro, by Fr John Briffa Brincati (Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 89- 95).

[3572] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1016-1017.

[3573] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 968, 987, 1057 1062.

[3574] John Vella, together with Joseph Caruana, joined the Society on the very first day of the Society, 30 June 1910.

[3575] He was ordained priest on 20 September 1919 (Cf Dpa, Personal files, n. 2)

[3576] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1020-1021.

[3577] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 13, 14, 42, 54, 84, 103. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 73, 180, 297, 298-299. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 18, 23, 25, 246. Cf also p. 134 of this thesis.

[3578] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256. Cf also pp. 134 of this thesis.

[3579] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256. Cf also p. 134 of this thesis.

[3580] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 171, 174, 180, 236, 294, 296, 298 . The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 9, 17, 18, 19, 147, 152, 160, 163, 238, 244, 245, 1013.  Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, pp. 17, 70, 71, 72. Cf also p. 134 of this thesis.

[3581] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1093, 1125, 1111.

[3582] Cf ibid, p. 207.

[3583] Cf Dpa, Personal files. Cf also Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo.

[3584] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, pp. 14, 15

[3585] Cf Dpa, Dekan, pp. 3, 4. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 20.

[3586] Cf  Appendix 4 (Cf pp. 535 - 536).

[3587] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2, n. 12.

[3588] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 64-72.

[3589] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 20.

[3590] Cf p. 19 of this thesis.

[3591] Cf DPA, Djarju, p. 3.

[3592] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3593] Cf DPA, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3594] DPA, Istitut Gesu` Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[3595] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 9a.

[3596] Cf ibid.

[3597] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 8.

[3598] Cf ibid , p. 9c.

[3599] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejt fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 7-8.

[3600] Cf ibid.

[3601] Cf Dpa, Dekan, pp. 3, 4, 5. Cf also A declaration made by Fr John Briffa Brincati to Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv., the biographer of the Servant of God (Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro.  Translated by M. De Piro Nelson, pp. 88-95).

[3602] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, Malta 1923, pp. 5-6. Cf also pp. 43-44 of this thesis.

[3603] Cf pp. 44 of this thesis.

[3604] Cf ibid.

[3605] Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[3606] Ibid, p. 2.

[3607] Ibid.

[3608] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4, n. 1.

[3609] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 3-9, 11-12.

[3610] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[3611] Cf ibid.

[3612] Cf ibid.

[3613] Cf ibid.

[3614] Cf ibid., p. 5.

[3615] Ibid, p. 6.

[3616] Ibid., pp. 1, 2, 7.

[3617] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 84.

[3618] Cf ibid. Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1933, p. 407.

[3619] Cf Dpa, Acquisto siti attigui a Sant’Agata – Rabat, pp. 2-34

[3620] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1933, pp. 407-420.

[3621] Verse 1.

[3622] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 168a.

[3623] Ibid.

[3624] Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[3625] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1924, p. 93. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 46.

[3626] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 2, art. 3.

[3627] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 421.

[3628] Cf ibid, p. 573.

[3629] Cf ibid, pp. 63, 72.

[3630] Cf ibid, p. 186.

[3631] Cf ibid, p. 894.

[3632] Cf ibid, p. 324.

[3633] Cf ibid, p. 536.

[3634] Cf ibid, p. 553.

[3635] Cf ibid, p. 551.

[3636] Cf ibid, p. 1037.

[3637] Cf ibid, p. 972.

[3638] Cf ibid, pp. 330, 531, 552.

[3639] Cf ibid, p. 556.

[3640] Cf ibid, p. 446.

[3641] Cf ibid, p. 526.

[3642] Cf ibid, p. 1085.

[3643] Cf ibid, p. 1057.

[3644] Cf ibid, p. 536.

[3645] Cf ibid, p. 551.

[3646] Cf ibid, p. 543.

[3647] Cf ibid, p. 573.

[3648] Cf ibid, p. 59.

[3649] Cf ibid, pp. 253, 817, 856, 1007, 904, 950.

[3650] Cf ibid, p. 1000.

[3651] Cf ibid, p. 1041.

[3652] Cf ibid, p. 801.

[3653] Cf ibid, p. 418.

[3654] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[3655] Ibid, p. 3.

[3656] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4.

[3657] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[3658] Cf ibid, pp. 9-11.

[3659] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3660] Cf ibid.

[3661] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a

[3662] Cf ibid, p. 68e.

[3663] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[3664] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 9c.

[3665] Cf ibid, pp. 12ff.

[3666] Cf ibid, pp. 13-20.

[3667] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio el Padre Preposto della Compagnia di san Paolo, pp. 24b-28a.

[3668] Ibid, p. 24b.

[3669] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4, n.2.

[3670] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[3671] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4. Cf also p. 342 of this thesis.

[3672] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 4. Cf also p. 342 of this thesis.

[3673] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 4-9, 11-12.

[3674]Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7. Cf also p. 265 of this thesis.

[3675] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 8.

[3676] Cf ibid, pp. 8-9, 11.

[3677] Ibid, p. 11.

[3678] Cf Dpa, Personal files, nos 1, 2. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 6.

[3679] Dpa, Djarju, p. 6

[3680] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 10.

[3681] Cf CIC (1917) 580, 582, 594. Cf also S. Woywod, A Practical Commentary on the Code of Canon Law, New York 1932, vol. I, n. 504. 

[3682] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, p. 54.

[3683] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 13-15.

[3684] Ibid, p. 14.

[3685] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, pp. 9-10, art. 10.

[3686] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1078.

[3687] Ibid, p. 919.

[3688] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-direttur spiritwali u mid-direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[3689] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 7-9.

[3690] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975.

[3691] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 36, 69, 75.

[3692] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 2-10; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 123-143, 169-198, 1003-1006, 1023-1032, 1043-1046, 1051-1061, 1142-1146.

[3693] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 22-33; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 199-235, 911-947, 1078-1082.

[3694] Cf S. Muscat, Xi Haga mill-Kronaka tal-Kumpanija. Unpublished manuscript, MSSP 1975, p. 57; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 56-101; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 19; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 114-121, 242-244, 246-248, 252-254, 255-259; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 449, 453-454, 1062; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3-5, 14, 27, 32, 52, 54, 57, 59.

[3695] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9.

[3696] Cf ibid, pp. 19-27.

[3697] Cf ibid, pp. 28-37.

[3698] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 72-80. Cf also pp. 44 of this thesis.

[3699] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115.

[3700] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 9-14.

[3701] Cf pp. 210 of this thesis.

[3702] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115, 189; A. Scicluna Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno 1919.  Una pagina storica della lotta Nazionale di Malta, Malta 1930,  p. 2.   

[3703] Cf pp. 241-246 of this thesis.

[3704] Cf p. 240 of this thesis.

[3705] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[3706] Cf Ph. Xuereb, L-Oratorju u Lilhinn Minnu. Unpublished Manuscript, VIII, pp. 4-10.

[3707] Cf pp. 258-259 of this thesis.

[3708] Cf Appendix 5 (pp. of this thesis).

[3709] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 24a, 26, 44-45, 46, 61-66; pp. 260-262 of this thesis.

[3710] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[3711] Cf ibid, pp. 3-9, 11-12. Cf also Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537 - 543

[3712] Cf pp. 304-307 of this thesis.

[3713] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1995 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 20-21.

[3714] Cf ibid, pp. 40-41.

[3715] Cf ibid, pp. 53-55.

[3716] Cf ibid, p. 63.

[3717] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 14, 118-119, 253, 257, 275-276, , 282-283; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 462; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 34, 39, 56.

[3718]Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 119, 243, 253; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1027; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 36, 39, 58.

[3719] Cf AAM, Suppliche, 1925, p. 47; Anon, Il-Hajja fil-qosor tas-sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi, Fundatrici tal-Istitut ta’ Gesù Nazzarenu, Malta 1963, p. 37; Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu- San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 39-40, 45, 50,51, 53, 54, 55, 59; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[3720] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 794, 795; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 12.

[3721] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276, 282-283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 224.

[3722] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 276; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 40.

[3723] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 795, 1044, 1053, 1055, 1057, 1078.

[3724] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposito della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 28a; Dpa Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 57; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6, 14, 115, 256, 257, 275, 276, 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 32, 68, 75, 91, 463-464, 467-464, 794-795, 922; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 257.

[3725] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451.

[3726] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24-28a. 

[3727] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 29, 38; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6, 12, 28, 240, 243, 247, 253, 257; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 443, 450-451a, 922; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 8, 9, 10, 11, 41, 42, 59, 60, 61.

518 Cf The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118, 244, 247, 253, 258; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 451a, 454, 1026; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 14, 32, 46; Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp (1928-2003), Gozo 2003, p. 36.

[3729] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 28a; Dpa, Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 56-101; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 68, 75, 91, 1024.

[3730] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 784.

[3731] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5, 115, 247; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1024, 1056; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[3732] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6, 115,  274; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 7, 34.

523 Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5-6, 114, 274; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 466, 784; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 38.

524 Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1003, 1023, 1025, 1026, 1044, 1056, 1060.

[3735] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 34, 38, 40, 62.

[3736] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6-7, 28, 116-118, 257, 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 210, 469, 471-472, 746, 780, 921; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 8, 34, 43. 

[3737] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 479.

[3738] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 28a; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 256, 276-277, 284; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 68, 75, 91, 443; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 17, 41-42.

[3739] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 276-277, 284; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 17, 27.

[3740] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[3741] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1055; Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 63, 116, 118.

[3742]Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[3743] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 16, 25, 43, 45, 50, 55, 56, 60, 61, 99, 105, 107.

[3744] Cf Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 4.

[3745] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 8. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1031-1032.

[3746] Cf DPS3, 21 February 1932, pp. 495-496.

[3747] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 1, 2, 4, 10, 11, 12, 13.

[3748] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993. Cf also p. 197 of this thesis.

[3749] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, p. 109. Cf also p. 198 of this thesis.

[3750] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 12.

[3751] Cf Dpa, Monsinjur u Dekan, p. 32a, nos. 6-7.

[3752] Cf Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1; Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 81, 83, 85, 89, 92, 93, 95, 97, 98, 103, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 114, 119, 121, 122.

[3753] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 12, 13, 323; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 993, 1010, 1040, 1055, 1063. Cf also pp. 188-194 of this thesis

[3754] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 13.

 

[3755] Cf ibid, pp. 15-16, n. 7; p. 18, nos. 19, 20; p. 19, nos. 23, 25.

[3756] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, pp. 52, 56.

[3757] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 17, 70, 71, 72.

[3758] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 22.

[3759] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, p. 18.

[3760] Cf ibid, pp. 18-19; Konferenzi lin-Novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 6-12.

[3761] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 3, 15, 18; Fascicolo II, pp. 10-11, 22; Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, pp. 8-9.   

[3762] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , pp. 10b, 12b, 13a, 13b, 18a; MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 6, 13.

[3763] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. v, 11, 12, 18; Fascicolo II, pp. 3, 13, 22; Fascicolo III, p. 69. J. DE Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 240, 249-250; 1931, pp. 318, 332-333; 1932, pp. 356, 374, 375, 392; 1933, p. 423.

[3764] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[3765] Cf ibid.

[3766] Cf Archivum Provinciale S. Augustini, Vallettae (APSAV). Acta Provincialia. 2 Nov. 1923, p. 324. L.C. Registro per le circolari, ubbidienze, testimoniali, dimissoriali, brevi celbratorie, 1901-1940, pp. 346-347.

[3767] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, pp. 53, 57-58.

[3768] Cf ibid. Fascicolo I, pp. 3, 11; Fascicolo II, pp. 3-11. The vow of missions is the fourth vow professed by the members of the Society. Cf also Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1931. pp. 10-11, 12.

[3769] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 10-11, 16-18; Dpa, Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, 1929-1930, pp. 61-62.

[3770] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 5-10, 54, 55-56; Fascicolo III. pp. 20-23, 32-34, 50-52, 56-58. Konferenzi lin-novizzi,: 1929-1930, pp. 54-61.

[3771] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 7- 8. Fascicolo II, pp. 3-5, 21-22. Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, pp. 48 –54, 64.

[3772] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 15-16. Fascicolo II. p. 5. Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, p. 54. J. DE Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institue of the Missions, 1922, p. 22. Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 69, 75; vol. IV, Mxxellanea, pp. 7-9. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 71, 75, 277, 295. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 9, 13, 146, 147, 148, 150, 155, 256, 1031.

[3773] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 15-23. Fascicolo II, pp. 11-12.

[3774] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 46a. Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 26-27. Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, pp. 32-33.

[3775] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 175. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 244, 249.

[3776] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 235, 237. Dp, The 1988-1990 Testimonies, pp. 1013, 1015.

[3777] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 69, 70, 171, 176, 236, 286, 287, 294. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 14, 16, 18, 19, 145, 148, 149, 151, 162, 164, 165, 238, 241, 244, 250, 252, 1007, 1008, 1011.

It was especially the members of his Society who called him by the title of “Padre” (Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 37, 69, 71, 72, 74, 75, 173, 175, 176, 181, 214, 276, 277, 278. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 27, 261 356, 977, 978, 979, 980, 981, 1011, 1022, 1064, 1093, 1094, 1124, 1129, 1130. Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 74.

Cf also Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II. pp. 15-16, 16-18, 19-20, 20-21, 22-24. Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, pp. 1, 2, 5, 6, 12-17, 18-20, 30, 31.

[3778] Cf ibid.

[3779] Cf  Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537 -543).

[3780] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1926, p. 152.

[3781] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1928, p. 207; 1931, p. 332; 1933, p. 436.

[3782] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 207.

[3783] Cf ibid, 1926, p. 151, 152.

[3784] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1929, p. 249; 1030, p. 288; 1933, p. 436.

[3785] Cf ibid, 1925, p. 129; 1933, p. 436.

[3786] Cf ibid, 1929, p. 236.

[3787] Ibid, 1928, p. 193; 1929, p. 236.

[3788] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1925, p. 129; 1926, pp. 151, 152; 1927, p. 183; 1928, pp. 197, 199, 207; 1929, p. 249; 1930, p. 288; 1931, p. 332; 1933, p. 436. Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 16. Cf also e. g. J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 193; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1013.

 

 

 

[3789] Cf A. Grillmeier, Christology, in Sacramentum Mundi, vol. 3, London 1969, p. 188.

[3790] Cf AA.VV., Gesu` Cristo, Rome 1981, p. 215.

[3791] Cf E. Kant and his moral conscience, G. Lessing and his universal religion, Schleiermacher and his religious sentiment and Feuerbach and Strauss with their absolutisation of the human being (Cf A. Giliberto, La Comprensione di Gesu` Cristo nella Teologia Contemporanea, in AA.VV., Gesu` Cristo, p. 215.

[3792] A. Loisy could be considered as the pioneer of this movement. Cf. Ph. Caraman, University of the Nations: the story of the Gregorian University of Rome from 1551 to Vatican II, New York 1981, p. 112.

[3793] Cf Tyrrel

[3794] When Pius X made his denounciation of the Modernists in his encyclical Pascendi Gregis (1907), not only were Billot’s ideas included, but many excerpts from his works could be recognised in its phrasing (Cf Ph. Caraman, University of the Nations, p. 113. Also J. Galot, Billot Louis, in New Catholic Encyclopedia, Washington 1967, vol., 2, p. 558).

[3795]  Cf. M. Guasco, Romolo Murri, in Mysterium Salutis, vol. 12, Brescia 1978, p. 109. Leo XIII himself had called Billot from the Jesuit theologate in Jersey to promote Thomist studies in Rome (Cf Ph. Caraman, University of the Nations, p. 109).

[3796] Cf F. C. Coppleston, Billot Louis, in A Catholic Dictionary of Theology, Edinburgh 1962, vol 1,  p. 270.

[3797] Rome 1892.

[3798] Cf ibid.

[3799] Cf Catalogus Professorum et Alumnorum Pont. U. Greg. vol. MCM-MCMI, p.19; cf. also P. Pirri, L’Universita` Gregoriana del Collegio Romano nel Primo secolo dalla Restaurazione, Rome 1930, p. 133.

[3800] Cf Secretarial Archives of the Gregorian University, Rome (Vol 1, p.228; Reg. 3775, 1901; Catalogus Professorum et Alumnorum Pont. U. Greg. vol. MCM-MCMI, p.19).

[3801] Cf DPA, Capranica. I had access to only the 6th edition of Billot’s De Verbo Incarnato (Rome 1922).  De Piro’s notes follow precisely the same order of the theses found in Billot’s textbook.

[3802] Cf Chapter One of this thesis.

[3803] Cf Chapter Two of this thesis.

[3804] Cf Chapter Three of this thesis.

[3805] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 954.

[3806] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 214. 

[3807] Cf The Gozo Testimonies, p. 82.

[3808] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1095.

[3809] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 898, 899, 950.

[3810] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 629.

[3811] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 630.

[3812] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 636.

[3813] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 165.

[3814] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 166.

[3815] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 744, 848.

[3816] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 219. 

[3817] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 221. 

[3818] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesrtimonies, p. 507.

[3819] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 247.

[3820] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 207.

[3821] Cf ibid.

[3822] Cf ibid.

[3823] Cf ibid.

[3824] Cf ibid.

[3825] Cf The Gozo Testimonies, p. 18.

[3826] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 422. 

[3827] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 423.  The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 616. 

[3828] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 612.

[3829] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 415.

[3830] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 315.

[3831] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 323.

[3832] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 341.

[3833] Cf The 1987Testimonies, pp. 148, 168 (3 times).

[3834] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 163.  The 1988-192 Testimonies, p. 662.

[3835] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 187.

[3836] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 386.

[3837] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 387.

[3838] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 299.

[3839] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 351.

[3840] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 18.

[3841] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 42.

[3842] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 44.

[3843] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 583, 584.

[3844] Cf The 1987 Testimonies pp. 150, 155. 

[3845] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 148.

[3846] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 276.

[3847] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 287.

[3848] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 293.

[3849] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 197. 

[3850] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 140.

[3851] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 411. 

[3852] Cf The Goao Testimonies, p. 48.

[3853] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 311.

[3854] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 651.

[3855] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 651, 1113.

[3856] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 651.

[3857] Cf ibid.

[3858] Cf ibid.

[3859] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1101.

[3860] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 355.

[3861] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 375.

[3862] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 250.

[3863] Crf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 211.

[3864] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 58.

[3865] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 59.

[3866] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 70.

[3867] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 83.

 

[3868] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 757.

[3869] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p.  764.

[3870] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 788.

[3871] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 42, 44,

[3872] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983.

[3873] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 315.

[3874] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 878.

[3875] Cf ibid.

[3876] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1005.

[3877] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1006.

[3878] Cf ibid.

[3879] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 883.

[3880] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 240, 250.

[3881] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 247.

[3882] Cf ibid.

[3883] Cf ibid.

[3884] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 15. 

[3885] Cf ibid, pp. 14, 15.  The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[3886] Cf ibid, p. 823.

[3887] Cf ibid, p.  835.

[3888] Cf ibid, p. 857.

[3889] Cf ibid, p.  835.

[3890] Cf ibid, p. 1058.

[3891] Cf ibid, p. 1023.

[3892] Cf ibid, p. 1108.

 

[3893] MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p5.

[3894] Ibid.

[3895] Ibid, p9.

[3896] Ibid,  p13.

[3897] Ibid,  p15.

[3898] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[3899] MSSP at the Time of the Founder,  p22.

[3900] Ibid, p25.

[3901] Ibid, p48.

[3902] MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p29.

[3903] Ibid, p30.

[3904] Ibid, p29.

 

 

 

[3905] Ibid, p31.

[3906] Ibid, p31.

[3907] Ibid, p33.

[3908] Ibid, p 37.

[3909] Ibid, p 38.

[3910] Cf pp. 261-262 of this thesis

[3911] Cf Ibid.

[3912] MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p.46.

[3913] Ibid, p.84.

[3914] Ibid, p.95-96.

[3915] Cf Ibid, pp.110, 111.

[3916] Ibid, p.103.

[3917] Ibid, p.105.

[3918] Ibid, p.110.

[3919] Ibid, p.111.

[3920] Ibid, p.112.

[3921] Ibid, p.116.

[3922] Ibid, p.118.

[3923] Ibid, p.120.

[3924] Ibid, p.122.

[3925] Ibid, p.121.

[3926] Cf Ibid, p.123.

[3927] Ibid, p.124.

[3928] Ibid, p.125.

[3929] Ibid, p.126.

[3930] Ibid, p.129.

[3931] Ibid.

[3932] dpa, Scritti di Mgr G De Piro, vol I, p.1.

[3933] DPA, Djarju, pp. 5-6.

[3934] DPA, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 6.

[3935] Ibid, p. 25.

[3936] Ibid, pp. 84 - 85.

[3937] Ibid, p. 125.

[3938] Ibid, p. 126.

[3939] Ibid, p. 129.  Cf DPA, Regole della Compagnia di San Paolo, in Scritti di Mons G. De Piro, n. 1, , p. 102.

[3940] Ibid, pp. 132a – 132b.

[3941] Ibid, p. 132c.

[3942] Ibid, pp. 132d -132e.

[3943] Ibid, p. 132f.

[3944] Ibid, p. 141.

[3945] Cf DPA, Regole della Compagnia di San Paolo, in Scritti di Mons G. De Piro, n. 2, p. 79.

[3946] DPA, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 142.

[3947] Cf Ibid, p. 14.

[3948] Ibid, pp. 167- 168.

[3949] Ibid, p. 168.

 

 

 

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